Ethnic Movements Research Articles

Intra-ethnic divisions and disagreement over self-determination demands in ethnic movements

Abstract Ethnic movements continue to challenge state governments globally, with many ethnic conflicts revolving around the status of groups’ territories. Yet, politically mobilized ethnic groups vary considerably in their territorial demands: some press for increased autonomy or even outright secession, while others do not make such demands at all and prefer integration in the existing state. What explains this divergence in ethnic group demands with respect to the group's territorial status? We argue that the expected benefits of ethno-regional autonomy or secession compared to integration in a centralized state differ across distinct segments within the group as a function of three structural factors: heterogeneity in the group's income sources, cultural divisions, and territorial fragmentation, leading to disagreement over self-determination demands between different political organizations representing the same ethnic group. We test our argument using an expanded version of the Ethnic Power Relations–Organizations (EPR-O) dataset. Our pre-registered study finds support for one of our hypotheses: heterogeneity in groups’ income sources increases disagreement over self-determination demands. This finding sheds new light on the structural sources of internal divisions within ethno-political movements.

A Soviet-Estonian Ethnographer Contributing to the Ethnic Movements of Fellow Finno-Ugrians

A Soviet-Estonian Ethnographer Contributing to the Ethnic Movements of Fellow Finno-Ugrians

Ethnic Movement in Nepal: Interactions Between State and Non-State Actors

This paper aims to explore the nature and role of ethnic movements taken place in Nepal. It basically highlights the pattern of interactions between state and non-state actors participated in ethnic movements. In the backdrop of the essence of rise and extent of influence, authors have explored the result experienced by the participants in this movement. It has further depicted the realms of change induced in the causation of ethnic movement. Trajectories of movements, forms of these movement, focus of movements and the collectivity generated in movement have also been investigated here in this paper.

Punjabiyat vs “Punjabistan”: Features of Punjabi Ethnic Nationalism (A Case of Pakistan)

The essay focuses on the specific features of Pakistani punjabiyat, which is interpreted as Punjabi ethnic nationalism. Having analyzed the Pakistani punjabiyat in the perspective of classic theories of ethnic nationalism and South Asian nationalism concepts, the author defines its characteristics and explains the connection between the specific form of Punjabi ethnic nationalism in Pakistan and the process of “punjabization” understood as the overwhelming influence of Punjabis in the country, which has begun since its inception in 1947. Ethnic nationalisms and consequent regional ethnic movements are a typical feature of almost all large ethnic groups in Pakistan. However, Punjabis have not only avoided this behavioral pattern: they commonly renounce their group identity for the sake of the unifying Pakistani ideology (pakistaniyat). Analysis of the specifics of Pakistani punjabiyat leads us to the conclusion that its growth has been slowed down and hindered by the “punjabization”. Punjabiyat as an idea of the Punjabi ethnic identity has lost to “Punjabistan” perceived as the de-facto social, economic and political dominance of Punjabis in the Islamic Republic of Pakistan.

Interpreting Ethnic Movements in Pakistan (Communication)

My difficulties with this paper relate primarily to the methodology. Professor Christophe Jaffrelot has chosen to omit the section on Kashmir that figured in the version first presented at the Fourteenth Annual General Meeting, of the Pakistan Society of Development Economists. The omission reinforces the exception I have to the approach. In my comments therefore, I will include some inter-related, and overlapping dimensions of the subject addressed, the exclusion of which, to my mind, hampers an holistic analysis. I will draw attention to the ‘role of Islam’ in Indian Muslim politics before partition, and the question of national identity since the creation of Pakistan. I will also highlight some of the features of the phenomenon of ethnicity itself that help explain the dynamics of the nature, content, and process of identity formation, and hence, an understanding of the mechanics of the identity that became pertinent during the Pakistan Movement. Similarly, I will comment on the ethnic expressions (that have been defined and re-defined) within the national context since the creation of Pakistan.

Indian intervention in ethnic movement of Nepal: Did Madheshi lose or gain?

