Ethnic Politics Research Articles

To Marry or Not to Marry? Gender and Interethnic Group Trust

AbstractWhile there has been work on whether women are more tolerant of outgroups, the ethnic politics literature has generally overlooked the role of gender in explaining interethnic trust. Whatever attention exists often focuses on the gender of the subject—that is, who is doing the trusting—with mixed results. One reason is that the object being entrusted is either not specified or assumed genderless. In this paper, we call attention to the gender of an important entrusted object in interethnic relations: children. We argue people are less willing to have their daughters—compared to their sons—marry an ethnic outgroup. Additionally, this willingness declines as the cultural distance widens. We test this using a survey experiment in Romania where we leverage the diversity in ethnicity and a gendered language structure. Our results highlight the importance of accounting for gender-based differences in studying interethnic trust.

Gender and the bifurcated state: women in Uganda’s traditional authority

This article introduces Mahmood Mamdani’s bifurcated state theory to the study of gender and power. The purpose is to unveil the structure of the state that produces conflicting experiences of elite women in Africa’s two public spheres, namely, the civil realm and the customary domain. In recent decades, privileged women have occupied political leadership positions in Uganda and Africa. However, things are different in the kingdoms and cultural institutions of the former British colony in which open despotism and the limited inclusion of women in leadership have persisted without causing much alarm. To highlight the coherence of these two seemingly contradictory situations, I extend the notion of the bifurcated state beyond the politicisation of ethnicity—for which the concept was originally formulated—to the politicisation of gender. Not only does the theory illuminate the politicisation of identity, but it also accounts for the differentiated manner in which identity is politicised in different publics.

State in/security, ethnicity, and tourism: mapping tourist spaces and Sri Lankan identity politics

ABSTRACT This article follows suggestions from participants in interview and mapping exercises in Sri Lanka from December 2017-January 2018 that travellers and tourists to the country should visit the former war zones in the North and East of the country. These were the primary territories inflicted by the Sri Lankan civil war (1983–2009) between the majority Sinhalese and the minority Tamils. I extend these discussions to underlying identity and ethnic politics that caused these now tourist locations to be war zones in the first place, as well as reflect how the exclusionary politics of nationalism reflects continued postcolonial anxiety and the acceptance (or not) of Islamic identities within the contemporary state. Examining an underlying nexus of security, development, and ethnic politics in the Sri Lankan context, I argue that economic relations within its tourism industry indicates the anxiety, insecurity, and limitations of the nation-state more broadly.

Ethnic Visibility

AbstractThe political utility of ethnicity is typically attributed to the ease with which it can be observed. However, ethnic visibility is not universal, and I argue that its variation has political implications; namely that more visible group members support ethnic parties at higher rates because they have the most to gain (or lose) from ethnopolitical competition. Using original data from Malawi, I find that individual‐level ethnic visibility is indeed strongly associated with ethnic party support. I provide further evidence that visibility induces party support instrumentally by shaping expectations about others’ ability to correctly infer ethnic belonging. I also show that the theory generalizes to the group level, with more visible ethnic groups across Africa being more likely to vote ethnically. These results qualify a central assumption in instrumental theories of ethnic politics—that ethnic identities are always visible—and help explain variation in the success of ethnic political mobilization.

Uncovering the Role of the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahido Church in the War between the Tigrian Forces and the Federal Government

Abstract The Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahido Church (EOTC) has a long and glorious history in the Ethiopian polity. It was an institution deeply engaged in Ethiopian politics and has long served as a unifying political force. For example, when foreign enemies invaded Ethiopia, the EOTC was tasked with uniting Ethiopians to fight against aggressors. However, in times of internal political crisis, particularly in contemporary Ethiopia, the EOTC’s role is relatively insignificant. Previous studies have not focused on this issue. Through a qualitative research approach, this study takes the post-2020 conflict between Tigrian forces and the federal government as a litmus test for showing the EOTC’s insignificant role in cases of internal political crisis. It shows that, as an institution, the EOTC played an insignificant role in reconciling, condemning, or trying to manage the conflict. Indeed, two challenges prevented the EOTC from doing what it was supposed to do in this conflict: ethnic politics and the EOTC’s top authorities’ submissiveness to the ruling regimes. This article recommends further studies aimed at assessing the invisible role of the EOTC in the Ethiopian polity and its counter-relationships. Conducting additional studies is significant for policymakers in general and the EOTC in particular.

