Ethno-religious Minorities Research Articles

Ethno-religious neighbourhood infrastructures and the life satisfaction of immigrants and their descendants in Germany

Urban research assigns immigrant enclaves an ambiguous role. While such areas are seen as rich in beneficial ethno-religious infrastructures and networks, they also tend to be located in deprived and stigmatised inner-city neighbourhoods. Research on neighbourhood attainment provides evidence for both, a desire to attain mainstream middle-class neighbourhoods, which grows the more immigrants and their descendants establish themselves in society, but also a continuing attraction of residing close to co-ethnics. To tease apart this ambiguity, we study how the life satisfaction of immigrants and their descendants depends on the characteristics of the neighbourhood they live in, and pay special attention to heterogeneity along generation, country of origin orientation and income. We use classic measures of neighbourhood quality vis-à-vis newly collected data on the spatial density of ethno-religious minority associations, places of worship and grocers. We link these data to the geocoded German Socio-Economic Panel to predict life satisfaction among immigrants and their descendants. To strengthen a causal interpretation of our results, we employ specifications that address self-selection into neighbourhoods and unobserved confounding. Contra the assumptions of standard assimilation models, we document that ethno-religious infrastructures contribute to increased life satisfaction primarily among the second generation, and there especially among sending-country oriented individuals. This suggests a continuing importance of origin-culture infrastructures for some groups. Furthermore, we find little evidence that overall neighbourhood quality, or the mere share of co-ethnics in a neighbourhood, increases life satisfaction either among immigrants or their descendants.

Explaining intentional cultural destruction in the Syrian Civil War

Why, when, and where do participants in civil wars engage in intentional cultural destruction (ICD)? Focusing on the case of ISIS in Syria, our article examines how ideological and strategic considerations intersect to shape ICD campaigns. We propose that ideologically motivated combatants rely on ICD as a form of collective violence aimed at reinforcing territorial control, and hypothesize that ICD events are most likely in areas where a group is actively contesting territory. Using an original dataset that combines data on ICD events in Syria with measures of combatant control, we conduct a quantitative analysis of the main factors contributing to the incidence of ISIS-inflicted ICD across Syria’s governorates and over time. We rely on panel regressions to assess the importance of territorial control relative to other prominent factors contributing to ICD, such as the presence of internationally recognized cultural sites and the share of ethno-religious minorities. We find that the dynamics of combatant control play a central role in accounting for the distribution of ISIS-inflicted ICD events in Syria.

The changing dynamics of the political economy in South and Southeast Asia and their impact on the security of ethno-religious minorities: a case study of Bangladesh and Myanmar

The changing dynamics of the political economy in South and Southeast Asia and their impact on the security of ethno-religious minorities: a case study of Bangladesh and Myanmar

The changing dynamics of the political economy in South and Southeast Asia and their impact on the security of ethno-religious minorities: a case study of Bangladesh and Myanmar

The changing dynamics of the political economy in South and Southeast Asia and their impact on the security of ethno-religious minorities: a case study of Bangladesh and Myanmar

ROHINGYA REFUGEES IN INDONESIA: THE DYNAMICS OF STATELESSNESS AND THE VIEWS OF LOCAL PEOPLE

Rohingya refugees who are experiencing a crisis due to the genocide in Myanmar have attracted international attention. The existence of the Rohinghya as an ethno-religious minority group was officially discriminated against which led to forced expulsion by the Myanmar government in 1982 with the issuance of the citizenship law which stated that Rohingya citizenship was denied or not recognized as one of the official ethnicities in Myanmar. So, the Rohingya were forced to flee their country to other countries, including Indonesia. This paper aims to determine the dynamics of Rohingya Muslims while in Indonesia. Using qualitative research methods by conducting observations, interviews and data analysis. The results of this study indicate that the Rohingya ethnicity in Indonesia as stateless (without citizenship) undergoes a process of acculturation, marriage with local Indonesian citizens (WNI), and developing survival strategies because some have lived in Indonesia for more than eight years. In conclusion, the Rohingya ethnicity while in Indonesia experienced conditions of uncertainty in their lives because they did not have citizenship status and hoped to be sent to a third country by UNHCR. Indonesian people accept Rohingya Muslims to stay in Indonesia temporarily because there is a common Islamic identity and in the name of humanity.