This paper examines the impact of Indian intervention on the Madheshi parties’ claim to self-determination in Nepal. In 2007, the Madheshi parties launched mass protests, demanding the recognition of their self-determination through an autonomous Madheshi province. Mainstream political parties became hesitant to incorporate this demand. The Nepalese government signed agreements with the agitating Madheshis but did not intend to implement its commitments. The Indian government was monitoring these developments; it stood on the Madheshi side and urged the Nepalese government to recognize self-determination and autonomy in the new Constitution. It increased pressure through press releases, parliamentary statements, bilateral visits, and an undeclared economic sanction. Against this background, this paper examines the following question: What is the impact of the Indian intervention on the Madheshi claims for self-determination in Nepal? It identifies that the Indian intervention obstructed the recognition of Madheshi self-determination as a constitutional right and the agenda of the nationalist movement. The mainstream political parties perceived the Indian intervention as unwanted interference in a sovereign state’s internal affairs and responded to this pressure by adopting the Constitution without including self-determination. The Indian government continued to pressure through economic sanctions, but the latter just increased anti-Indian sentiments in Nepal. As a result, the Nepalese government re-strengthened its ties with the Chinese government and concluded trade and transit agreements. The Indian government perceived that Nepal-China ties would affect its national interests in Nepal and stayed silent about the Madheshi parties. This silence constructed a permissive environment for the Nepalese government to ignore the nationalist demands and forced the Madheshi parties to concede their self-determination as the ethnonational agenda.

BIAFRA RENAISSANCE AND THE DEVELOPMENT DILEMMA IN SOUTHEAST, NIGERIA

The transition to democratic system of government in Nigeria has witnessed an increase in the emergence of ethnic movement groups. Such ethnic movement groups are the pro-Biafra groups in reaction to perceived socio-political and economic exclusion of the Igbo and reflect the extent of development the people benefit in Nigeria. This study examined the possible effect of Biafra renaissance on the underlying dimensions of development in South-East, Nigeria. Using relative deprivation theory, this study presented the sense of marginalization expressed by Igbo people and two dimensions of development in South-East, Nigeria. Qualitative methods of data collection and analysis were adopted, these include: in-depth interview, focus group discussion and case study. The data collected in two cities–Aba and Onitsha– were analysed using ethnographic and content analysis. It argued that Biafra holds a value that projects the needs and expectations of Igbo people and suggested the need for peaceful dialogue for socio-political and developmental changes.

일제저항기 小坡 吳孝媛의 한시에 나타난 민족계몽의식

This thesis studies the modern enlightenment consciousness that appeared in the Chinese poem of Sofa Oh Hyo-won, a female poet who lived in Japanese colonial era. He is a female poet who was born as a woman at the end of the Joseon Dynasty and lived a strange life with a strange fate, leaving 474 poems. Most of his poems express Japanese colonial era's feminine daily life with affection, so if you look at the trajectory of life along his poems, Japanese colonial era is vividly depicted and revealed. His poems reveal an enlightenment consciousness and advanced worldview to emphasize the need for modern women's education and establish a women's school by enlightening the Confucian feudal society of the Southern Journey to Korea. In particular, he looked back at Japanese colonial era Japan and was able to see the perception of women's education and modern civilization in poems. In addition, he moved to China, looked at the process of modernization of China, and returned after recognizing the East Asian modern era during the transition period through exchanges with Chinese celebrities. His poems written at this time have a small amount of poetry, but some poems reveal the characteristics of resistance literature, which implies nationalist literary tendencies and patriotic fighting spirit during the Japanese colonial period. The consciousness of modern enlightenment that appears in his poems contains the awakening of the ego toward our people. The theme consciousness of his poems reveals anti-feudal, ethnic, and popular movement tendencies, and contains a spirit of desperate patriotic enlightenment aimed at excitement and education. It was only at this time that I could see the buds of true national literature and realism literature. Oh Hyo-won's Chinese poem is the Unique style of Joseon Women's History.