Ethnic politics and sovereign credit risk

How does domestic politics affect sovereign credit risk? To date, scholars have largely focused on how economic interests along class-cleavages influence sovereign default risk and borrowing costs. Ethnic dynamics are another important political factor that explains governments’ creditworthiness, yet are understudied. We investigate how ethnic politics shape governments’ credit access and argue that the fiscal incentives generated by ethnic coalitions influence credit risk differently than those created by class cleavages. Because ethnic coalitions are usually smaller than class coalitions, left governments with ethnic support can commit to lower spending and receive more favorable risk assessments. Right governments that rely on ethnic support, however, will have greater spending demands because of their need to satisfy ethnic groups. We test our argument using a new indicator of government ethnic support and four indicators of sovereign credit risk. We find that, in emerging markets, the borrowing costs of right governments increase as they become more dependent on ethnic groups for political support. Our findings suggest that financial markets are attuned to multiple dimensions of domestic politics and demonstrate that ethnic divisions can have strong implications for governments’ access to credit.

Impact of Ethnic Politics and Exploitation: An Analysis of Ice-Candy Man and Meatless Days

Third-world nations have a problem with ethnic and religious violence, which is examined in this research by Frantz Fanon. Pakistan, a formerly colonised country, falls under this category. Numerous writers have written works that address this subject, including Sara Suleri and Bapsi Sidhwa. This investigation focuses on ethnic politics and religious issues in Pakistan. India was divided in 1947, and the new countries of India and Pakistan were born. Nonetheless, since East Pakistan (Bangladesh) broke out in 1971 due to ethnic politics, significant issues with national identity have been highlighted. This study's main objective is to explain why ethnic politics and religious conflicts have become worse in Pakistan after it broke apart from previous United India. Governmental elites in developing countries abuse their population based on their ethnicity. As a result, racial and religious tensions in the country erupted. It helps to comprehend Fanon's views on neocolonialism in this case.The book Ice-Candy Man and the memoir Meatless Days were closely read (textually analysed) for this study.

Islam dan Konstruksi Politik Identitas Etnis di Lampung Barat

<pre>This study examines the regional head and legislative elections in West Lampung where elites running as candidates are more likely to choose their partners based on ethnic representation to promote ethnic solidarity in the region. This article aims to explain the Islamic view of understanding the construction of identity politics in West Lampung. In this case, it uses explanatory qualitative which deals with the issue of regional sons becoming the main commodity in ethnic politics. The findings of this article show that Muklis Basri has established friendship and commitment to the traditional and customary leaders of Sai Batin in West Lampung. The form of his attention is that many traditional activities, and traditional Sai Batin ceremonies are made a permanent regional and tourism agenda in West Lampung Regency. Likewise, the proximity to the persuasive approach of the community, Mukhlis can attract community sympathy by paying great attention to local customs and the public interest. The existence of customary balancers has the authority to make decisions about the results of deliberations in this case mobilization to influence voters. From an Islamic perspective, the prevailing construction of blind fanaticism towards a particular group or tribe, known as ashobiyah, is considered contrary to the principles of equality and fraternity emphasized by this religion as well as the importance of viewing individuals based on their qualities, character and deeds, not their origin based on Q.S Al Hujurat:13.</pre>

Identity and elites in developmental politics: a case study of the “Gorkha” and “Gorkhaland” movements in the eastern parts of India

