Ethnic Voting Research Articles

Ethnic Proximity and Ethnic Voting in Peru

AbstractPeru, in contrast to neighbouring Bolivia and Ecuador, has neither an important indigenous party nor a strong indigenous movement. Nevertheless, in recent years a growing gap has emerged in the voting patterns of indigenous and non-indigenous areas. This article maintains that this gap has developed because some Peruvian politicians, including Alberto Fujimori, Alejandro Toledo and Ollanta Humala, successfully wooed indigenous voters with a combination of ethnic and populist appeals. Like traditional populist leaders, they denounced the political elites, focused their campaigns on the poor and presented themselves as the saviours of Peru, but also forged ties to indigenous leaders, invoked indigenous symbols and embraced some ethnic demands. Although neither Fujimori, nor Toledo, nor Humala self-identified as indigenous, they successfully presented themselves as more ethnically proximate to the indigenous population than their main competitors, who represented the white Lima elite.

Democratization in Africa 1990–2010: an assessment

Over two decades have passed since the ‘third wave’ of democratization began to roll across sub-Saharan Africa in the early 1990s. The introduction to this collection provides an overall assessment of the (lack of) progress made in democratization processes in Africa from 1990 to 2010. It highlights seven areas of progress and setbacks: increasingly illegitimate, but ongoing military intervention; regular elections and occasional transfers of power, but realities of democratic rollback and hybrid regimes; democratic institutionalization, but ongoing presidentialism and endemic corruption; the institutionalization of political parties, but widespread ethnic voting and the rise of an exclusionary (and often violent) politics of belonging; increasingly dense civil societies, but local realities of incivility, violence and insecurity; new political freedoms and economic growth, but extensive political controls and uneven development; and the donor community's mixed commitment to, and at times perverse impact on, democracy promotion. We conclude that steps forward remain greater than reversals and that typically, though not universally, sub-Saharan African countries are more democratic today than in the late 1980s. Simultaneously, we call for more meaningful processes of democratization that aim not only at securing civil and political rights, but also socio-economic rights and the physical security of African citizens.

The Canadian Ethnocultural Council and Evolving Multiculturalism

Following the announcement of the multicultural policy in October of 1971, the Federal Government appointed members of ethnic communities to the newly created Canadian Consultative Council on Multiculturalism to participate in the formulation of recommendations which would address the challenges of implementing that policy. When the work of that committee was concluded, some of the ethnocultural groups took the initiative to create a new body which would continue addressing policy matters of concern to the cross section of communities. Thus, the Canadian Ethnocultural Council, a grassroots organization comprised of voices representing many ethnic and racially diverse communities and organizations, was established in 1980. It played a key role in shaping the implementation of the policy. This paper discusses that role and the precedent set by the Canadian Ethnocultural Council in implementing cross cultural cooperation at the grassroots level. Suite à l'annonce de la politique du multiculturalisme en octobre 1971, le Gouvernement fédéral a nommé des membres des communautés ethniques au Conseil consultatif canadien sur le multiculturalisme nouvellement créé, pour contribuer à l'élaboration de recommandations qui visent à répondre aux défis posés par la mise en place de cette politique. Une fois que ce comité a eu terminé son travail, quelques groupes ethnoculturels prirent l'initiative d'en créer un second pour continuer à traiter de sujets qui préoccupent une variété de communautés. Ils ont donc fondé en 1980 le Conseil ethnoculturel du Canada, une organisation de base qui comprend des voix d'un nombre communautés ethniquement et racialement diverses. Cet organisme a joué un rôle clé dans la définition et la mise en oeuvre de la nouvelle politique. Cet article porte sur ce rôle et sur le précédent créé par le Conseil ethnoculturel du Canada dans la mise en place d'une coopération interculturelle au niveau de la base.