Yemapoetics: Towards a Theory of Healing in Indigenous Poetry from Sikkim

Literature that is being composed from or about the politico-geographical category of Northeast India focuses on violence and ethnic movements in major ways (Hazarika, 1996; Barpujari, 1998; Baruah, 2005; Paula, 2008). While Weberian understanding of indigenous cosmology has led to archiving, documenting and research on ethnic epistemologies from Northeast India, in the absence of indigenous literary theories, literature from this region faces the challenges of homogenisation or becoming case studies for ethnographic documentation and anthropological inquiry (Karlsson & Subba, 2006; Subba, 2009; Lepcha et al, 2020 in the context of Sikkim). This paper intends to propose a theory of reading that upholds the role and participation of the poet(ess) as a shaman- a transforming agent and a transformed individual herself. This theory is being named Yemapoetics, deriving its epistemic framework from the figure of shamaness or Yema in the Limboo healing tradition in Sikkim. Yemapoetics is an attempt to propose a new indigenous paradigm for indigenous literary expression around the world. This theory identifies stages of poetic composition as well as reception, ranging from purification, possession, communication to catharsis. An indigenous literary theory like this will provide contexts for locating the poet(ess), examining her/his role as community healer who connects the modern, urban psyche of individuals with communal, archetypal symbols. This enables a process of retracing and re-membering through the poetic act that is essential to healing and recovery. Just as Limboo cosmology recognises women as first humans to be created, this paper argues that women’s psychospiritual agency should be at the centre for poetic theories to accord validity and applicability of feminist spirituality to indigenous literary theorisation. For the purpose, an illustration of the proposed theory will be made with reference to select indigenous poets from Sikkim.

‘Land’ as a site of contestation: Empire, identity, and belonging in the Darjeeling Himalayas

As the dominant narratives of ethnicity have been centered on the issues of ethnic identity and nationalism as a form of pre-given category, the invocation of ‘land’ remains marginal to ethnic politics. Many studies on the politics of ethnic homelands in South Asia has further marginalized the notion of ‘land’ in the study of ethnicity and nationalism and overemphasized ethnic identity as a dominant approach to understand the relationship between state and society. However, land is fundamental to ethnic claims for belongingness in a previously colonized society where indigenous land policy has been reconfigured by the intrusion of British colonialism—took away native land for private interest and subsequently remodified land and citizenship criteria. This article examines an ethnic demand for a homeland in the Darjeeling Hills by bringing to the fore the discussion on land contestation, linguistic politics, and regional aspiration for belongingness. The movement for Gorkhaland in Darjeeling Hills has been articulated as a demand for recognition of Gorkha as Indian citizenship and reflects a distinct attachment of Gorkha to land. Although there has been very little discussion on the issue of land in the demand for Gorkhaland and focused solely on ethnic identity and the development of the Nepali language, we argue in this article that the ethnic movement in Darjeeling has its genesis in the contention of ethnic differences in control over land, resources, and identity, and it is land that has historically framed the politics of ethnicity in the region. Therefore, ‘land is identity’ and must be viewed as a fundamental unit of analysis in ethnic politics.

Bridging Action Frames: Instagram Infographics in U.S. Ethnic Movements

Instagram infographics are a digital activism tool that have redefined action frames for technology-facilitated social movements. From the 1960s through the 1980s, United States ethnic movements practiced collective action: ideologically unified, resource-intensive activism. Researchers have argued that modern technologically mediated movements, in contrast, practice connective action: individualized, low-resource online activism. We argue that Instagram infographics are both connective and collective. We conducted a qualitative interview study juxtaposing the insights of past and present U.S. ethnic movement activists and analyzed Black Lives Matter Instagram data over the course of 7 years (2014-2020). We find that Instagram infographic activism bridges connective and collective action in three ways: (1) Scope for Education: Visually enticing and digestible infographics reduce the friction of information dissemination, facilitating collective movement education while preserving customizability. (2) Reconciliation for Credibility: Activists use connective features to combat infographic misinformation and resolve internal differences, creating a trusted collective movement front. (3) High-Resource Efforts for Transformative Change: Instagram infographic activism has been paired with boots on the ground and action-oriented content, curating a connective-to-collective pipeline that expends movement resources. Our work unveils the vitality of evaluating digital activism action frames at the movement integration level, exemplifies the powerful coexistence of connective and collective action, and offers design implications for activists seeking to leverage this novel tool.

Islam, Ethnicity, and Conflict in Ethiopia: The Bale Insurgency, 1963–1970 by Terje Østebø