The Struggle of Ethno-Religious Minorities in Iraq: The case of Kaka'is

Kakaism, a minority religion primarily found in Kurdish regions of western Iran, and eastern and northern Iraq, is a case of ethno-religious struggle. Kaka’is practice is an ancient faith, deeply rooted in the Metric religion, which can be traced back to 5,000 years B.C.E. Followers of the faith have been exposed to violence, armed conflicts, and atrocities, and deprivation from the four pillars of the minority rights: the right to exist, the right to non-discrimination, the right to protection of identity, and the right to civic participation. Although the focus of this paper is on the struggle of Kaka’is in Iraq, the comments and conclusions might be relevant for similar contexts in which ethno-religious minorities are oppressed.

MOLOKAN RELIGIOUS COMMUNITY IN MODERN ARMENIA

The religious group of the Russian Molokans (along with the Dukhobors and Subbotniks) was exiled from Russia to Transcaucasia in the 19th century and today constitutes an insignificant but noticeable minority in mono-ethnic Armenia. These “cultists” found themselves in an ambiguous position in Transcaucasia. On the one hand, they served the Russian Empire, on the other – they were considered heretics and enemies of the Russian statehood. The Molokan religion is neither homogenous nor a static phenomenon; it is a collective term, which can be associated with both groups and single individuals. The article is based on the author’s field material, collected during the expedition to the Molokans in Armenia in 2018-2019. The study aims to reveal how such an isolated, static, inflexible religious community deals with the challenges of the modern world in a democratic state. Strict norms, an abundance of prohibitions and isolation were well maintained in the era of persecution, but how much is it possible to preserve them in today’s Armenia? The main subject of the paper is the interaction of ethno-religious minorities with the secular world. The boundaries between the secular and the religious are conditional, and are meaningful, first of all, for the believers themselves. Today they quite easily maintain their religiosity in a society where the majority follows the national religion – the Armenian Apostolic Church. When describing themselves, the Molokans turn to enumerate prohibitions that are important today but are no longer observed with such care as before, especially among the younger generation. The main fears of the elders are related to the risks of “mixing” and losing their religious identity. Living in a foreign ethnic environment gives you more opportunities to preserve your own customs and not giving up on religion.

Ethnoreligious Conflict and Populism: Emotive Political Response in the Rohingya Conflict

The rise of populism in the twenty-first century has been marked by the use of religion and national identity as emotive mobilizing forces to increase in-group solidarity and demarcate the notional boundaries of communities. The process often leads to the exclusion of vulnerable ethnoreligious minorities and to increased violence against them. This article analyses the role of fear as a principal emotion in the context of ethnoreligious conflict with reference to the Rohingya conflict in Myanmar. The article is divided in three parts. Part one explores notions of collective fear with reference to religious and ethnic conflict. Part two illustrates how collective existential fear has fuelled populist religious infused responses to the Rohignya conflict leading to the latest mass exodus of 2017. The final part considers whether fear can be an instrument of construction rather than destruction, to help build bridges than destroy, to connect people than isolate them.

Women and protest politics in Pakistan

ABSTRACT This article draws on qualitative research on five different gendered contentions in Pakistan: a feminist mobilisation, a protest against child sexual abuse, a workers’ mobilisation for greater employment benefits, an ethno-religious minority community’s demand for protection from sectarian attacks, and an ethno-nationalist mobilisation for post-conflict security and greater rights. All our cases of contention are based on claims the state has repeatedly failed to address. The article asks how fragility and conflict shape contentious politics and create opportunities for women’s social and political action. Why do women act collectively and engage in protests and what are their leadership strategies? What do these strategies tell us about the goals of these contentions and the women who lead them? We argue protests function as part of a broader repertoire of strategies to maximise women’s voice and impact in a constrained context. Protest strategies are complemented by advocacy with government, court petitions, engagement with formal politics, and alliance with feminist leaders. Some women leaders strategically traverse the divide between contentious and formal politics, and use their feminist voices to amplifying protest claims and mobilise support. Leaders generate support for each other’s contentions, believing their goals are linked. The positive impacts include the enhanced effectiveness of some protest leaders, improvements in state accountability, widening of feminist discourse, and activists’ empowerment as actors in the public domain. Gains remain uncertain in the long term due to shrinking civic spaces, gendered barriers to political inclusion, and increasing backlash.