ABSTRACT This article draws attention to the “Gorkha” as a constructed identity, given or adopted by Nepali-speaking community. The idea of “Gorkha” in general and the demand for the territory of “Gorkhaland” of India have remained an elitist project, and the employment of this idea/term “Gorkha” has been a political instrumentalization that failed to bring any form of development. The period of 1980s gave rise to the “Gorkhaland” movement in India for its subjugation and alienation, which sparked questioning about the identity of the Gorkha in Indian politics. The question arises: Why Nepali people are mobilized as “Gorkha” in its history? How is the “Gorkhaland” movement in India a developmental problem in contrast to ethnic politics? This paper is divided into two parts, such as (1) “Gorkha” and its origin in general and (2) Indian “Gorkha” and the “Gorkhaland” demand. The process of such movement led by elites brings both domestic and international attentions due to cross border and regional politics. This paper uses a thematic approach in analyzing the leader’s role in relation to the last Shah King, a recruitment policy of colonial British raj, and legitimization process by the “Gorkha” leaders in the “Gorkhaland” Movement.

Ethnic politics, the Cold War and sub-national dynamics: the Indonesian Communist Party, the ethnic Chinese minority and anti-Chinese activities in West Java, 1949–67

AbstractA growing body of scholarship has examined the intertwining of ideological polarization and inter-ethnic tensions during the Cold War. In this context, increasing attention has been paid to the experiences of the ethnic Chinese in Southeast Asia, and how they were affected by international and national-level developments. Less scrutiny has been given to the role of sub-national forces, despite the fact that patterns of ethnic conflict sometimes varied markedly between different parts of a single country. This article addresses this lacuna via the case study of West Java, Indonesia. The article analyses the relationship between the Indonesian Communist Party (Partai Komunis Indonesia, PKI), Indonesia’s ethnic Chinese population and anti-Chinese agitation in the 1950s and 1960s. International and national forces encouraged closer relations between the PKI and some ethnic Chinese Indonesians through the 1950s. From the late 1950s to the mid-1960s there were also recurrent episodes of anti-Chinese harassment, driven primarily by anti-communist groups. The strength of the anti-communist coalition within West Java helped make the province the epicentre of anti-Chinese agitation during crises in 1959–60 and 1963. Yet shifts in the configuration of military and political forces in the region meant anti-Chinese actions in West Java during the contentious period 1965–67 were less severe than in some other provinces. Overall the article highlights the need to consider the interaction of not only international and national processes but also sub-national regional dynamics when analysing the relationship between Cold War polarization and inter-ethnic conflict.

Green Political Science

Each year we have the honor to publish an article version of the APSA Presidential Address. In the six years we have done this John Ishiyama is the first comparativist whose work we have featured in this capacity. He presently holds an appointment as University Distinguished Research Professor of Political Science at the University of North Texas. John has long been a fixture in the subfield of comparative politics for his contributions on democratization, political parties, and ethnic politics in both the post-Soviet region and Africa. He has also written extensively on teaching, publishing, and assessment in political science. He has published over 150 articles. And while the outlets and subject matter are too diverse to summarize succinctly, we do want to mention that “The Politics of Intercountry Adoption: Explaining Variation in the Legal Requirements of Sub-Saharan African Countries,” coauthored with Marijke Breuning, won the 2010 APSA Heinz Eulau Award for Best Journal Article published in Perspectives on Politics during the previous year (2009).

Nationalism and National Identity in North America

Abstract The study of nationalism in North America has focused heavily on national identity. Much of the scholarship in the region indicates that most individuals define their respective national identities as attainable and inclusive. In contrast to these findings, other evidence from nationalism and ethnic politics scholarship in North America suggests a strong racial link to national understandings. Focusing on national identity research in North America, primarily the United States, but also findings from Canada and Mexico, I try to address the connection between national identity, its political effects, and the boundaries of national identity content. This article identifies important findings from research in North America and proposes that scholars look beyond the current research to study national development – understood both historically and through the study of individuals’ constructive deployment of nationalism in everyday life.

