Ethnic Threat Research Articles

Extreme politieke oriëntaties in Europa - Verklaringen op micro- en macroniveau

In this study, we set out to explain extreme left-wing and extreme right-wing ideologies within and between 30 European countries in a multi-level framework. To test our hypotheses, we use data from the European Social Surveys of 2002, 2004, 2006, 2008 and 2010 (N = 176.803), enriched with country characteristics. Our results show that lower educated people and manual workers are more likely to support left-wing extremism, because they are of the opinion that the government should take measures to reduce differences in income levels. Interestingly, the lower educated and manual workers are also more likely to have an extreme right-wing ideology. This effect, however, is explained by a higher level of perceived ethnic threat. At the country-level, our analyses indicate that a heritage of a totalitarian regime increases the likelihood for an individual to hold an extreme left-wing and extreme right-wing ideology. Moreover, we found a positive effect of the percentage of unemployed people in a country on the probability to support left-wing extremism.

Migrant-Related Attitudes and Perceived Ethnic Threats Between In-Groups and Out-Groups: <i>The cases of Greece and Sweden</i>

The Nordic Journal of Migration Research is a double-blind peer-reviewed, open access international journal that is cost free for authors and readers alike. The journal publishes theoretical and empirical analyses of migratory processes, dealing with themes such as nationalism and transnationalism, ethnic relations and racism, border practices and belonging. The journal gives priority to Nordic issues, but publishes articles also from other geographical contexts.Back content now available in our issue archive.

Who Fears What? Explaining Far-Right-Wing Preference in Europe by Distinguishing Perceived Cultural and Economic Ethnic Threats

This contribution aims, first, to determine whether support for the far right is based on perceptions of cultural or economic threats posed by immigrants in 11 European countries. Second, it seeks to reanalyze the question of whether class is an important explanation for support for the far right using new measures of class and, related to this, to determine the extent to which class interacts with perceived threat to explain support for far-right parties. The study reveals that perceived cultural ethnic threats are a stronger predictor of far-right preferences than are perceived economic ethnic threats. This cultural versus economic distinction is also depicted in social class differences in far-right preference. These are particularly evident between sociocultural specialists and technocrats, as anticipated by the new social class scheme. Sociocultural specialists particularly perceive fewer cultural ethnic threats compared to technocrats and consequently have a smaller likelihood to prefer the far right. On the contextual level, the authors find that higher levels of GDP in a country result in greater far-right preference, whereas higher levels of GDP do result in lower levels of ethnic threats. The effect of proportion of Muslims on far-right preference is nonsignificant. The study shows that the choice of countries in cross-national research can heavily influence the results.

Immigration and Perceived Ethnic Threat: Cultural Capital and Economic Explanations

This article aims to study to what extent the share of immigrants in a country influences individuals' perceptions of ethnic threat and how this can be explained by theories of economic and cultural threat. Following an economic logic, people with a weak socio-economic position should have a greater perception of ethnic threat. This would be more so if the share of low-educated immigrants in a country was relatively high. Following a cultural logic, greater perceptions of ethnic threat should be found among individuals with a weak cultural position, which would apply more strongly if the share of non-Western immigrants in a country was relatively high. Both theories are studied using data from the first round of the European Social Survey, enriched with country-specific variables. The results are discussed in terms of their implications for the theories under scrutiny and in the light of current scientific debates about the influence of immigration on Western societies.

Immigrants across the U.S. Federal Laboratory: Explaining State-Level Innovation in Immigration Policy

AbstractThe passage of a restrictive immigration law in Arizona in 2010 rekindled an old debate in the United States on immigration policy and the role of federalism. Despite periodic constitutional controversies, scholars of federalism and U.S. state politics have not adequately explained variation in state-level policy making on immigration. The authors explore pressures leading to state immigration policy innovation and adoption in the United States. The article evaluates factors leading to the introduction and adoption of two types of policies: those dictating the cultural and economic incorporation of immigrants and those attempting to control their flow and settlement. Factors such as fiscal federalism, ethnic contact, and ethnic threat generate incentives for states to pass such laws. The authors compiled a comprehensive data set of state immigration laws from the past decade to explain how factors commonly associated with national immigration policy development—economic conditions, rates of immigration, demographics, party control, and political institutions—influence state-level immigration policy activity.

