Ethnopolitical Conflict Research Articles

Политический процесс и формирование государственности в Донецкой Народной Республике

The article analyzes the political process and formation of statehood in the DPR in the context of international law and historical background. It examines the issues of balancing the principle of territorial integrity and the right to self-determination, the evolution of representative bodies in the DPR, and the institutionalization process of the results of the independence referendum. Special attention is paid to historical, cultural, and political factors that have contributed to the region's desire for autonomy. The reasons for the escalation of ethno-political conflict and the role of state-building in protecting the rights of the population of Donbass are explored. The article emphasizes the complexity of assessing the legality of self-proclaimed states and the need to develop a balanced approach in international law to such situations.

National Conflicts in North Caucasus: Origins and Resolution

This article examines the causes and consequences of national conflicts in the North Caucasus. It addresses issues related to the sources of ethnic conflicts in contemporary times. The significance of the North Caucasus as a bridge connecting north to south and west to east is emphasized, highlighting its immense importance for the Russian Federation. From a geostrategic perspective, this region serves as a gateway to Central Asia while also providing access to Western markets. The paper pays particular attention to events that have transpired since the late 1980s in the Caucasus, where some of the most acute ethnopolitical conflicts and wars have occurred. Six out of eight armed ethnopolitical civil conflicts in the post-Soviet space unfolded in this region. The article raises the issue that, as a result of these events, the Caucasian region has become a battleground for separatist organizations within the post-Soviet context. Armed conflicts have led to numerous human casualties, material losses, economic downturns, and other tragedies. Based on the materials studied, it is concluded that ethnic conflicts are diverse in their manifestations. The conditions for the politicization of ethnic conflicts in the North Caucasus are also explored.

The Ethnopolitical Conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia at the Present Stage of Its Development

The Ethnopolitical Conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia at the Present Stage of Its Development

Kurban Said’s Ali & Nino, and the Nachararyan Factor

Abstract Published just prior to WWII in German, allegedly by a Jewish convert to Islam who had fled the Bolshevik Revolution, and currently dubbed the national novel of Azerbaijan, Kurban Said’s Ali & Nino gets less attention than it deserves. And to the extent that this little-known work of classical stature is recognized by the international reading public, it is for its combination of the East-West dichotomy and cosmopolitanism. But even as Kurban Said’s love story between a Muslim bachelor, Ali, and a Georgian damsel, Nino, does favorably present cosmopolitan yearnings within the framework of westernization, this article highlights the evil Armenian leitmotif in it, through surveying the misdoing of Ali’s rival Nachararyan and how that relates to ethno-political conflict in the Caucasus.

The impact of geopolitical transformations on the settlement of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict: self-determination or genocide?

ABSTRACT Geopolitical transformations have drastic effects in many spheres of public life. Their most prominent manifestations are observed with regard to ethno-political conflicts and their settlement processes, particularly when they are accompanied by serious regional rearrangements. The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict and the process of its settlement are among the most typical cases in this regard. After the 2018 change of power in Armenia, the normally developing process of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict settlement within the framework of the main principles of international law ended up in sharp upheavals, succumbing to the logic of the sharply heated West-Russia geopolitical confrontation. The formation of antagonistic relations between the Co-Chair states of the OSCE Minsk Group undermined their mediation efforts, leaving two options for the resolution of the conflict: the realization of people’s right to self-determination with the support of international community or the genocide of the Nagorno-Karabakh people. The article considers the threats of a catastrophic development of events due to changes in the positions of powerful actors regarding the conflict settlement under the influence of geopolitical transformations, as well as the possibility of preventing such a development.

How Reflection Works in Transformative Dialogue/Mediation: A Preliminary Investigation

Transformative dialogue and mediation (TD/M) is an approach to conflict resolution used in mediation and inter-group dialogues about social justice and race, political polarization, and ethnopolitical conflict. TD/M practitioners believe their approach supports the agency of participants and helps them interact with greater confidence, self-awareness, and understanding of the perspectives of others. However, previous research on TD/M has not yet addressed how it achieves those outcomes. This pilot study works to fill that gap by investigating how reflection, the most commonly used TD/M technique, is utilized in a facilitated meeting of the steering committee of a non-profit organization. We conduct a qualitative sequential analysis of a video-recorded interaction to investigate how TD/M reflection is done. We show how the TD/M facilitator of the meeting reflects participants’ statements with the techniques of mirroring, substituting, and omitting and how the participants respond to those reflections with agreement or repair. The results of the analysis are discussed in terms of their implications for understanding how TD/M facilitation works.