The Paradoxes of “Vernacularised” Liberalism in Southeast Asia

ABSTRACT In response to “indigenous” justifications of illiberalism (e.g., “Asian values”) and the cronyism of electoral authoritarian regimes in Southeast Asia, some pro-democracy activists constructed a “vernacularised” liberal discourse that framed demands for human rights and “good governance” in religious-communalist terms. This countered charges that activists were overly Westernised and supported their calls for ethical rule. Yet, after authoritarian rule gave way to democratic transition, liberals often turned against elected governments or were reluctant to challenge extremists who targeted ethno-religious minorities. In analysing these paradoxes, this article uses a contextualist rather than a stipulative, benchmarking approach that ignores contradictions in Western liberalism. Anti-majoritarianism in the Philippines and Thailand was driven by the fear that corrupt populists threatened religious-communalist values, with liberals ultimately turning against democracy. Another paradox is that in Indonesia, Malaysia and Myanmar liberals first used culturalist arguments to justify upholding civil liberties, but later became reluctant to criticise exclusivist forms of ethno-nationalism that endangered human rights. In the face of democratic backsliding in Southeast Asia, liberalism is being reconfigured, for instance through resistance by a middle-class youth movement against military-monarchical rule in Thailand, through multi-ethnic resistance to the 2021 coup in Myanmar, and by traditionalist Islamic groups in Indonesia.

In-Group Bias or Out-Group Reluctance? The Interplay of Gender and Religion in Creating Religious Friendship Segregation among Muslim Youth

Abstract Even in diverse schools that provide opportunities for interreligious friendships, Muslim youth disproportionally tend to be friends with Muslims rather than non-Muslims. Echoing broader debates about minorities’ self-segregation versus exclusion by majority group members, a key question is whether religious friendship segregation arises because of Muslims’ in-group bias or because of non-Muslims’ reluctance to befriend them. We suggest that the answer differs for Muslim boys and girls. Building on research on interreligious romantic relations and accounts of the lives of young Muslims and other ethno-religious minorities in Western societies, we propose that religious in-group bias is stronger for Muslim girls than for Muslim boys. Conversely, we expect non-Muslim youth to be more open to befriend Muslim girls than Muslim boys. Applying stochastic actor-oriented models of network dynamics to large-scale longitudinal data of friendship networks in German schools, we find that Muslim girls indeed have a strong in-group bias, whereas non-Muslim youth are not reluctant to be friends with them. Muslim boys, by contrast, have a much weaker in-group bias, but non-Muslim youth are less willing to be friends with them rather than with non-Muslims. A simulation analysis demonstrates that these gendered individual-level processes result in comparable aggregate patterns of friendship segregation among Muslim boys and girls. Religious friendship segregation thus arises because Muslim girls tend to self-segregate and non-Muslim youth are less willing to befriend Muslim boys although the latter are open to interreligious friendships. This gendered friendship-making behavior has implications for the larger question of minority social integration.

Patterns of exclusion of ethno-religious minorities: The ethno-religious hierarchy across European countries and social categories within these countries

In this contribution, we set out to rigorously test previous theoretical propositions that people tend to have consensual and cumulative rankings of exclusion of ethnic and religious outgroups, often referred to as ‘ethnic hierarchies’ constituting a shared and particular pattern of ranking different outgroups, preferably excluded from possible social interaction. Crucial questions are (1) to what extent are European natives’ levels of exclusion of Muslim, Jewish and Gypsy minority groups consensually and, moreover, hierarchically ranked? (2) to what extent is this pattern of exclusion comparable across representative samples of European countries and (3) to what extent is it comparable across relevant social categories within these countries? We take advantage of high quality cross-national European data asking representative samples of respondents whether they would not allow particular ethno-religious groups into their country, analyzed with probabilistic scalogram analysis. We found convincingly strong empirical evidence for the consensual and cumulative ranking of exclusion of typical ethno-religious outgroups: most Europeans wish to allow no Gypsies to come into their country, followed by Muslims and finally Jews as the least excluded ethno-religious outgroup. This rank order of outgroups’ exclusionism was found in 18 out of 20 different European countries. Notwithstanding differences in the level of exclusion across countries, citizens within these countries rank order these ethno-religious groups in a similar, comparable and cumulative way. Moreover, we presented evidence that this cumulative rank order is present within many different social categories within these countries. Our contribution may be one of the first to rigorously test heavily cited theoretical propositions on social and polemic representations.

