Ethnic Units Research Articles

Intercultural Communication: Linguistic and Cultural Approach of Etiquette Units (In Kazakh And English)

The article argues the linguistic and cultural specificity of the etiquette units used in intercultural communication. The etiquette units of the Kazakh and English languages have their own linguistic and cultural features. Determining the scope of application of etiquette units in intercultural communication and the study of linguistic and cultural specifics is one of the urgent problems facing modern linguistics. Intercultural communication is an important aspect of interaction between different cultures. It involves the transfer of information, ideas and values between people who speak different languages and belong to different cultures. One of the main aspects of intercultural communication is etiquette, which includes rules and norms of behavior adopted in a particular culture. Based on this, in the main part of the article will be focused on the linguistic and cultural features of the etiquette units in the Kazakh and English languages. Will be studied the influence of national cognition on linguistic units. A special place in human life is occupied by etiquette units of intercultural communication, in addition to language use. In the process of using etiquette units, the speaker and the listener must have cognitive knowledge. In accordance with this, the main section of the article offers its own definition based on the works of domestic and foreign scientists written in connection with etiquette units. According to the results of the study, the interrelation of etiquette units in intercultural communication with the folk worldview is studied and the examples given are evaluated from the point of view of language and culture. In the final part of the article to the main section, will be formulated a concept and offer a final thought with the help of a clear analysis. Will be also evaluated a number of searches in modern Kazakh linguistics. Will be defined the specifics of etiquette units in intercultural communication, studied from the point of view of language and culture. The most basic ethnic unit of the population is language. Given this, the value of this research object will be determined.

The Role of Social Systems in Absorption of Immigrants in Israel

Immigrants from the Former Soviet Union (FSU) are the largest ethnic unit to have arrived in Israel and, as such, have had a major impact on Israeli society in cultural, social and demographic terms. The manner in which the immigrants were absorbed in social institutions influenced the adaptation strategies they adopted, which changed over time.
 The research is aimed at examining the extent to which the immigrants have, according to their perception, adapted to the social frameworks, based on their experiences in connecting with the local population through the educational system and the Israel Defense Forces (IDF). The research is a qualitative one, in the framework of which interviews were conducted with 28 immigrants who had immigrated to Israel as children and adolescents.
 The immigrants developed adaptation strategies which changed as they transitioned from the educational system to the military framework, and subsequently settled into civilian life.

SEPARATISM IN SCOTLAND AS A CHALLENGE OF GREAT BRITAIN’S POST-BREXIT UNITY

The article deals with the ontological aspects finding out of the separatist movement in Scotland as a phenomenon of political separatism, which contains the existing differences of ethnic units and state-political entities. The problem of separatism in the historical part of the Great Britain (country), Scotland, which since 2014 has chosen to leave the country, is considered. Attention is drawn to the fact that in the political life of modern British society, separatist sentiments in this country are the product of a long historical and political process, the conflicting pages of which are actively used by the “adult” elite of this region in the struggle for power. A distinctive feature of the modern Scottish separatism is its economic basis, which feeds the political strategy of the Scottish National Party. Considerable weight in the process of secession also belongs to the spiritual and cultural sphere, which over a long historical period formed a stable Scottish identity. It is stated that the Scottish version of separatism embodies the paradigm of political separatism in a distinct region, within which regional and local authorities, spiritual-cultural and socio-economic components function, which gives an additional leverage to the regional elite in the pursuit of independence from London. The factor that has accelerated the process of secession was Brexit, which has been opposed by the Scottish government. Keywords: separatism, Brexit, Scotland, Great Britain, Scottexit, independence, Scottish National Party.