Международное давление и санкции как инструмент принуждения противоборствующих сил в Судане к миру

This article examines the impact of international pressure and the application of sanctions in the context of ethno-political conflict resolution in the Republic of Sudan. The author analyzes the effectiveness of international intervention in the settlement of the civil confrontation in the country and its influence on ensuring compliance with international norms and standards. Particular attention is paid to the role of the United States of America and international organizations in assisting in conflict resolution and preventing the country’s disintegration. Cases of unsuccessful sanctions in the context of the Sudanese conflict are analyzed, evaluating their impact on the opposing parties. Highlighting the inefficacy of external economic pressure on Sudan in perpetuating internal conflicts, the article suggests a comprehensive examination of factors influencing the effectiveness of international measures. It calls for collective efforts from the international community to facilitate transparent internal negotiations aimed at constructively developing reform provisions within the country.

К вопросу освещения СМИ Азербайджана и Армении подписания Бишкекского протокола (1994-2021 гг.)

The article analyzes the information confrontation and the influence of the media of the South Caucasus states on the evolution of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict and its settlement on the example of the Bishkek Protocol of May 5-12, 1994. The activity of regional media in the conditions of the formation of the Republic of Azerbaijan and the Republic of Armenia as independent subjects of the world political process in the post-bipolar period is considered. The peculiarities of the functioning of mass media in the conditions of the active phase of the conflict and in the post-conflict period are revealed. The information concepts, strategies and ideological features of the media of the Republic of Armenia and the Republic of Armenia, which were used by the conflicting parties when covering the signing of the Bishkek Protocol and subsequently, are studied in detail. The role and significance of the media, their influence on the dynamics of the ethnopolitical conflict and the formation of geopolitical stability in the South Caucasus are investigated. Based on the analysis of publications in the main state print media of the Republic of Azerbaijan and the Republic of Armenia, regional electronic mass media, the author comes to the conclusion about the urgency of the problem – the negative influence of the media on the peaceful settlement and post–conflict situation in the region. The characteristic principles, approaches, ideological concepts and information strategies that were used by the Azerbaijani and Armenian media when covering the signing of the Bishkek Protocol are identified. A differentiated approach is noted in the process of covering the peace treaty. The main trends in the information policy of the parties in the period under review – from 1994 to 2021 are identified. The destructive role of the media, which acted as a tool of manipulation within the framework of long-term information and propaganda campaigns to discredit the Bishkek Protocol, is pointed out. The scientific novelty lies in the fact that on the basis of the studied publications, trends have been identified to belittle the historical significance of the Bishkek Protocol in order to resume the armed conflict and its “unfreezing” already in the first quarter of the XXI century.

Генезис и динамика развития этнополитического конфликта в Республике Судан

The aim of this article is to investigate the genesis and dynamics of ethno-political conflict in the Republic of Sudan focusing on three main regions: the South, the West, and the East. The study uses various scientific methods such as historical, descriptive, and cognitive approach to analyse the dynamics of ethno-political con-flict in Sudan through identifying the key elements of identity in different societies. Understanding the specificity of local conditions, motives of the conflicting parties’ actions and decision-making on conflict resolution in Su-dan, identifying common causes of ethno-political conflict in South, West and East Sudan, and developing rec-ommendations for conflict resolution in Sudan. The findings of the study highlight the politicisation of religious and ethnic factors as well as fomentation of divisions as one of the major causes of worsening conflicts in the said regions. In addition, the study revealed that conflicts in Sudan have deep historical roots and are driven by complex socio-economic and political factors.

Пути достижения этнополитического консенсуса в Республике Судан

The aim of this article is to explore ways to achieve ethno-political consensus in Sudan. Specifically, the article will examine possible mechanisms and analyzes the prospects for peaceful resolution of national political con-tradictions in Sudan. The article offers a structured overview of the various mechanisms for achieving ethnopo-litical consensus in Sudan, and analyzes the prospects for achieving ethnopolitical consensus in Sudan in light of recent political developments. The article created a table showing the political perspectives of ethno-political conflict management in Sudan – a cross-regional analysis. Given the specificity of Sudanese ethno-political conflict, the strategy for consensus building in Sudan should include inclusive dialog and negotiation among different ethnic and political groups, reconciliation and military, political, governance and legal reform. Howev-er, despite the fact that the demands for social justice and regional equality are put forward by the majority of the opposing sides, the conditions for their fulfillment, determined by specific social groups, differ significantly. Therefore, the author concludes that the prospects for achieving ethno-political consensus in Sudan remain uncertain, but recent political developments give grounds for optimism.