Open “Secrets” and Uncomfortable Truths: Druze, Jews and Israel’s New Nationality Law

Of all the ethno-religious minorities pained by the passage of Israel’s “nation-state” Basic Law of July 2018, none have expressed as much hurt as the Druze citizens of the Jewish state.1 Colloquia...

Minoranze etnico-religiose in tempi di Covid-19: la Cina e la minoranza uigura, tra violazioni dei diritti umani e (mancata) tutela del diritto alla salute

SOMMARIO: 1. Introduzione - 2. Il caso della minoranza uigura come caso studio, tra identita etnico-religiosa, violazioni dei diritti umani e misure di contrasto all’epidemia di Covid-19 - 3. (segue) in particolare, il problema dei campi d’internamento nello Xinjiang e l’epidemia di Covid-19 - 4. Il contrasto tra le norme internazionali sui diritti umani e le misure adottate nei confronti della minoranza uigura: in particolare, il problema dei campi d’internamento - 5. Il contrasto tra le norme internazionali in materia di diritto alla salute e lotta alle pandemie e le misure adottate nello Xinjiang in tempi di Covid-19 - 6. Conclusioni. Ethnic-religious minorities in times of Covid-19: China and the Uighur minority, between violations of human rights and violations of the right to health ABSTRACT: The recent outbreak of Covid-19 that originated in China, has brought the matter of state sponsored persecution of the Uighur minority in Xinjiang to the attention of the international community. The problem of discrimination and persecution of such ethno-religious minority is not new. However, the spread of epidemic, has represented an opportunity for the Chinese national authorities to tighten the measures which have long been adopted against the Uighur minority. This paper aims at highlighting the great impact Covid-19 has had on the repression of Uighur minority since it has led to a dramatic escalation of the systematic violation of human rights which includes not only mass detention in internment camps but also the violation of other fundamental human rights such as the right to health and to access healthcare

Конфессиональные «параллельные» общества в контексте иммиграционной политики Скандинавских стран

The article analyzes potential and real threats to the national security of the Scandinavian countries from Muslim segregated communities of immigrants who form “parallel” societies on the territory of Denmark, Sweden and Norway. Based on the commonality of the historical development, the economic system and the sociopolitical structure of the states in this geopolitical region, the research identifies general trends in the formation of a confessional parallel society and the modern political immigration strategy in Northern Europe. The study of social and political discourse and officially published documents on the problem of “parallel” societies makes it possible to assess the effectiveness of actions taken by state structures to ensure the full integration of isolated Muslim communities in the majority society. The reports of ministries and internal law enforcement agencies in the states of Northern Europe deserve special attention against the background of the widespread exploitation of the problems of Muslim parallel communities in the media and sociopolitical debates that escalate social tension in the Scandinavian countries. Despite the fact that the official reports emphasize the undeniable relevance of this problem, they exclude the possibility of escalating the current situation into a threat of national or international scale since the police keep these territories under control. However, the lack of successful integration policies of Denmark, Sweden and Norway regarding ethno-religious minorities significantly complicates the legal regulation of cultural, religious and ethnic diversity within their national borders. This situation leads to the formation of “vulnerable residential areas” with a high degree of crime against the background of a low socioeconomic standard of living. The population of such areas mainly consists of non-Western immigrants practicing Islam. Discrimination of the rights of ethno-religious minorities in democratic countries to a large extent determines the tendency to the segregation of Muslim communities from the majority society on the basis of their own cultural and religious order, which subsequently may lead to religious radicalization. Despite the positive measures taken by the governments of Denmark, Sweden and Norway to integrate Muslim minorities into the majority society, the prevailing inefficiency of the existing immigration policy in the context of the continuous expansion of cultural, religious and ethnic diversity among the population of the Scandinavian countries is stated. Moreover, the main reason for the emergence of a confessional parallel society as a modern social phenomenon lies in the practical absence of state structures and public institutions capable to ensure full integration of all citizens into a united society.