Communication system between Russian energy companies and the Indigenous peoples of the North

The regions of activity of energy companies are also the traditional areas of residence of the Indigenous peoples of the North (IPN). Commercial activities in these territories violate the environment and adversely impact the lives of the IPN. This study seeks to fill a gap regarding the position the IPN take while communicating with energy companies and the representative image the energy companies hold of the IPN. We consider the complex process of communication between oil companies and the IPN; the role assigned to the IPN in this process; the strategies adopted to preserve the IPN and why these strategies are prioritized; and the implications of the concept of “traditional life” of the IPN for each of the participants in the communication process. We analyzed the period 2010–2020 as it reflects the current situation.We applied the hermeneutic method by comparing data from the reports of Gazprom, Lukoil, and Rosneft; analyzed documents related to the socio-economic development of the respective Russian regions; and used information from the official websites of organizations representing the interests of the IPN.In the complex system of interaction between energy companies and the IPN, the latter, on the one hand, acts as a homogeneous unity, as differentiation between groups of people is rarely carried out. On the other hand, the interpretation of the identity of the IPN occurs through “traditional culture,” which is gradually equated to something that is worthy of a place in a museum. This trend is a matter of concern, as real socio-economic challenges run the risk of being overlooked in the process of musealization of Indigenous peoples. Rosneft, Gazprom and Lukoil communicate with IPN as with an ethnic unit, which considered to be preserved as an ethnic-cultural unit.

«BETWEEN HISTORY AND POLITICS»: LIVING AND INTELLECTUAL SPACES OF THE UKRAINIAN EMIGRÉ HISTORIAN IVAN LYSIAK-RUDNYTSKYI (1919–1984)

The article informs that Ivan Lysiak-Rudnytskyi was born in the family of famous Ukrainian public and political figures Pavlo Lysiak and Milena Rudnytska. His childhood and youth were spent in Lviv, where he graduated from gymnasium and studied at the university. The outlook of the future historian and teacher was formed under the influence of the traditions of Western European liberalism. It is emphasised that I. Lysiak-Rudnytskiy always took part in public life. He collaborated with the Ukrainian Free Academy of Sciences and Arts in the USA and was an active member of the National Academy of Sciences and the Ukrainian Academy of Sciences in Canada. He also showed himself as a talented journalist. Throughout his life, he contributed to Ukrainian emigration periodical publications, in particular, the newspaper «Ukrainska Pravda» and the magazine «Zustrichi, he was also an employee of «Suchasnosti». Ivan Lysiak-Rudnytskiy is the author of about 200 scientific works on the new and modern history of Ukraine, the formation of the modern Ukrainian nation and Ukrainian political thought of the 19th and 20th centuries. The article analyzes such of his works as «Intellectual beginnings of new Ukraine» (1958), «The Fourth Universal and its ideological predecessors» (1968, 1977), «Notes on the problem of “historical” and “non-historical” nations» (1981), «The political opinion of Ukrainian sub-Soviet dissidents» (1981) and others. It was found that the historian expressed original opinions about the ancient and new history of Ukraine and put forward an original analytical scheme for Ukrainian nation-building. He substantiated the thesis about the «breaks», «dying and reviving» of the Ukrainian nation. At the same time, the researcher proposed to distinguish between the concept of the people as an ethnic unit and the nation as a political entity. The people are the basis for the formation of the nation. The scientist understood the content and essence of Ukrainian history as the interaction of the people and the nation. National revival of the 19th century. the scientist considered it as the beginning of the final, modern phase of the formation of the Ukrainian nation, after the princely and Cossack ones. It is noted that in his works, the professor demonstrated exceptional erudition in various humanitarian fields and examined the problems of the Ukrainian people’s past against the backdrop of world history, taking into account the methodological arsenal of Western historical science, which he masterfully possessed. It is stated that the philosophical depth and relevance of the topics, which balance «between history and politics», have assigned an important role to the works of I. Lysiak-Rudnytsky in historical science. Keywords Ivan Lysiak-Rudnytsky, historian-emigrant, publicist, educator.

일본인의 피는 다른가?