COMMON PROBLEMS, INDIVIDUAL SOLUTIONS AROUND THE DYNAMICS OF CONFLICTS IN NAGORNO-KARABAKH, ABKHAZIA, SOUTH OSSETIA AND TRANSNISTRIA

There are about 25 de facto states in the world, five of them in the postSoviet space. The emergence of de facto regimes is directly related to the impasse and conflict-causing reality when the de jure state, which is directly related to the state, is no longer able to exercise its (self-) authority over the population and territory of the de facto state. The purpose of this article is to analyse and compare the ethno-political conflicts in Nagorno-Karabakh, South Ossetia, Abkhazia and Transnistria. The focus is on the similarities and differences in the causes, processes and consequences of the conflicts, which provides a comprehensive understanding of the dynamics of the conflicts and reveals the existence of possible commonalities in the context of ethno-political disputes. In order to achieve this goal, the task was to examine the role and significance of historical background, political developments, ethnic composition and international influences in the regions. The methodological approach of the article is based on a comparative analysis of the mentioned ethno-political conflicts. Both qualitative and quantitative research methods are employed. Primary sources are used, including official documents, political statements and articles, mainly from the German news media. Ethno-political conflicts have always been found to have complex and contradictory dynamics, which in turn provide fertile ground for the interests of major regional actors. The conclusion is that cross-cutting research on ethno-political conflicts provides an opportunity to develop a clear understanding of the causes and consequences of conflict in order to identify possible patterns and commonalities in conflict resolution in comparable situations.

ЭТНОПОЛИТИЧЕСКИЙ КОНФЛИКТ В ЮАР КАК УГРОЗА ЕДИНСТВУ СТРАНЫ

The ethnopolitical conflict in the of South African Republic (RSA) is one of the most complex and multifaceted problems of our time, threatening the unity and stability of the country. This conflict has its roots in deep history, Apartheid not only entrenched racial inequality in legislation, but also created persistent social and economic gaps between the various ethnic groups of South African Republic. The key moment in South Africa's history was 1994, when apartheid was officially abolished and the African National Congress (ANC) came to power under the leadership of Nelson Mandela. However, even after two decades since the end of apartheid, South African Republic continues to face serious ethnopolitical challenges related to conflicts among various African peoples, as well as with the white population of Afrikaners and descendants of the British. In recent years, there has been a tendency in the African National Congress (ANC) to strengthen leftist nationalism, which has become the subject of serious discussion and analysis in the political context of the Republic of South African Republic. The situation of discrimination against the white population is aggravated in the context of the policy of the African National Congress (ANC) aimed at supporting the black majority. In general, South African Republic has a complex and multifaceted pattern of discriminatory practices that affects various segments of society. These practices are causing serious concerns and debate among the public, politicians and activists. An essential role in the search for balance and sustainable development of the country is played by the opposition, in particular the Democratic Alliance, which offers alternative views on the governance of the country and supports democratic institutions.

SONDERFALL SCHWEIZ: WILLENSNATION (NATION BY WILL) OR MULTICULTURAL POLITY

The article is devoted to the study of the origins of Swiss statehood, regarded through the prism of the political and cultural nation concepts. It traces the main stages of the Old Confederation, features of the formation of unique public institutions, such as direct democracy, communalism, eternal neutrality. Special attention is paid to the linguistic factor in the political life of the country and its conflict potential. The author concludes that the cumulative effect of consociational democracy and cross-cutting cleavages, together with institutionalized quadrilingualism, reduces the probability of ethno-political conflicts. Advocating the concept of «nation by will» (Willensnation) as the main source of Swiss statehood, the author appeals to such factors as the peculiarities of the historical development of the country and its geographical position in the environment of European absolutist regimes, direct democracy, «cantonization», religious landscape, high level of literacy of the population, contributed to social communication, economic modernization, system of «linguistic harmony» (Sprachfrieden). In conclusion, it is argued that in the late 19th century on the basis of civil identity, the cultural national consciousness was gradually formed under the influence of the state patriotic discourse, which united a complex of myths, symbols and narratives with the institutions of the Confederation.