The Orthodox Church and the Macedonian Question in North America: Religion, Diaspora, and Ethnic Politics (1957–1989)

In the Orthodox commonwealth, faith has been an important variable of national identity since the Balkan national movements of the nineteenth century. Part of the literature highlights how local Churches stood by and assisted self-determination efforts. Later, during the Cold War, political and national aspirations were transferred via the Church and immigrant institutions into North America. More precisely, Greek-, Bulgarian-, and Slav-Macedonian communities, with the support of their respective Churches, created an environment of antagonism regarding the ownership of the geographic area of Macedonia. In the aftermath of World War II, the aforementioned diasporas mobilized to defend their political ambitions and mother Churches and their eparchies coordinated their efforts to exert influence on immigrants originating from all three parts of Macedonia and to increase support for their national claims among the US and Canadian publics.

Polarization of Government and NGO Orientation towards Eco-Rural Tourism Development in Kerinci Region, Jambi Province, Indonesia

Rural is an area that should be conserved. Conservation in the sense that its development must be in accordance with the concepts and potentials that have been passed down from generation to generation. The success of rural area development is strongly influenced by the orientation of stakeholders, including the government and NGOs. The purpose of this study is to analyze the polarization of the government and NGOs orientation towards the development of eco-rural tourism in Kerinci Regency, Jambi Province. This study used an instrument in a closed questionnaire with a One Score One Indicator Scoring System assessment pattern, with aspects assessed including socio-cultural, conservation and environmental aspects, ethnic politics, economics, regional development, tourism, and landscape ecology in six villages. The polarization of government and NGO orientations is measured by perception, then analyzed using the Kruskal Wallis statistical test by quantitative and comparative descriptive methods. The results showed that the government and NGOs stated that the concept of eco-rural tourism was relevant to be built and developed in rural areas. The direction of polarization from the orientation of the government and NGOs shows the same direction, namely a positive direction and a strong polarization scale. This means that the government and NGOs have agreed to develop their rural areas into eco-rural tourism by meeting the indicators that have been formulated. The perception of the government and NGOs will strengthen the application of this concept. This study concludes that the government and NGOs have an excellent opportunity to create collaboration in developing rural areas in accordance with the concept of eco-rural tourism.

Ethnic Clothing, the Exercises of Self-Representation, and Fashioning Ethnicity in Xishuangbanna, Southwest China

Ethnic clothing has long been a value-laden visual index to define, display, and, more recently, commodify ethnicity in China’s ethnic politics, especially its role in the imaging and othering processes by the state and mainstream society. The question that needs further exploration is the negotiating processes that ethnic members strategically engage as part of the encounters. Through bringing traditional Dai ethnic clothing back to style, a recent fashion in Xishuangbanna, southwest China, provides an opportunity to expand our understanding of the interplay between self-conscious sartorial practices, the exercises of ethnic self-representation, and the politics of ethnicity (re)construction in China’s contemporary minority regions. This article addresses not only what kind of collective Dai-ness (especially Dai femininity) these fashion-makers have crafted through their redesigning of Dai clothing but also their capability to carry out these exercises as central agents within the larger structure of the state. It particularly explores the question of “how it works”—the mechanism through which ethnic members navigate China’s political-economic-technological power circuits, rework the state and mainstream discourses as direct participants, and turn their sartorial practices into a communicative channel to reconfigure ethnicity in their own fashion.

‘Guru Rinpoche is Śivajī’: Ethnicity and ethnic boundary drift in Nepal’s ethnic art

This paper argues that ethnic paintings connotate situational ethnicity, adjusted by social change and ethnic boundaries. Based on anthropological fieldwork focusing on painter and mercantile communities, social-political connotations of ethnic art are discussed by applying an analysis of social semiotics in three discourses, employing the case of post-1990 Nepal. In particular: 1) Modern visual expressions of ethnicity are adopted into anti-hierarchical representations, as people engage in ethnic politics and cultural activities. 2) The two genres of ethnic painting, paubhā, and thangka, which were developed by traditional creators and informed by ethnicity, have experienced and developed a cross-boundary mode of operating in industries in response to social change. 3) In the market and mass media, the narrative of value construction regarding the tradition of ethnic art reveals a sign arena that identifies a drift toward the nation, the state, and civilization, prepensely attempting to mobilize semiotic resources through the lens of politics, the market, and global values.