Ethnic Minority Policies and Political Parties' Appeal to Ethnic Voters: A Case Study of Estonia's Russians

Ethnic Minority Policies and Political Parties' Appeal to Ethnic Voters: A Case Study of Estonia's Russians

Ethnic voting in Brussels: Voting patterns among ethnic minorities in Brussels (Belgium) during the 2006 local elections

In recent years immigrant origin ethnic minorities have become a non-negligible electoral group in Belgian cities. Numerous studies have been undertaken in Belgium on the link between immigrant associational life and political participation and on the profiles of politicians of immigrant origin, but not yet on party choice and voting patterns among ethnic minority groups. In this article, we present the first analysis of voting patterns of ethnic minority groups in Belgium, making use of exit poll data on the local elections for three municipalities of the Brussels Capital Region. We investigate whether non-EU immigrant origin voters have a particular party preference which cannot be explained by other background variables such as educational level or socio-economic position. We also look into the issue of preferential voting for candidates of immigrant origin. According to the theory on political opportunity structures, one would expect a lesser importance of ethnic voting in the Belgian context (in which ethnic mobilisation is discursively discouraged). Ethnic voting, however, turns out to be quite important in the Brussels’ context.

The Muslim vote and Muslim lobby in France: myths and realities

This article presents an analysis of Muslims in France to counter the myth of a Muslim lobby, particularly relating to foreign policy. Assumptions of a Muslim lobby rely on the existence of a homogenous voting block which requires: (1) the homogeneity, unity and efficient organisation of Muslims, (2) the crucial role of faith in determining their political participation and behaviour as well as (3) their strong interest in foreign policy issues. The central question is then: are these conditions fulfilled in the case of French Muslims? Is there a Muslim voting block? The study emphasizes three elements to answer this question: the heterogeneity of what is understood as ‘Muslims’, the absence of an ethnic vote, the absence of foreign policy issues in determining the vote.

The birth of modern politics: Andrew Jackson, John Quincy Adams, and the election of 1828

The 1828 presidential election, which pitted Major General Andrew Jackson against incumbent John Quincy Adams, has long been hailed as a watershed moment in American political history. It was the contest in which an unlettered, hot-tempered southwesetern frontiersman, trumpeted by his supporters as a genuine man of the people, soundly defeated a New England aristocrat whose education and political resume were as impressive as any ever seen in American public life. It was, many historians have argued, the country's first truly democratic presidential election. Lynn Hudson Parsons argues that it also established a pattern in which two nationally organized political parties would vie for power in virtually every state. During the election of 1828 voters were introduced to a host of novel campaign tactics, including co-ordinated media, get-out-the-vote efforts, fund-raising, organized rallies, opinion polling, campaign paraphernalia, ethnic voting blocs, opposition research, and smear tactics. In The Birth of Modern Politics, Parsons shows that the Adams-Jackson contest began a national debate that is eerily contemporary, pitting those whose cultural, social, and economic values were rooted in community action for the common good against those who believed the common good was best served by giving individuals as much freedom as possible to promote their own interests. It offers fresh and illuminating portraits of both Adams and Jackson and reveals how, despite their vastly different backgrounds, they had started out with many of the same values, admired one another, and had often been allies in common causes. Both were staunch nationalists, and both shared an aversion to organized parties and electioneering. But by 1828, caught up in a shifting political landscape, they were plunged into a competition that separated them decisively from the Founding Fathers' era and ushered in a style of politics that is still with us today.

Cross-cutting Cleavages and Ethnic Voting: An Experimental Study of Cousinage in Mali

Social scientists often attribute moderation of the political salience of ethnicity in ethnically diverse societies to the presence of cross-cutting cleavages—that is, to dimensions of identity or interest along which members of the same ethnic group may have diverse allegiances. Yet, estimating the causal effects of cross-cutting cleavages is difficult. In this article, we present experimental results that help explain why ethnicity has a relatively minor political role in Mali, an ethnically heterogeneous sub-Saharan African country in which ethnic identity is a poor predictor of vote choice and parties do not form along ethnic lines. We argue that the cross-cutting ties afforded by an informal institution called “cousinage” help explain the weak association between ethnicity and individual vote choice. The experimental research design we introduce may be useful in many other settings.