BAC, U KRY! Space, Albanian Commemoration and the Gheg Variety as a Linguistic Symbol of State Independence in Postwar Kosovo

Abstract This paper investigates the reconstruction of Albanian identity in Kosovo after the region's transformation to state independence in 2008. The cultural environment emerged as a site of ethnic appropriation and contestation in the longstanding interethnic struggles between the Albanians and the Serbs. The study examines the socio-symbolic and linguistic manifestations of national identity in Pristina, the capital city of Kosovo, through the lens of Linguistic Landscape Studies. The first aspect of the study investigates M. Theresa Boulevard, the central promenade of the city and a site of memory and commemoration, to highlight how the period of South Slavic hegemony in Kosovo and the recent interethnic war resulted in a redefinition of Albanian identity. The second aspect of the study focuses on the written manifestation of the Gheg variety of Albanian as a symbol of Kosovo's independence. Through this dual focus on memory and language, the study aims to arrive at an understanding of how new national and political self-identifications are shaped in contexts that have undergone ethno-political conflicts and socio-political shifts. We argue that the symbolic configuration of Kosovo suggests a redefinition of Kosovo-based Albanian identity following the transformation to state independence. The study contributes to an understanding of the multi-layered redefinition of Albanian identity in Kosovo, calling attention to language and memory in the process of constructing national identities in postwar contexts.

Межнациональные конфликты с точки зрения социального психоанализа (попытки диагностики и лечения)

The article is devoted to an analytical review of psychoanalytic and other psychological approaches to the description and overcoming of ethnopolitical conflicts in Russia and other post-Soviet countries. The materials of the multinational research group International Dialogue Initiative and the scientific works of its members are widely used. The concept of psychological trauma is considered in detail, as well as the phenomenon of post-traumatic syndrome inherent in societies of the transit period. National enmity is considered on the basis of a number of examples through the prism of the psychoanalytic concept of “chosen” trauma. Considerable attention is paid to the psychological aspects of the treatment of ethnotrauma. In this regard, the positive aspect of the attitude to the past wars is considered as a common, but already experienced, mourned and buried trauma, which, from the point of view of psychoanalysis, contributes to its adaptive experience and transformation in the public consciousness, and, ultimately, reconciliation between former enemies. One of the key factors for this is the concept of the universal human need to have both enemies and allies developed by the outstanding psychoanalyst V. Volkan.

Traditional value foundations of all-Russian identity: case study of the Northern Caucasus youth

The issue of forming and sustaining all-Russian identity among the youth has become particularly relevant and significant in the context of increasing geopolitical risks and sociocultural confrontation. The value and ideological foundations of student identity vividly reflect the contradictions between two main sociocultural codes: traditional and modern. Resolving this contradiction may lead to increased stability in all-Russian identity or its gradual weakening. The research results indicate that the main elements of the traditional Russian value matrix retain their significance as the basis for all-Russian identity. The lack of significant differences in the assessments of respondents from the Russian and North Caucasian peoples, Orthodox and Muslim adherents, indicates the integrative role of traditional Russian values for people with different ethnocultural identities. In the hierarchy of identities, the local identity is prioritised for the respondents. This is followed by all-Russian civil, value-ideological, ethnocultural identity, and belonging to the “Russian world”. The attitude towards religion serves as a marker for value-ideological differences between traditionalists-collectivists and modernists-individualists. The research reveals statistically significant differences in the positions of non-religious respondents and believers. Respondents who do not associate themselves with any religious denomination have less pronounced ethnocultural and religious foundations of identity. The formation of traditional foundations for all-Russian youth identity is interpreted as evidence of a high degree of all-national consolidation in the polyethnic youth environment. The significance of traditional identification values indirectly confirms the partial depoliticisation of identity, as it transitions into the sociocultural dimension, that reduces the risks of ethnopolitical conflict.

Modern Media on Threats and Challenges of International Terrorism in the South Caucasus

The article is devoted to the problem of regional media coverage of the risks and threats of international terrorism in the South Caucasus on the example of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. The processes of the emergence of cells, banned international terrorist organizations in the region, their role in the escalation of ethno–political conflicts of the 90s of the XX century and the Second Karabakh (44–day) War of 2020 of the XXI century are noted. The article examines in detail the diversity of the principles and approaches of the media in the coverage of problems related to international terrorism. The peculiarities of the counter-terrorism policy of the South Caucasus states are revealed in the context of their influence on the geopolitical situation in the region, where the topic of terrorism becomes an element of mutual accusations of the conflicting parties. The purpose of the article is to identify unacceptable manipulation of information related to terrorism during ethnopolitical conflicts. Based on the analysis of publications and video reports of regional media, the author comes to the conclusion about the urgency of the problem of the expansion of militants into the territory of Russia and the contradictory information coverage of the problem in the media. The scientific novelty lies in the fact that the principles, approaches, and information strategies used by the media of the South Caucasus in covering this problem have been identified. The differentiated activity of the media in the process of covering the threats and risks of international terrorism and its classification is indicated. Trends in the use of the topic of terrorism and terrorist organizations in information propaganda campaigns, including in the framework of information and propaganda projects of an anti-Russian nature, are identified.