Østebø’s study of a major insurrection in Ethiopia during the 1960s presents a significant example of contemporary trends in the study of religious and ethnic movements. This book is an in-depth study of an important movement in modern Ethiopian history. It is also a clearly presented argument, reflecting important current trends in scholarship, for utilizing inclusive analytical frameworks to study religious and ethnic movements.The ambitious goal of this study is to provide an “understanding of the intertwined roles of religion and ethnicity in fomenting identity, demarcating boundaries, and causing conflict” (1). Østebø’s approach goes beyond redefining terms; it reshapes the modes of analysis. Much of the current study of movements is shaped by sets of binary conceptualizations, like traditional vs. modern or religious vs. ethnic. Østebø argues that the “either-or” perspective involved in such binary approaches hinders an in-depth understanding of the dynamics of group and communal identity.In this study, religion and ethnicity are understood to be “intimately connected” as dimensions of group definition and identity (317). A movement is not viewed as either ethnic or religious but can be both. This framework opens the way for a different understanding of important historical developments. For example, the process of Islamization of African communities (like the Oromo in Østebø’s study) is often viewed as the spread of some kind of “mainstream” or “pure” Islam, and when local religious traditions and practices are maintained within the Muslim framework, they are seen as departures from “mainstream” Islam. However, Østebø views “the expansion of Islam as a dialectical process of Islamization of the Oromo and the Oromization of Islam” (52). This interactive synergy is also seen in what Østebø describes as the “localization” of contemporary Muslim Salafism in Ethiopia. Within this framework, he concludes that in viewing insurrections in the Horn of Africa, “the integrated nature of religion and ethnicity … makes it impossible to dissect such conflicts as either religious or ethnic” (258).The introduction to the book presents a general discussion of the approaches to the study of religion and ethnicity. It introduces Østebø’s concept of “peoplehood” as an inclusive analytical concept that “enables us to move beyond either-or perspectives in relation to conflicts” (28). Chapters 2 and 3 provide the ethnographic and historical backgrounds for the insurrection, followed by two chapters about the insurrection itself—texts that Østebø describes as a “historical ethnography of the insurgency” (29). This historical account, which utilizes important interviews with surviving participants, is a distinctively important source.Østebø follows this historical account with a series of interpretive discussions. His assertion, in Chapter 6, that the Bale insurgency “was not a peasant rebellion” precedes discussions of how changing systems of land tenure were related to the insurrection (180). The final chapters of the book look at the meaning and role of religion and ethnicity, with concentrated discussions of the evolution of Ethiopian Christianity, Islam, and local Oromo nationalism. In this concluding section, Østebø includes a consideration of the “relevance of class in relation to religion and ethnicity,” arguing that “interpretations that favor and isolate one of these categories at the expense of the other inevitably bring forth a one-sided and incomplete picture” (259).How does Østebø’s broadly conceived analysis change our understanding of the nature of the secular? During the 1960s, many scholars identified activist movements as secular-nationalist rather than as instances of religious revivalism. Accordingly, as Østebø notes in this book, insurgencies in southeast Ethiopia were more influenced by “secular Arab nationalism and pan-Arabism” than by Islamic revivalism (245). If he had gone beyond an analysis based on the old binary of religious vs. secular in this book as he did with the paradigm of religious vs. ethnic, this book might have been even more useful.In a time like the present when ethnic conflicts and religious militancy are important elements in global affairs, it is important to study the relationships. Østebø presents an important study that goes beyond old exclusivist conceptual binaries in examining the relations between religion and ethnicity. The book is a valuable addition to the library of studies working to understand the nature of identity and conflict in the modern and contemporary world.

Knowledge and Power: Social Science and the Social World

The world’s centre of gravity is changing, from the North Atlantic to Eastern Asia. As world centres of knowledge have correlated historically with world centres of power, this ongoing geopolitical change is likely to bring changes also to the global map of cognition. Knowledge and power are intrinsically related, knowledge is power, it is based on power, and it produces instruments of power. Moreover, the vistas of social scientists and scholars are always circumscribed by the power relations of the social world they are studying. A way of looking into this is to analyse the concepts and the narratives they use and produce. What features do they highlight, and what do they hide? Cognitive change is driven by two kinds of change, change (i.e. new discovery) of evidence, and change of power. On a macro scale, the major forces of power change bearing upon cognitive change have been social mobilizations, for example, of classes, women, and ethnic groups, the rise and decline of states, and, third, economic or ecological crises disrupting the functioning of existing powers. Indigenization and de-Westernization are different programmes. The former is synonymous with nativization and rooting in the particular culture of a population, whereas the latter may be, and often is, an emancipation from Western cultural domination in the name of another universalistic culture. De-Westernization is inherently confrontational, whereas indigenization may range from supplementary to isolationist. Academic indigenization and de-Westernization have in their cognitive challenges similarities with contemporary critical identity movements, such as feminism and ethnic movements. The cognitive challenges mounted by both types of currents proceed across four levels of cognitive depths, claiming canon inclusion of certain thinkers and role models, questioning and rejection of prevailing social narratives, practising new forms of knowledge production, and fourth epistemological or meta-sociological reflections on the old and the new knowledge paradigms. Indigenization should be treated as a limited supplementary project, whereas de-Westernization is likely to advance. It should be an opening of global horizons, not a closure. Pluralism of critique, challenge, and search for other, better ways are decisive for the development of knowledge.