The Causes, Dimensions and Paradoxes of the Rohingya Crisis

The Rohingya Muslims, an ethno-religious minority group from Myanmar, are one of the most persecuted minorities in the world. The atrocities committed by Myanmar security forces against the Rohingya, including mass killings, sexual violence and widespread arson, are considered crimes against humanity. The global community has reacted against these persecutions and described the situation as a case of ethnic cleansing, even genocide. This paper will try to examine the facts that led to these oppressions, the reasons behind the Rohingya’s loss of citizenship under the 1982 Citizenship Law and its consequences. It will also present their long history of severe discrimination, the numerous restrictions they were subject to and the unimaginable horrors they have experienced.

Multiethnic Morea: the Position of the Non-Greek Population in the Late Byzantine Society of the Peloponnese

Among the consequences of the Fourth Crusade there was a serious change in the ethno-confessional landscape in the former Byzantine territories. Even though Byzantine society was never ethnically homogeneous, the ethno-religious situation became more complicated in the late Byzantine period. This article is devoted to the problem of the position of the non-Greek population in the late Byzantine society of Morea — one of the striking examples of a region with a multi-ethnic population. The author dwells on the analysis of the socio-cultural situation of the Slavic, Latin and Albanian diasporas who lived in the Byzantine territories of the Peloponnese. Based on the information from Byzantine historical writings, chronicles and epistolary sources, there was an attempt to determine the place of ethno-religious minorities in this provincial region of the empire in the era of Palaiologos and the degree of their integration into the Byzantine society.

Between Inclusion and Stagnation: Military Manpower Policy Towards Druze in Israel and Jews in Turkey

The Druze in Israel and the Jews in Turkey are two small ethnoreligious minority groups that share certain features. Nonetheless, the two groups have encountered very different policies from their respective governments concerning their integration into the military. While Israel has integrated the Druze, who have managed to reach senior and sensitive positions in the Israel Defense Force (IDF), Turkey has barely changed its recruitment policies regarding the Jewish minority since the early days of the Republic, and continues to refrain from placing Jews in command and officer functions. This paper presents four main reasons that explain the discrepancy between these two case studies: a historical factor; a cultural-religious factor; an ethnic-stereotypical factor; and a socioeconomic factor.

Case Note – Justice Served?: Ashwaq Haji Hamid Talo's Confrontation and Conviction of Her Islamic State Captor

Over five years after the Islamic State (IS) terrorist group launched its genocidal attack against the Yazidi ethno-religious minority community in Sinjar, Northern Iraq, calls for 'justice' remain largely unanswered. While hundreds of IS members have been tried and convicted of their group affiliation, few have faced charges for crimes committed against the Yazidis. However, in March 2020, Ashwaq Haji Hamid Talo – a 20-year-old Yazidi woman – took the stand of a Baghdad courtroom and played a driving role in the prosecution and conviction of her attacker. Through examination of her case in the context of wider political and procedural concerns for trying IS members, this article highlights both the opportunities and challenges for individual victims and the wider Yazidi community to secure meaningful 'justice'.

Promoting Covenantal Pluralism amidst Embedded Majoritarianism in Sri Lanka

Sri Lanka’s post-independence ethnoreligious tussles show how drastically the island has moved away from pluralism. Indeed, the country represents an illiberal democracy that operates like an ethnocracy. Not only is Sinhalese Buddhist majoritarianism now embedded, its proponents are determined to consolidate further majority domination while ensuring minority subordination, leading to a “schadenfreude nationalism” wherein many among the majority community take pleasure seeing minorities hagridden and marginalized. This, however, has not prevented various groups engaging with ethnoreligious minorities, learning of their challenges, and involving them in societal relations as distinct yet equal Sri Lankan citizens. This covenantal pluralism can thrive, provided the island’s major stakeholders champion it. The failure to do so will prevent Sri Lankans from achieving their full potential as citizens and leave the island further diminished.