Coping with the long-term impact of civil strife: A grief-centered analysis of Tamil Sri Lankan communities affected by ethnopolitical conflict.

Limited research has examined coping mechanisms in response to chronic war-related stressors, as opposed to war-exposure trauma. The current study sought to investigate the types of losses experienced by communities affected by the Sri Lankan conflict, how participants responded to their losses, and what coping mechanisms they employed. Data consisted of interviews from two independent investigations conducted following the end of the conflict in Northern Sri Lanka (total N = 103). Interview transcripts were analyzed using a directed content analysis approach. Participants most frequently described experiencing material loss and loss of loved ones. Relatedly, participants commonly reported experiencing ambiguous loss, that is, living with the uncertainty of their loved one's death. These losses were particularly pronounced by gender, with women experiencing higher rates of loss. Common coping strategies included support-seeking, including informal support from social networks and religion, and formal mental health services. Additionally, participants described a range of longer term coping strategies from establishing a future-oriented cognitive style to a sense of helplessness and resignation. The findings shed light on how conflict-affected groups cope with profound loss. We provide recommendations for how such findings can inform grief-related clinical interventions.

The role of civil society organizations in deconstructing ethnopolitical conflict narratives through peace education: lessons from the Northern Region of Ghana

ABSTRACT The collective adherence to contradictory conflict narratives has underpinned the intractable ethnopolitical conflicts that have occurred in the Northern Region of Ghana. Changing the conflict narratives that perpetuate ethnopolitical conflicts in the region through peace education is a prerequisite for any meaningful peacebuilding. Consequently, the study examined how civil society actors use peace education to deconstruct negative conflict narratives in the region. The study is qualitative and relied on both primary and secondary data sources. Primary data was obtained through in-depth interviews with 20 participants. The data was analyzed using an inductive-deductive thematic analysis approach with the aid of NVivo 12 software. The study found that civil society organizations’ (CSOs) peace education programs create awareness, facilitate mutual understanding, and engender values of human rights, non-violence moves to conflict resolution, reconciliation, and trust-building. Peace educational activities by CSOs, whether direct or indirect, and whether in educational settings or the community, are essential in changing the socio-psychological infrastructure that perpetuates a culture of violence. It is proposed for broader engagement with CSOs for the initiation and implementation of context-specific peace education programs to help deconstruct the conflict narratives that perpetuate identity conflicts in some parts of Ghana.

Ukraine’s Position as for the Disintegration of Russian Federation: Political and Legal Aspect

Introduction.The full-scale Russian-Ukrainian war became a consequence of the policy of disintegration of Ukraine, which was consistently implemented by the Russian Federation from the very beginning of Ukraine’s independence. After the full-scale military invasion of the Russian Federation into Ukraine, which was accompanied by the occupation of the territory, the genocide of the Ukrainian population, the destruction of civilian and critical life support infrastructure, the violation of international humanitarian law, the disintegration of the Russian Federation became a key political topic, one of the discussed ways to end the conventional Russian-Ukrainian war. Before the full-scale invasion in 2022, at the official level Ukraine, as a democratic, European state, did not carry out disintegration activity towards the Russian Federation. The settlement of the armed ethnopolitical conflict with Russia as for the temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine was carried out exclusively peacefully. The aim of the study is to study the political and legal dimension of Ukraine’s participation in the disintegration of the Russian Federation. The methodology is based on systeman alysis, content analysis and political analysis. Conclusions. The policy of disintegration became an asymmetric response toRussia’s armed disintegration of Ukraine, precisely the holding of fake referendums on joining the Russian Federation of the occupied regions of Ukraine. Ukraine’s responsecontains fundamentally different tools, including non-standard solutions taking into a ccount Russia’s internal destructive processes and the ethno territorial claims of neighboring states to the RF. Despite the lack of a clear strategy for the disintegration of Russia, the formation of a consolidated disintegration position of Ukraine is being observed with the involvement of the international community in strengthening the processes of disintegration of the aggressor state by supporting democratic freedoms, including the right of nations to self-determination, which the authoritarian regimekeeps within the federation with force. Key words: disintegration, Russian-Ukrainian war, nations, right of self determination.