India’s 2009 Elections: The Resilience of Regionalism and Ethnicity

The 2009 Indian general elections saw the Congress Party-led United Progressive Alliance retain power, with a remarkable increase of seats in the National Assembly (Lok Sabha), leading to claims of a ‘re-nationalization’ of the party system as well as of the voting pattern. However, evidence from the results themselves show that, on the contrary, the process of fragmentation of the party system and the electorate is still progressing, Indian voters having opted for regional and local players more than they ever did before. The distorting effect of the majority electoral system (‘First Past The Post’) provides the central explanation for this apparent paradox. A close look at the electoral results also demonstrates the resilience of ‘ethnic voting’, despite the recurring discourse on the predominance of ‘economic voting’.

Political Ethics and Public Style in the Early Career of Jersey City’s Frank Hague

This essay charts the political rise of Frank Hague, Jersey City's infamous mayor from 1917-1947. Although most historical attention focuses on his long tenure as mayor, Hague's pre-mayoral career provides an instructive example of how urban politicians used public spectacle, the media, ethnic identity, and middle class mores to redefine American urban politics. Before becoming mayor, Hague crafted a public persona that appealed to both middle-class and working-class ethnic voters by reinventing himself as a Progressive while still retaining the showmanship and personal appeals of machine politics. Hague straddled two distinct political traditions, presenting himself simultaneously as a "pol," rooted in the historical mores of the "Horseshoe" (his home neighborhood), as well as a good government advocate, appealing to Jersey City's native-born middle class—focusing on clean water, public safety, and personal responsibility. In doing so, Hague provided a template for ethnic reform mayors who followed, from Fiorello LaGuardia and Richard Daley to Rudolph Giuliani and Ed Rendell.

Malaysia's Electoral Upheaval

In the March 2008 General Elections, the ruling Barisan Nasional (National Front) lost its two-third majority. It was the first time since independence that the Opposition was able to threaten the BN. This paper looks at the roles played by Anwar Ibrahim, the Opposition and civil society in this historical election, and argues that Malaysian politics will never be the same again. Although race and religion remain the core of the system, cross ethnic voting and the wide use of the internet to campaign may herald the start of a real competitive electoral system.

Malaysia — democracy and the end of ethnic politics?

In this article I discuss Malaysia's turning point moments – the March 8th General Election and the August 26th by-election which respectively saw the opposition's ascendancy and Anwar Ibrahim's political comeback. The opposition's ability to gain an ‘optimum multiethnic consensus’ had denied the incumbent of its unbroken two-thirds majority win. Its coalition arrangement was presented as a credible alternative to the 51 year-old winning but increasingly fractured coalition of the incumbent. In the final analysis a combination of a dwindling economy, the Abdullah-versus-Anwar leadership factor and the new media was what provided the major push for the swing. The article ends by posing various questions about the future of Malaysia's characteristic ethnic vote, the possibility of an emerging two-party system and of a probable Malaysia under Anwar Ibrahim.

Racial, Ethnic or Rational Voters? Splitting Tickets in South Africa

Many scholars worried that political liberalization in South Africa would open the door to widespread racial and ethnic conflict or that elections would be little more than a ‘racial/ethnic census’. Today, after South Africa's third successful election, ideas about the extent to which South African voters cast their votes on the basis of ascribed racial or ethnic identities remain controversial. This paper offers a new way to assess competing hypotheses about the micro-foundations of South African vote choice: by studying the correlates of a strategic voting behavior, split-ticket voting. This is accomplished by analyzing data from a 1997 survey in which respondents participated in a ‘mock election’. The results show that ascribed identities do certainly play a role in predicting strategic voting in South Africa but that they are far from being the only important predictors. This research shows that strategic voting in South Africa is driven at least as much by political sophistication and political ideology as by loyalty to any racial, ethnic, or regional identity.