RETRACTED: ETHNIC THREAT AND SOCIAL CONTROL: EXAMINING PUBLIC SUPPORT FOR JUDICIAL USE OF ETHNICITY IN PUNISHMENT*

Research on social inequality in punishment has focused for a long time on the complex relationship among race, ethnicity, and criminal sentencing, with a particular interest in the theoretical importance that group threat plays in the exercise of social control in society. Prior research typically relies on aggregate measures of group threat and focuses on racial rather than on ethnic group composition. The current study uses data from a nationally representative sample of U.S. residents to investigate the influence of more proximate and diverse measures of ethnic group threat, examining public support for the judicial use of ethnic considerations in sentencing. Findings indicate that both aggregate and perceptual measures of threat influence popular support for ethnic disparity in punishment and that individual perceptions of criminal and economic threat are particularly important. Moreover, we find that perceived threat is conditioned by aggregate group threat contexts. Findings are discussed in relation to the growing Hispanic population in the rapidly changing demographic structure of U.S. society.

Explaining relationships between ethnic diversity and informal social capital across European countries and regions: Tests of constrict, conflict and contact theory

In this study we focus on the relationship between ethnic diversity and informal social capital. As this refers to rather strong social ties in the intimate domain, it is a strict test of Putnam’s claim that ethnic diversity would decrease social capital. In order to explain these relationships, we derived mediating mechanisms from conflict and contact theory. Using data from the European Social Survey (2002/2003), we applied multilevel analyses considering three levels: individuals, regions and countries. Our results revealed a direct positive effect of ethnic diversity at the country level on informal helping, yet no indirect effect via the mediating variables. At the regional level, we only found an indirect effect of ethnic diversity. Here, ethnic diversity increases the likelihood of intergroup contact that in turn is positively related to both informal social meeting and helping. Perceived ethnic threat turned out to have a negative effect on informal social meeting.

Static and Dynamic Indicators of Minority Threat in Sentencing Outcomes: A Multi-Level Analysis

Designation as a “Habitual Offender” is an enhanced form of punishment which unlike, “Three Strikes” or “10-20-Life,” is entirely discretionary. We use Hierarchical Generalized Linear Modeling to assess the direct effects of race and Latino ethnicity on the designation of Habitual Offenders as well as the effect of both static and dynamic indicators of racial and ethnic threat on those outcomes. Our data include 26,740 adults sentenced to prison in Florida between 2002 and 2004 who were statutorily eligible to be sentenced as Habitual. The odds of receiving this designation are significantly increased for black and Latino defendants as compared to whites, though race and ethnicity effects vary substantially by crime type, being strongest for drug offenses and negligible for violent crimes. Static measures of group level threat (% black and % Latino) have no cross-level effect on sentencing by race or Latino ethnicity. However, increasing black population over time increases the odds of being sentenced as Habitual for both black and Latino defendants. Increasing Latino population increases the odds of Habitual Offender sentencing for Latinos, but decreases it for blacks. The prospect of engaging dynamic as opposed to static measures of threat in future criminal justice and other social control research is discussed.

A longitudinal study of euroscepticism in the Netherlands: 2008 versus 1990

With a unique longitudinal data set covering a time-span of 18 years, we test to what extent euroscepticism evolved among the Dutch between 1990 and 2008. We compare Eurosceptic attitudes on the eve of the signing of the Treaty of Maastricht with attitudes after the Dutch ‘no’ in the referendum on the European Constitution. We find a strong increase in euroscepticism among the Dutch. This change did not develop evenly across the educational strata. We propose to explain these differences through the utilitarian, political cueing, political cynicism and identity approaches. Over the years, the less educated have become more cynical about politics and have come to perceive a greater ethnic threat than before, which explains their stronger increase in euroscepticism. In contrast to 1990, perceived ethnic threat was the main predictor of euroscepticism in 2008.

The typification of Hispanics as criminals and support for punitive crime control policies

The Hispanic population is now the largest and fastest growing minority in the United States, so it is not surprising that ethnic threat linked to Hispanics has been associated with harsher crime control. While minority threat research has found that individuals who associate blacks with crime are more likely to support harsh criminal policies, the possibility that this relationship exists for those who typify Hispanics as criminal has yet to be examined. Using a national random sample, this study is the first to use HLM to find that perceptions of Hispanics as criminals do increase support for punitive crime control measures, controlling for various individual and state influences. Moderated and contextual analyses indicate this relationship is most applicable for individuals who are less apt to typify criminals as black, less prejudiced, less fearful of victimization, politically liberal or moderate, not parents, and living in states with relatively fewer Latin American immigrants.