The blood type discovered in 1901 was used as a sign of racial characteristics, as it was found that it had hereditary in 1910. In conjunction with eugenics, there was a tendency to perceive that the difference between Westerners‘ blood type characteristics was a criterion for determining superiority and inferiority, leading to research that divided Japanese and their neighbors. This paper examined the ‘scientific’ movement to define the Japanese through blood type as well as the popularity of eugenics discourse in Japan since the late 1920s. Tanemoto Furuhata, a researcher who represented Japanese blood type studies before and after the war, surveyed 300,000 people and measured the results with the biochemical race index made in Germany. Furuhata used the results to emphasize the differences between the surrounding peoples, ignoring the big differences from the West, and argued that the Japanese blood was “different” from the neighbours.
 On the other hand, based on the biochemical race index and the research results of Tanemoto Furuhata, Takeji Furukawa created blood type and personality discourse, while at the same time creating an argument that blood type and personality discourse could measure temperament in a group, that was, an ethnic unit. This paper found that his blood type and personality discourse was closely related to blood type and racist discourse, and that personality discourse was also used as a mechanism to overcome Japanese enthusiasm in racist discourse and discriminate Japanese from other ethnic groups. Takeji Furukawa's blood type and personality discourse had been criticized by academia, but on the contrary, it had received enthusiastic support from the public. It can also be seen that academia in Japan before the war also continued to study blood types with such personality discourse in mind.
 Although Tanemoto Furuhata and Takeji Furukawa had different specialties in forensic science on one side and psychology and pedagogy on the other, the two continued to have something in common in terms of trying to find the characteristics of the Japanese people through blood types. The two used common statistical data, and this paper found that they were similar in the direction of trying to reveal the existence of a unique blood type for Japanese based on a nationalistic perspective in analyzing the data.

Theoretical and methodological approaches to ethnic identity

The article discusses theoretical and methodological approaches to the study of “ethnic identity” as a key tool of scientific analysis in cultural anthropology and ethnology. The primordialist, instrumentalist and constructivist theories of ethnicity, which in different ways determine the role of the objective and subjective characteristics of its expression, are characterized. Primordialist view on ethnos as organic ethnic unit is based on “primordial” cultural differences (“givens”). Constructivists and instrumentalists have mainly focused on the social organization of ethnic differences and distinctions based on situational processes of inclusion and exclusion. From the standpoint of constructivism, ethnic identity is viewed as a symbolic construct – socially invented, discursively constructed and culturally marked. In the study of ethnic identity, an important role is played by the revealing of the specific distinctive features that separate one ethnic group or category from another. For this, it is necessary to use comparative ethnographic methods aimed at identifying “ethnic boundaries” and “ethnic markers”.

Ethnic Federalism in Ethiopia: Reflecting on Diversity and Ethnic Identity

Ethiopia formed an ethnic federal system in 1991, which recognized ethnic autonomy entirely while ensuring the country’s unity. The new Constitution established a federal structure focused primarily on ethnic territorial units. The constitution ambitions to achieve ethnic freedom and equality by maintaining the state. Ethiopian politics has shifted to a federal liberal and plural system since the military dictatorship ended, as ethnic groups sought to exist under a federal structure that could preserve the country’s stability and diversity. The federal arrangement is noteworthy because its Constitution allows for the inheritance of every ethnic group. It supports an ethicised federal state with a secession mechanism and allows political parties to unite along ethnic lines. It is a worthwhile case study because it is an exception to the general trend in Africa. This paper examines how ethnic Federalism is a vital part of the Ethiopian Constitution and gives ethnic autonomy and identity in Ethiopian politics. Theoretical understanding of Federalism and ethnic Federalism in Ethiopia.

INTEGRATION IDEOLOGY IN THE PEOPLE IN CENTRAL EUROPE

To achieve the primary goal of the research, the author has considered it to be necessary to solve a number of the following tasks: to scientifically, logically, argumentatively, and coherently lay out specifics of the process of Slavic national ideology formation and reveal its main features. The national-patriotic mood was not limited merely by the demand for cultural reforms by the beginning of the revolution. It gradually transformed into the context of new political and socio-economic ideas. At the same time, in the meaning of the national paradigm of the Slavic National Movement, the idea of its moderation or passive opposition actualized drastically. In general, the national paradigm was a specific mixture of political ideas. Political freedom – democracy, social and personal guarantees – took a somewhat secondary place, the struggle for national justice with its moral and cultural principles became dominant. On the eve of the 1848 revolution, western Slavs were involved in modernizing their national ideology. Although this process was an all-European phenomenon and large ethnic units were undergoing self-determination, the spiritual renaissance of the western Slavs had specific regional and ethnic characteristics, thus attracting the political attention of the governments of great empires – the Austrian and the Russian. For Russia, the biggest Slavonic country, the idea of the general Slavonic ethnic unity and the Pan-Slavistic ideology had scientific character and served as a factor of geopolitical interest. Gradually, the idea of Panslavism received a variety of interpretations - from Russophilism to state or tsarophilic Pan-Slavism, and during the «Spring of Nations» and democratic Pan-Slavism. In an attempt to oppose the popularization of political Panslavism, Western national ideologues were forced to look for alternative ways to integrate the centripetal interests of the Austrian Slavs, which was reflected in another supranational conception of Austro-Slavicism.