One Facet of Ethnic Categorization, Ethnicization and Ethnic Activism in Nepal

Ethnicity and identity. particularly for Nepal with diverse human and cultural groups, has become more important in the context of number of ethnic upsurges accompanying macro-level social movements in Nepal, resulting in a radical transformation in the political system. Given the context, this paper aimed to reflect one of the many dimensions of ethnic activism in historical context focused on one of Nepal's least studied ethnic groups, the Paharis. Further, the paper also attempted to connect the categorization of human groups with the politics of identity. The paper is prepared by extensive reviews supplemented by a number of in-depth interviews among the given community around Kathmandu, Lalitpur, Kabhrepalanchok, and Sindhupalchok district. The paper concludes that Pahari ethnicity and activism have their own trajectory within the broader ethnic movement and activism that became apparent after 1990, followed by the movement initiated by other ethnic groups.

Song and the Production of Anywaa Ethnicity in Gambella, Ethiopia

Ethnicity is highly politicized in Ethiopia, where Gambella region, on Ethiopia's southwestern border, has suffered from prolonged cycles of retaliatory ethnic violence. Among the Anywaa ethnic group in Gambella, song plays a role in producing ethnic consciousness, particularly since it is a medium for teaching and advising. Anywaa singers construct and valorize an Anywaa ethnic identity in their lyrics, and listeners value these songs for teaching them about their culture and gaining advice on how to act. Simultaneously, the variability in listeners' interpretation of songs highlights the ambiguous, processual nature of ethnicity. In the light of such sentiments, scholars should attend closely to the roles of expressive culture in ethnic movements and conflicts.

Knowledge and power: Social science and the social world

The world’s centre of gravity is changing, from the North Atlantic to Eastern Asia. As world centres of knowledge have correlated historically with world centres of power, this ongoing geopolitical change is likely to bring changes also to the global map of cognition. Knowledge and power are intrinsically related, knowledge is power, it is based on power, and it produces instruments of power. Moreover, the vistas of social scientists and scholars are always circumscribed by the power relations of the social world they are studying. A way of looking into this is to analyse the concepts and the narratives they use and produce. What features do they highlight, and what do they hide? Cognitive change is driven by two kinds of change, change (i.e. new discovery) of evidence, and change of power. On a macro scale, the major forces of power change bearing upon cognitive change have been social mobilizations, for example, of classes, women, and ethnic groups, the rise and decline of states, and, third, economic or ecological crises disrupting the functioning of existing powers. Indigenization and de-Westernization are different programmes. The former is synonymous with nativization and rooting in the particular culture of a population, whereas the latter may be, and often is, an emancipation from Western cultural domination in the name of another universalistic culture. De-Westernization is inherently confrontational, whereas indigenization may range from supplementary to isolationist. Academic indigenization and de-Westernization have in their cognitive challenges similarities with contemporary critical identity movements, such as feminism and ethnic movements. The cognitive challenges mounted by both types of currents proceed across four levels of cognitive depths, claiming canon inclusion of certain thinkers and role models, questioning and rejection of prevailing social narratives, practising new forms of knowledge production, and fourth epistemological or meta-sociological reflections on the old and the new knowledge paradigms. Indigenization should be treated as a limited supplementary project, whereas de-Westernization is likely to advance. It should be an opening of global horizons, not a closure. Pluralism of critique, challenge, and search for other, better ways are decisive for the development of knowledge.