Examining the Direct and Interactive Effects of Changes in Racial and Ethnic Threat on Sentencing Decisions

Minority threat theory has been used to explain sentencing decisions, but rarely has the theory’s logic been assessed by examining changes in threat. Building on prior theoretical and empirical research, we develop hypotheses about the direct and interactive effects of changes in racial and ethnic threat on sentencing. We test the hypotheses using data from the Bureau of Justice Statistics’ State Court Processing Statistics program and other sources. The results indicate that increased racial threat contributes to a greater probability of receiving a prison sentence when baseline levels of threat are high. Less support is found for an effect of changes in ethnic threat. We find no support for arguments that minority threat effects are greater among minority defendants, but we do find support for the argument that threat effects are greater among violent and drug offenders. We discuss the implications of the findings for theory, research, and policy.

Anti-Muslim Attitudes in The Netherlands: Tests of Contradictory Hypotheses Derived from Ethnic Competition Theory and Intergroup Contact Theory

In this study, we set out to explain anti-Muslim attitudes in the Netherlands. Although the presence and immigration of Muslims have become widely discussed, there is little systematic evidence about the determinants underlying anti-Muslim attitudes. Using data from the Social and Cultural Developments in the Netherlands (SOCON) survey (2005, 2006), containing a more detailed measurement of anti-Muslim attitudes, we tested two contradictory mechanisms, derived from ethnic competition theory and intergroup contact theory. Results from hierarchical structural equation modelling indicate that the relative outgroup size induces both intergroup friendship contact as well as perceptions of ethnic threat. However, only the latter turned out to affect anti-Muslim attitudes directly. Moreover, our findings revealed that contact with colleagues belonging to ethnic minority groups reduces negative attitudes towards Muslims and mediates the effect of individuallevel determinants on anti-Muslim attitudes. The complementary nature of both ethnic competition theory and intergroup contact theory is illustrated by negative correlation between both mediating mechanisms, as well as the support for a curvilinear relationship between outgroup size and perceived ethnic threat.

Effects of Issue Frames on Aversion to Ethnic-Targeted School Policies

In this article, we discuss the results of a survey experiment designed to examine the impact of issue framing on the level of aversion to ethnic-targeted school policies in the Netherlands, in 2000 and 2005. Emphasizing the costs for Dutch children increased the level of aversion to these policies, compared to the level of aversion expressed by respondents in the unframed condition (control group). Emphasizing the benefits for ethnic minorities was less effective in altering the level of aversion. Moreover, when respondents were confronted with both the cost and benefit frames – a situation which closely resembles the political and public debate – they still showed less support for ethnic-targeted school policies. We also found that aversion to ethnic-targeted school policies is driven by negative considerations such as a preference for hierarchical social relations and perceptions of ethnic threat. Emphasizing out-group benefits did neither decrease the impact of these negative considerations on the level of aversion to ethnic-targeted school policies, nor strengthen the liberalizing effect of education.

A Multilevel Test of Minority Threat Effects on Sentencing

Prior studies of criminal sanctioning have focused almost exclusively on individual-level predictors of sentencing outcomes. However, in recent years, scholars have begun to include social context in their research. Building off of this work—and heeding calls for testing the racial and ethnic minority threat perspective within a multilevel framework and for separating prison and jail sentences as distinct outcomes—this paper examines different dimensions of minority threat and explores whether they exert differential effects on prison versus jail sentences. The findings provide support for the racial threat perspective, and less support for the ethnic threat perspective. They also underscore the importance of testing for non-linear threat effects and for separating jail and prison sentences as distinct outcomes. We discuss the findings and their implications for theory, research, and policy.

Entertaining anti-racism. Multicultural television drama, identification and perceptions of ethnic threat

Abstract Television content that contains non-stereotypical representations of ethnic minorities and models positive intercultural interactions may potentially aid in reducing the prejudices of its viewers (Brown Graves, Journal of Social Issues 55: 707–727, 1999, Persson, Early Childhood Research Quarterly 18: 530–546, 1999, Shochat, Conflict Resolution Quarterly 21: 2003). However, the exact effect has yet to be demonstrated. Furthermore, the cognitive mechanisms behind such an effect remain unclear. This article tests hypotheses derived from social identity theory and social learning theory that attribute this effect to the identification patterns with ingroup and outgroup characters in television drama. In an experiment (N = 152), participants either watched episodes of a multicultural drama or a regular soap series. Results showed that viewers of multicultural drama had lower perceptions of ethnic threat. Moreover, this effect was mediated by identification with characters, namely, increased identification with outgroup and lowered identification with ingroup characters resulting in lower ethnic threat. The results suggest that short term viewing effects are best explained with social identity theory. The implications for long term effects and the possible role of social learning are analyzed in the discussion.