Особенности социальной адаптации этнических групп в современных условиях

Discussed are actual questions of a sociological analysis of the social adaptation of various ethnic groups, since globalization disrupts the natural course of this process. We consider it important to preserve the ethnic identity of each nation, subject to their active participation in modern general civilizational development, in order to make a worthy contribution. In order to identify the characteristic features of social adaptation of ethnic groups, two were selected: Khinalugs and Talyshs. The method of analyzing the history of the development and formation of these peoples and the modern conditions of their life revealed the characteristic features of social adaptation here. The considered facts and tendencies in the vital activity of the indicated nationalities gave grounds to draw the following conclusions. In the life of the Hinalugians, their geographical isolation from the rest of the world played a decisive role, which helped them to preserve their unique language and way of life. Now, thanks to the expanded possibilities of communication, this village is exposed to the active influence of the outside world, which fundamentally changes the nature and possibilities of social adaptation of each subsequent generation of people. The Talyshs, being a larger ethnic unit, were subjected to assimilation and other influences of the external world more actively. Despite this, they managed for many decades to preserve their originality. In the modern era of globalization, the general social processes actively influence the process of their social adaptation. Thus, the self-consciousness of the ethnos is destroyed, the self-consciousness of the national identity is formed.

Questioning territories and identities in the precolonial (nineteenth-century) Lake Kivu region

AbstractThroughout Africa, contemporary boundaries are deemed ‘artificial’ because they were external impositions breaking apart supposedly homogeneous ethnic units. This article argues that the problem with the colonial borders was not only that they arbitrarily dissected African societies with European interests in mind, but also that they profoundly changed the way in which territoriality and authority functioned in this region, and therefore they affected identity. The presumption that territories could be constructed in which ‘culture’ and ‘political power’ neatly coincided was influenced by European ideas about space and identity, and privileged the perceptions and territorial claims of those ruling the most powerful centres in the nineteenth century. Thus, this article questions assumptions that continue to influence contemporary views of the Lake Kivu region. It shows that local understandings of the relationship between space and identity differed fundamentally from state-centred perspectives, whether in precolonial centralized states or colonial states.

The Ethnic History And Composition Of Uzbek People: On The Example Of Two Languages, Settlement And Livestock Tribes

The third of requirements in this article on the question of origin of people is to keep in mind that the anthropological type and language of the ancestors of an ethnos never coexist with the language and type of the ethnos. This is because in the early stages of the history of ethnogenesis, ethnic units, especially their language and type, have not been formed yet. The concepts of language, type, and ethnic unity are realities of different periods, and it has been argued that the process of their formation did not take place at the same time.

Persians-Khurramites in the Byzantine Military Service During 833–839/840: Military Rank and Functions of Persian Military Units