The politics of symbolism: Richard Nixon's appeal to white ethnics and the frustration of realignment 196972

Sensing a tangible political opportunity to bolster his and his party's minority status, Richard Nixon made an unprecedented attempt to align disaffected ethnic Americans with the Republican Party in the late 1960s and early 1970s. Nixon possessed a keen awareness of the ethnic revival of the early 1970s and engaged with specifically ethnic issues such as parochial school aid and ethnic heritage studies, and also shaped much of his early substantive policy to appeal to ethnics, culminating in the publication of the Rosow Report on blue-collar workers in May 1970. However, Nixon's presidential style and eventual prioritisation of symbolic or ephemeral issues, notably the appointment of ethnic Americans to government positions, over more substantive policy doomed any attempt to build a new Republican majority to failure. If white ethnic voters were to realign, Nixon would need to offer enduring presidential policy that appealed to their ethnic and class interests, but his politics of symbolism subjugated his plans for a new Republican majority to quick-fix tactics for ensuring his re-election.

Tyranny of the White Majority? Minority Representation in American Democracy

Critics have long feared that America's winner-take-all system, it's clear white majority, and it's sharp racial divisions would combine to undermine the interests of racial and ethnic minorities. Unfortunately, we have few means of assessing minority representation in American democracy. Descriptive representation misses most of the potential influence of minorities and studies of substantive representation generally have to focus on a particular locale or policy with little hope of a more general assessment. I introduce a new measure of representation. For any election, I simply count up how many voters from each racial and ethnic group vote for the side that wins. Using this new measure and data from the series of Voter News Service exit polls and a sample of mayoral elections, I find that across the range of American elections, blacks are consistently more likely than other groups to end up losers. I then show why blacks are uniquely disadvantaged.

Ethnicity and electoral politics

1. Introduction: the ethnic effect 2. Ethnic attractors 3. Ethnic attractors and exogenous constraints 4. Ethnic voting in Romania 5. Ethnic voting and party system stability 6. Ethnic politics and access 7. The ethnic effect on regime stability 8. Conclusions.

Prevailing identity structures and competing ethnopolitical strategies in Transylvania

In spite of the remarkable political mobilization and disciplined ethnic voting of the Hungarian minority in Romania, major political objectives, seen by the political elite of the community as critical for the cultural reproduction of Hungarians in Romania, have proven to be unreachable since 1989 through the instruments of participation in the country’s political life. The paper explores the historical and contemporary reasons that contributed to this failure, and identifies conditions that could trigger a change. Various political projects of the Hungarians in Transylvania seeking integration on their own terms into the Romanian state since 1920, together with the circumstances that lead to their failure, are critically assessed. Based on considerable research conducted between 1995 and 2006, conflicting identity structures and competing ethnopolitical strategies are identified that divide the Romanian political community along ethnic fault-lines. The consequences of the divide are evaluated from the perspective of normative political philosophy and an answer is offered to the question which refers to the grounds on which Hungarians in Transylvania could (or could not) be considered part of the Romanian political community. The paper concludes by identifying alternative ways out of the current situation.

Ethnicity, Voter Alignment and Political Party Affiliation - An African Case: Zambia

Conventional wisdom holds that ethnicity provides the social cleavage for voting behaviour and party affiliation in Africa. Because this is usually inferred from aggregate data of national election results, it might prove to be an ecological fallacy. The evidence based on individual data from an opinion survey in Zambia suggests that ethnicity matters for voter alignment and even more so for party affiliation, but it is certainly not the only factor. The analysis also points to a number of qualifications which are partly methodology-related. One is that the degree of ethnic voting can differ from one ethno-political group to the other depending on various degrees of ethnic mobilisation. Another is that if smaller ethnic groups or subgroups do not identify with one particular party, it is difficult to find a significant statistical correlation between party affiliation and ethnicity - but that does not prove that they do not affiliate along ethnic lines.