Революция меньшинств в США – заключительный этап. Социальные лифты для меньшинств в коридоры власти

This article is the third and final in a series dealing with the birth of a new political elite in the United States, the minority elite. In previous articles, the mechanism of its appearance was analyzed, as well as its ideology, goals, program and values. The black movement, as the most co-organized of all protest movements, is entering the final phase of its development, being engaged in the placement of its representatives in state and federal governments, political parties and other social institutions. The women’s movement has recently been taken over by ethnic movements, primarily blacks, and has become their vanguard. This article describes new social elevators for the promotion of minority representatives into the corridors of power. The logic of promoting people of their own race, gender and nationality to the highest branches of power began to prevail over other criteria for recruiting personnel. During the 2020 election campaign, a new mechanism for promoting minorities in all branches of government was formed. It is based on numerous violations of local and federal electoral legislation. The mechanism of pressure on the US electoral system is analyzed using the example of the state of Georgia and the activities of politician Stacey Abrams. The article describes Abrams’ strategy to create a network of NGOs that are focused on one mission - to arrange for the political shift of the state in the elections. These organizations circumvented existing laws, making the state of Georgia the record holder for electoral irregularities and lawsuits. The article shows that Abrams’ struggle with the electoral laws of her state is based on the political myth of the voter suppression of minorities. The author identifies a number of common characteristics of the new elite. The minority elite does not show any interest in social reconciliation and overcoming racial conflict, but rather makes efforts to incite the latter, to attract the government to its side and increase its role in establishing “social justice” through racial quotas and infringement of the rights of those social strata that it has appointed bearers of systematic racism in society. As the colored elite increases and the government’s role in resolving racial conflicts grows, the minority movement is gradually condemned, it ceases to be a true grassroots movement and turns into astroturfing.

Three Essays toward Care in and beyond Academia

Radical practices of care rooted in feminist praxis and the lessons we have learned from Professor Lorgia García-Peña are fundamental to our pedagogy and our imagination of a more just future. We insist on a need for care practices across the university—in the abolitionist visions of the future of higher education, in student-led ethnic studies movements on college campuses, and in feminist pedagogical and reading practices. Grounded in transnational feminist thought and praxis that centralizes collectivity, community, and interdependence, our essays incorporate the lessons we have learned from García-Peña and our organizing efforts for ethnic studies as graduate students at Harvard to challenge the exploitative, capitalist, and violent practices of neoliberal universities. Through personal narrative, testimony, cultural and historical analysis, and poetry, this interdisciplinary piece insists that the humanities are indefensible without a focus on ethnic studies methodologies.

Ethnic Identity of Black Muslims and Resilience from Criminal Risk Factors

The overrepresentation of Black males in the criminal justice system is well-established in the literature, linking individual factors to criminal engagement of Black men. Compared to literature seeking to understand why Black males offend, there remain gaps in the literature exploring resilience in Black males from criminality. Religion is a major influence in Black communities, providing moral and ethnic socialization, and serving as a protective factor against criminal involvement. For Black Muslims, ethno-religious teachings play a significant role in one’s self-accountability, Black identity, and moral decision-making, including decisions to resist or desist from crime. The Nation of Islam, a Black ethnic, political and religious movement, is characterized as a racist and revolutionary organization, despite work done in the community to improve the social and economic conditions for Black Americans. The focus on self-reliance and self-accountability is the nexus of the prevailing worldview shared by members; and how to navigate racial discrimination, especially in the criminal justice system. This study presents the results of a focus group with Black males in the Nation of Islam. The men discussed the influence of ethno-religious teachings on non-offending, their worldview, and racial pride. Implications for future studies are provided.

Transnational coalition building: The case of volunteers in the conflict in Abkhazia

ABSTRACT The 1992–93 war in Abkhazia was one of several ethno-nationalist conflicts which blighted the Caucasus, following the demise of the Soviet Union. The conflict involved the large-scale mobilization of volunteers, from southern Russia and from further afield, who allied with Abkhaz secessionists in the build-up to, and during, the war. This paper examines the coalition-building process between Abkhaz secessionists and other ethno-nationalist movements throughout the conflict. This article’s central questions examine how the coalitions between Abkhaz and non-indigenous movements formed and how the process of coalition-building impacted on the longevity of such alliances. Drawing on the concept of transnational activism, it analyses the role of ethnic relatedness, political opportunity and common threat as contributing factors which influenced mobilization and the alliance-building process. The paper assesses the durability of the transnational coalitions in three different phases of the Georgian-Abkhaz conflict. The study illustrates that the most durable alliances formed with Abkhaz’s closest ethnic relatives Abkhaz-Abaza movements, Ossetian nationalists and the broader “Russian world.” It demonstrates that the Abkhaz connection with Chechen and Circassian movements was event-based and temporary.