Introduction. The scope of this paper is 1) to consider the forms of military service of the Persians within the Byzantine army during the first half of the 9th c., 2) to arrange the chronological order of events related to the involvement of the Persians in Byzantine military service as precisely as possible. The author means the Persians called Khurramites who were representatives of the anti-Islamic and anti-Arabic national movement at the north-west of Iran (territories of modern provinces of East Azerbaijan and Khamadan in the Republic of Iran). Methods. The author considers the single events (Byzantine military campaigns, in which the Persians took part, and also the facts of Persians’ arriving in Byzantium) in a more or less strict chronological order. The researcher turns to an analysis of event history and makes a step-by step, consecutive representation of the process of Persians’ arriving to Byzantine military service. The sources were works of Arabic, Armenian, Georgian and Greek authors (chroniclers, geographers, hagiographers) and seals (evidence of sigillography). Analysis. In 833/834 Byzantine Emperor Theophilos received a group of Persian refugees, who escaped from the Arabs and came to Byzantium. These Persians were headed by two chiefs, Theophobos and Naser, obviously, Naser was Theophobos’ father. Part of the Persians with Naser as a chief located in the Byzantine theme (a military-administrative and territorial district) of Anatolikoi, while another part subordinated to Theophobos located in the theme of Armeniakoi. In 837 Theophilos hosted another group of the Persians, who were commanded by Babek. Conclusions. The analysis shows that both in 833/834 and 837 Theophilos established regular military units of the Persians called thourmai, while Persian leaders mentioned above became Byzantine military officials, that are tourmarchoi, i.e. that were those Persian leaders who commanded over Persian ethnic tourmai. These ethnic units continued their existence up to the mid-10th c.

Конница тюрко-монгольских народов Великой степи в российской армии XVIII – начала XIX в. Часть 2

The article examines activities of Turko-Mongols to have inhabited the Great Steppe and adjacent territories in the military service of Russia throughout the 18th and early 19th centuries. The period witnessed the employment of ethnic military units of irregular cavalries Russian army recruited from the Mongolian-speaking Kalmyks and Buryats, Turkic-speaking Bashkirs, Teptyars, Mishar and Tatars. The work focuses on the largest ethnic military forces ― those of the Kalmyks and Bashkirs. Despite Russian forces were reorganized to from a regular army in the early 18th century, the latter still contained significant irregular components, including ones recruited from Turko-Mongols. Initially, the ethnic groups had served as independent military contingents with traditional structures, tactics, and weapons, but by the late 18th century all ethnic forces were clustered into Don Cossack-type regiments. The first part of the article deals with the features of military service of the Kalmyks and Bashkirs in their usual habitat ― in the Great Steppe. The second part of the article, which will be published in the next issue, analyzes the actions of the Turkic-Mongol cavalry in the three largest wars of Russia in the XVIII – early XIX centuries. (The Northern, Seven-Year War, the Patriotic War of 1812 and the Foreign Campaign of 1813–1814). Rational approaches and command of the ethnic units would yield good results ― both in Eurasian plains and European battlefields. The use of ethnic forces within the Russian army not only saved essential financial and physical resources for the defense of large territories and dramatically long frontiers but also facilitated further integration of their elites into the Empire’s community.

Конница тюрко-монгольских народов Великой степи в российской армии XVIII – начала XIX в. Часть 1

The article examines activities of Turko-Mongols to have inhabited the Great Steppe and adjacent territories in the military service of Russia throughout the 18th and early 19th centuries. The period witnessed the employment of ethnic military units of irregular cavalries Russian army recruited from the Mongolian-speaking Kalmyks and Buryats, Turkic-speaking Bashkirs, Teptyars, Mishar and Tatars. The work focuses on the largest ethnic military forces ― those of the Kalmyks and Bashkirs. Despite Russian forces were reorganized to from a regular army in the early 18th century, the latter still contained significant irregular components, including ones recruited from Turko-Mongols. Initially, the ethnic groups had served as independent military contingents with traditional structures, tactics, and weapons, but by the late 18th century all ethnic forces were clustered into Don Cossack-type regiments. In the first part of the article, published in the previous issue, the features of military service of the Kalmyks and Bashkirs in their usual habitat ― in the Great Steppe were considered. The second part of the article analyzes the actions of the Turkic-Mongol cavalry in the three largest wars of Russia in the XVIII-early XX century. XIX centuries. (The Northern, Seven-Year War, the Patriotic War of 1812 and the Foreign Campaign of 1813–1814). Rational approaches and command of the ethnic units would yield good results ― both in Eurasian plains and European battlefields. The use of ethnic forces within the Russian army not only saved essential financial and physical resources for the defense of large territories and dramatically long frontiers but also facilitated further integration of their elites into the Empire’s community.