Searching for Justice: An Autobiography (review)

Reviewed by: Searching for Justice: An Autobiography Kent Roach (bio) Fred Kaufman. Searching for Justice: An Autobiography Osgoode Society for Canadian Legal History. xii, 404. $65.00 Fred Kaufman has written a compelling account of his extraordinary life. Kaufman was born into a comfortable life in Vienna in 1924. His parents saved to send him to camp only to bring him home when he called them [End Page 587] complaining he was homesick. Life, however, was never the same with the rise to power of the Nazis. In 1939, the fifteen-year-old Kaufman was evacuated to Britain. The chief rabbi who had presided a few years earlier at his bar mitzvah was forced to scrub the streets with a toothbrush. Worse indignities remained for those left behind. Kaufman was adopted by a kindly family who treated him well but this only lasted for ten months before he was interned as an enemy alien and eventually sent to Canada. Jewish refugees were imprisoned side by side with German prisoners and Nazi sympathizers. These early experiences of injustice, however, fuelled Kaufman's passion for justice. He writes how his experience as an innocent man imprisoned helped him to understand the 'agony' of the wrongfully convicted whom he would later assist. When released, Kaufman made up for lost time by earning three degrees, the last two while also working as a reporter. His experience as a reporter helped him throughout his legal career, and colleagues would tease him that his short, clear judgments during his eighteen years on the Quebec Court of Appeal were 'press releases.' Before his appointment to the bench, Kaufman was a leading lawyer in Montreal. When Pierre Trudeau phoned to offer Kaufman an appointment to the bench, he recalled how Kaufman facilitated Trudeau's release after Trudeau had a misunderstanding with the police. Kaufman faced far more serious cases as he successfully defended many accused from the death penalty. In the best traditions of the bar, Kaufman also acted as prosecutor, most notably in cases arising from a 1969 university riot and the 1970 October Crisis. Kaufman still supports Trudeau's invocation of the War Measures Act and recounts how he and his family were guarded by soldiers and police during this tense time. Kaufman is best known for his work since he retired from the bench in 1991. He conducted the royal commission into Guy Paul Morin's wrongful conviction and made important findings about how police investigations and prosecutions can be tainted by tunnel vision, how forensic evidence can be contaminated and misinterpreted, and how jailhouse snitches can lie. Although no one intends to convict an innocent person, Kaufman warned that wrongful convictions are not an 'aberration' and that they are rooted in 'systemic problems' in criminal justice systems throughout the world. Kaufman sees his report as 'the most important undertaking of my career.' It has influenced law reform not only in Canada but elsewhere and it influenced the Supreme Court of Canada to conclude that people should not be extradited from Canada to face the death penalty because of the ever-present risk of wrongful convictions. Kaufman did not stop with the Morin case. He volunteered to preside at an informal hearing where witnesses who had helped Leonard Peltier be extradited from Canada recanted their testimony. He subsequently wrote [End Page 588] to President Clinton supporting a pardon for Peltier who had been convicted of killing two fbi agents at Wounded Knee, but to no avail. He also recommended that the Stephen Truscott case be reopened because of new evidence, evidence that was not disclosed to the accused, and better understandings of forensic evidence. Kaufman's story is not all about his work. He recounts two emergency landings during the three years he flew recreational planes. He also recounts his loving relationship with his wife, Donna, who earned a law degree after their two children were grown and has a successful career in business. The Kaufmans have resettled in Toronto to be closer to their children. Jacques Parizeau's comments about 'money and the ethnic vote' being responsible for the defeat of the 1995 sovereignty referendum, however, understandably made it easier for them to leave...

The 2006 Israeli Elections: A Drive to Normalcy and Separation

This report looks at major trends shown by Israel's March 2006 elections, despite the lowest voter turnout in the country's history (fueled by disgust at corruption). Most important, the resounding defeat of the Likud and the Right in favor of the ““center”” confirmed a shift in political culture away from the Greater Israel ideology and permanent preemptive war against terrorism (i.e., the Palestinians) and the emergence of a broad consensus on unilateral separation (not peace), seen as the guarantor of security and normalcy. Also discussed are the early hopes raised by Amir Peretz's election as Labor party head (and his subsequent domestication), the return of a certain discourse of social justice after years of uncontested neo-liberalism, and the durability of the ““community”” or ethnic vote. The letter ends with a look at coalition politics in Israel and the formation of the new government.