:Pure and True: The Everyday Politics of Ethnicity for China’s Hui Muslims

Previous articleNext article No AccessBook ReviewsPure and True: The Everyday Politics of Ethnicity for China’s Hui Muslims. David R. Stroup. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2022, 268 pp. $30.00, paper. ISBN 9780295749839.Jing WangJing WangUniversity of Pennsylvania Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUSFull Text Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by Journal of Anthropological Research Volume 79, Number 1Spring 2023 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/723087 Views: 16Total views on this site For permission to reuse, please contact [email protected]PDF download Crossref reports no articles citing this article.

NATIONALIZING TYPE OF NATIONALISM: SPECIFIC CHALLENGES OF STATE BUILDING IN THE REPUBLIC OF KAZAKHSTAN

The purpose of the article is to explore the issues of establishing and strengthening the national sovereignty of Kazakhstan in the context of the specific challenges of state building, which include the problems of ethnocultural integration. The policy of the state on the cultural integration of ethnic groups on the basis of the Kazakh language and culture is revealed in the context of the dominance of the Russian language as the basis of cultural integration in modern Kazakhstan. To this end, the analysis is based on the nationalizing state methodology of Rogers Brubaker. Findings. The national integration of Kazakhstan according to its post-Soviet model is carried out as a balance of ethnic and civil nation. In the context of national policy for state building in Kazakhstan, the cultural and linguistic Kazakhization of ethnic groups and the Russification model of cultural integration of ethnic groups are of priority importance. The fundamental importance of the cultural integration of ethnic groups based on the Kazakh language and culture as one of the aspects of national integration is justified by the fact that without it, the national construction of Kazakhstan is incomplete. Kazakhization of demographic processes has already changed the ethnic image of the country, but its impact on the socio-cultural environment will not be so fast and far from unambiguous. The state in its national policy seeks to prevent the escalation of inter-ethnic contradictions into political conflicts. Politicization of ethnicity in Kazakhstan is unacceptable.

Determinants of electoral participation of women in addis ababa, Ethiopia

Women's political representation and participation are the matter of human rights that women can entitled by the virtue of being human. However, the right to be voter and candidates are still problematic for women in developing countries. We cannot get much number of women in these regard as we compare them with their counter parts. In view of that, this study aims to address the determinant factors of women's participation in electoral politics as a voter and political candidate. To undertake this study, mixed method of research was employed. Published journal articles, books and reports of government were used as a secondary source, whereas questionnaires including open and close ended, interview (as supplementary technique) used as primary sources. In line with this, Chi square(x2) and binary logistic regression were used to determine the factors deterring women's participation in electoral politics as a voter and political candidate (campaigner). Accordingly, the study found out that gender role, political interest, patriarchy and politicization of ethnicity are significantly determines (affects) women's participation in voting at p < 0.05 significant level. On the other hand, family size, political instability, political interest, politicization of ethnicity, political conspiracy and media exposure are significantly determines (affects) women's electoral participation as apolitical candidate and campaigner at p < 0.05 significant level. Henceforth, the government should establish enabling political environment which entertains genuine democratic political governance that empowers women to be active participant and beneficiary in the electoral politics of the country.

The Instrumental Dimensions of Ethnic Politics in Iran

The Muslim WorldEarly View Article The Instrumental Dimensions of Ethnic Politics in Iran Hamid Ahmadi, Corresponding Author Hamid Ahmadi [email protected] orcid.org/0000-0001-6867-7139 University of TehranSearch for more papers by this author Hamid Ahmadi, Corresponding Author Hamid Ahmadi [email protected] orcid.org/0000-0001-6867-7139 University of TehranSearch for more papers by this author First published: 26 February 2023 https://doi.org/10.1111/muwo.12466Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat Early ViewOnline Version of Record before inclusion in an issue RelatedInformation