The Supranational Idea of the Peoples of Central Europe (First Half of the 19th Century)

National movement and further development of national benchmarks of the European peoples at the beginning of the revolution of 1848–1849 are one of the most socio-political contextualized pages in the past of the Slavik peoples in Europe. The research is considered to be topical since the process of formation of national ideology in the 19th century, that occured in the Slavs environment, took place in terms of distribution of the national principle and state formation in the majority of the European countries. The purpose of the research is to enlighten the course, laws and specifics of formation of the national paradigm at the beginning of the revolution of 1848–1849. The object of the study is the national movement of the Slavs, the subject of scientific analysis is the national ideology developing under the influence of both internal and external factors. To achieve the main goal of the research the author has considered it to be necessary to solve a number of the following tasks: to scientifically, logically, argumentatively and coherently lay out specifics of the process of Slavic national ideology formation and reveal its main features. It should be emphasized that by the beginning of the revolution the national patriotic mood was not limited merely by the demand of the cultural reforms, it gradually transformed into the context of new political and socio-economic ideas. At the same time, in the meaning of national paradigm of the Slavic National Movement the idea of its moderation or passive opposition actualized drastically. In general, national paradigm was a certain mixture of political ideas, in which political freedom – democracy, social and personal guarantees – took a somewhat secondary place, the struggle for the national justice with its moral and cultural principles, became dominant. On the eve of the 1848 revolution western Slavs were involved in the process of modernizing their national ideology. Al though this process was an all-European phenomen on and large ethnic units were under going self-determination, the spiritual renaissance of the western Slavs had specific regional and ethnic characteristics, thus attracting the political attention of the governments of great empires – the Austrian and the Russian. For Russia, the biggest Slavonic country, the idea of the general Slavonic ethnic unity as well as the Pan-Slavistic ideology were not only of scientific character, but also served as a factor of geopolitical interest

Statements of Solidarity

A collection of statements of solidarity from Black Studies and Ethnic Studies academic units and scholarly organizations in response to the murder of George Floyd, organized and curated by Natchee Blu Barnd, Associate Editor of the Ethnic Studies Review

AL-DINAWARI AND AL-TABARI, ARABIC-SPEAKING HISTORIANS IN THE 9TH — EARLY 10TH CENTURY, ON THE ARMENIAN TROOPS AT THE BYZANTINE MILITARY SERVICE IN 590-591: TOWARDS THE PARTICIPATION OF THE ARMENIAN NOBLE FAMILIES (NAKHARARS)

This article covers the legal status, condition, and functions of the Armenian troops, which fought within the Byzantine army on behalf of the Persian king Khosrow II Parwiz in 591 during his clash with a Persian usurper Bakhram Chobin. The author turns his attention to the sources, which had been neglected in previous historiographic studies. The sources ate the accounts of Arabic-speaking historians al-Dinawari and al-Tabari, who lived in the 9th — early 10th century. Having compared their evidence and the narratives of the Greek (Theophylactus Symocatta) and Armenian (Sebeos) historical chronicles, the author has discovered a social origin of the Armenian troops, which were a part of the Byzantine army. In addition, the author has traced the way of their territorial movements and studied in succession how the functions and status of these Armenian units changed over the time. In regards to the methods, the author highlights the usage of the historical-chronological narrative, i. e. the analysis of event history, when events are arranged and presented in strict chronological order. This method has allowed seeing the events in consecutive manner: how the status and functions of Armenian ethnic units within the Byzantine army changed before and after 590-591. The main conclusion of this contribution is that the Armenian units, which fought for the sake of Khosrow II Parwiz within the Byzantine troops, represented the retinues of nakharars, who were the chiefs of Armenian noble families, but first these nakharars located on a territory of Persia, not Byzantium. The supreme and general leader of such retinues was a powerful nakharar Moushel Mamikonean, who refused to accept Bakhram and as a result joined the Byzantine troops, which came to Persia at the request of Khosrow in order to destroy Bakhram. After Bakhram was defeated, Moushel and the nakharars subordinated to him, moved and resettled in Byzantium. However, because of the mistaken policy the Byzantine Emperor Mauricius led towards the Armenian noble, Moushel and his nakharars left Byzantium and fled back to Persia. The departure of the Armenian nakharars generated a serious weakening of Byzantine troops, which stood in Armenian provinces of Byzantium, and this process, in turn, caused the hard defeats of Byzantines from the Persians during 603-607, when Mauricius was already murdered as a result of the internal Byzantine military unrest.