Does intergenerational social mobility affect antagonistic attitudes towards ethnic minorities?

Up till now, no study satisfactorily addressed the effect of social mobility on antagonistic attitudes toward ethnic minorities. In this contribution, we investigate the effect of educational and class intergenerational mobility on ethnic stereotypes, ethnic threat, and opposition to ethnic intermarriage by using diagonal mobility models. We test several hypotheses derived from ethnic competition theory and socialization theory with data from the Social and Cultural Developments in The Netherlands surveys (SOCON, waves 1995, 2000, and 2005) and The Netherlands Kinship and Panel Study (NKPS, wave 2002). We find that the relative influence of social origin and social destination depends on the specific origin and destination combination. If one moves to a more tolerant social destination position, the influence of the social origin position is negligible. If on the other hand, one is socially mobile to a less tolerant social position, the impact of the origin on antagonistic attitudes is substantial and may even exceed the impact of the destination category. This confirms our hypothesis that adaptation to more tolerant norms is easier than adaptation to less tolerant norms. We find only meagre evidence for the hypothesis that downward mobility leads to frustration and consequently to more antagonistic attitudes.

Backlash in the ’Hood: Determinants of Support for the British National Party (BNP) at the Local Level

Studies of extreme right party support typically eschew detailed local research. This article examines the recent development of the British National Party (BNP), currently the dominant representative of the British extreme right, and focuses specifically on two local case studies. Drawing on research into BNP voters and activists, the article highlights the role of perceived ethnic competition and threat as an important explanatory factor of BNP support. The article also draws attention to local circumstances and cultures that render some areas especially susceptible to exclusionistic forms of mobilization. The article ends by noting some broader implications for the study of contemporary extreme right parties.

The path to Weimar Serbia? Explaining the resurgence of the Serbian far right after the fall of Milosevic

A number of European countries are experiencing a rise in the blue-collar and ethnic majority vote for the ultra-nationalist far right. The situation seems particularly ominous in Serbia, where the far right is enjoying a resurgence of electoral support, coming close to capturing the presidency in 2004. This study analyses the results of five post-Milosevic elections and finds support for the argument that the majority's economic vulnerability and a sense of ‘ethnic threat’ are the major contextual predictors of far right support. In light of the demonstrated ability of the Serbian far right to mobilize economically vulnerable sections of the population, implementation of neo-liberal economic reforms might unintentionally bring them to power. The maintenance and development of the welfare state might counteract the electoral appeal of authoritarian ultra-nationalists.

Testing the Stability of an Acquiescence Style Factor Behind Two Interrelated Substantive Variables in a Panel Design

This article addresses the question of to what extent one type of response style, called acquiescence (or agreeing response bias), is stable over time. A structural equation modeling approach is applied to measure the stability of one acquiescence factor behind two concepts among the same respondents for a 4-year period. The data used are representative population surveys in 1995 and 1999 from the Belgian Election Study in which balanced sets of items are used for measuring two interrelated constructs: perceived ethnic threat and distrust in politics. This study provides empirical support that acquiescence is stable and consistent for a 4-year period.

Anti-Immigrant Attitudes in Europe: Outgroup Size and Perceived Ethnic Threat

This study focuses on ethnic competition as a contextual explanation of cross-national differences in anti-immigrant prejudice. It contributes to the existing literature by refining the concept of ethnic competition into a socio-economic and a cultural aspect, which is reflected in two different measures of outgroup size. To improve cross-national comparability, the outgroup size measure is based on foreign country of birth instead of citizenship. Moreover, as outgroup size does not only measure competition, but also contact opportunities and familiarity with immigration, intergroup contact theory is taken into account and a non-linear relationship between outgroup size and perceived ethnic threat is tested. This study employs multi-level linear regression and uses the first round data set of the European Social Survey. The main conclusions of this analysis are that economic and social competition between groups might play a lesser role in the explanation of cross-national differences in anti-immigrant attitudes than often assumed, and that it might be rather lacking familiarity and fear of conflict over values and culture that drive the relationship between outgroup size and anti-immigrant attitudes.