Становлення наднаціональних ідей у народів Центральної Європи

National movement and further development of national benchmarks of the European peoples at the beginning of the revolution of 1848–1849 are one of the most socio-political contextualized pages in the past of the Slavik peoples in Europe. The research is considered to be topical since the process of formation of national ideology in the 19th century, that occured in the Slavs environment, took place in terms of distribution of the national principle and state formation in the majority of the European countries. The purpose of the research is to enlighten the course, laws and specifics of formation of the national paradigm at the beginning of the revolution of 1848–1849. The object of the study is the national movement of the Slavs, the subject of scientific analysis is the national ideology developing under the influence of both internal and external factors. To achieve the main goal of the research the author has considered it to be necessary to solve a number of the following tasks: to scientifically, logically, argumentatively and coherently lay out specifics of the process of Slavic national ideology formation and reveal its main features. It should be emphasized that by the beginning of the revolution the national patriotic mood was not limited merely by the demand of the cultural reforms, it gradually transformed into the context of new political and socio-economic ideas. At the same time, in the meaning of national paradigm of the Slavic National Movement the idea of its moderation or passive opposition actualized drastically. In general national paradigm was a certain mixture of political ideas, in which political freedom – democracy, social and personal guarantees – took a somewhat secondary place, the struggle for the national justice with its moral and cultural principles, became dominant. On the eve of the 1848 revolution western Slavs were involved in the process of modernizing their national ideology. Al though this process was an allEuropean phenomen on and large ethnic units were under going selfdetermination, the spiritual renaissance of the western Slavs had specific regional and ethnic characteristics, thus attracting the political attention of the governments of great empires – the Austrian and the Russian. For Russia, the biggest Slavonic country, the idea of the general Slavonic ethnic unity as well as the Pan-Slavistic ideology were not only of scientific character, but also served as a factor of geopolitical interest.

Панідеологія в геополітиці Російської імперії у першій половині ХІХ століття

National movement and further development of national benchmarks of the European peoples at the beginning of the revolution of 1848–1849 are one of the most socio-political contextualized pages in the past of the Slavik peoples in Europe. The research is considered to be topical since the process of formation of national ideology in the 19th century, that occured in the Slavs environment, took place in terms of distribution of the national principle and state formation in the majority of the European countries. The purpose of the research is to enlighten the course, laws and specifi cs of formation of the national paradigm at the beginning of the revolution of 1848–1849. The object of the study is the national movement of the Slavs, the subject of scientifi c analysis is the national ideology developing under the infl uence of both internal and external factors.To achieve the main goal of the research the author has considered it to be necessary to solve a number of the following tasks: to scientifically, logically, argumentatively and coherently lay out specifics of the process of Slavic national ideology formation and reveal its main features. It should be emphasized that by the beginning of the revolution the national patriotic mood was not limited merely by the demand of the cultural reforms, it gradually transformed into the context of new political and socio-economic ideas. At the same time, in the meaning of national paradigm of the Slavic National Movement the idea of its moderation or passive opposition actualized drastically. In general national paradigm was a certain mixture of political ideas, in which political freedom – democracy, social and personal guarantees – took a somewhat secondary place, the struggle for the national justice with its moral and cultural principles, became dominant.On the eve of the 1848 revolution western Slavs were involved in the process of modernizing their national ideology. Al though this process was an all-European phenomen on and large ethnic units were under going self-determination, the spiritual renaissance of the western Slavs had specifi c regional and ethnic characteristics, thus att racting the political att ention of the governments of great empires – the Austrian and the Russian. For Russia, the biggest Slavonic country, the idea of the general Slavonic ethnic unity as well as the Pan-Slavistic ideology were not only of scientifi c character, but also served as a factor of geopolitical interest