Ethnic Divisions Research Articles

Implementation of Betulungan on Multiethnic Women in Preserving The Haul Tradition in Samarinda East Kalimantan

This ethnographic study investigates the Haul tradition's execution in Samarinda, East Kalimantan, emphasising the procedures and challenges of preserving this significant religious and cultural event. The Haul custom- an Islamic observance that pays tribute to esteemed progenitors or saints, is of great spiritual significance; however, it is currently facing contemporary challenges, such as ethnic diversity and generational shifts. Betulungan, a native term that signifies cooperation and communal assistance, is the foundation of the Haul's prosperity in Samarinda. Betulungan's role in fostering collaboration among women from various ethnic backgrounds—Javanese, Banjar, Kutai, and Dayak—who are involved in the administration and maintenance of the Haul is further clarified in this study. The research employed a case study methodology, utilising data collected from five key informants chosen for their substantial contributions to the organization of the Haul within their communities. The neighborhood leader, a critical participant in organising community events, is identified as a key informant because he fosters collaboration and ensures inclusion in this multiethnic environment. The research, conducted through participant observation and exhaustive interviews, illustrates how Betulungan is a conduit for bridging ethnic divides and promoting interethnic collaboration in preparing food, rituals, and logistics for the Haul. The data indicate that Betulungan fosters a collaborative environment where women, regardless of ethnicity, unify to achieve a common spiritual goal, thereby preserving the Haul heritage and enhancing social cohesiveness. In response to the socio-cultural dynamics of a modernizing, multiethnic Samarinda, the Haul heritage has continued to evolve, with the culture of mutual assistance being crucial to its preservation. The research improves understanding of the substantial role those local cooperative behaviors play in conserving cultural and religious traditions among various groups.

RUSSIA’S HYBRID WARFARE IN THE WESTERN BALKANS: GEOPOLITICAL STRATEGIES AND PROXY ACTORS

This paper examines Russia’s hybrid warfare tactics against the Western Balkans, focusing on using direct and indirect methods to exert influence in the region. The study delves into Russia’s strategic use of media manipulation, cyberattacks, and disinformation campaigns, alongside its employment of proxy state and non-state actors such as Serbia, Republika Srpska, and the Serbian Orthodox Church. Leveraging historical, cultural, and religious ties, Russia seeks to destabilize the Western Balkans and prevent closer integration with NATO and the European Union. Special attention is given to the geopolitics of elections, where Russia manipulates electoral processes in countries like Montenegro and North Macedonia to favour pro-Russian or anti-Western political forces. By analyzing key case studies, this paper explores how Russian hybrid warfare exploits regional vulnerabilities—such as ethnic divisions and weak political institutions—while employing tactics of soft power and military cooperation. The findings indicate that Russia’s hybrid warfare, including electoral manipulation, poses a significant threat to regional stability and international security, underscoring the need for strengthened Western engagement to counter Russian influence. This study offers critical insights into the evolving nature of hybrid warfare and its implications for the geopolitical landscape of Southeast Europe.

RUSSIA’S HYBRID WARFARE IN THE WESTERN BALKANS: GEOPOLITICAL STRATEGIES AND PROXY ACTORS

This paper examines Russia’s hybrid warfare tactics against the Western Balkans, focusing on using direct and indirect methods to exert influence in the region. The study delves into Russia’s strategic use of media manipulation, cyberattacks, and disinformation campaigns, alongside its employment of proxy state and non-state actors such as Serbia, Republika Srpska, and the Serbian Orthodox Church. Leveraging historical, cultural, and religious ties, Russia seeks to destabilize the Western Balkans and prevent closer integration with NATO and the European Union. Special attention is given to the geopolitics of elections, where Russia manipulates electoral processes in countries like Montenegro and North Macedonia to favour pro-Russian or anti-Western political forces. By analyzing key case studies, this paper explores how Russian hybrid warfare exploits regional vulnerabilities—such as ethnic divisions and weak political institutions—while employing tactics of soft power and military cooperation. The findings indicate that Russia’s hybrid warfare, including electoral manipulation, poses a significant threat to regional stability and international security, underscoring the need for strengthened Western engagement to counter Russian influence. This study offers critical insights into the evolving nature of hybrid warfare and its implications for the geopolitical landscape of Southeast Europe.

The Nexus between Electoral Management System and Post-Election Violence in Kenya Since 1963

The study investigates the relationship between Kenya's electoral management system and post-election violence, which has persisted despite numerous reforms since the country's independence in 1963. The primary aim was to identify structural issues within the electoral administration that contribute to violence following elections. The research analyzed key components of the electoral management system and the causes of post-election violence. Utilizing consociationalism theory, voting theory, and rational choice theory, the study employed a historical design with both qualitative and quantitative methods. The research was conducted from July to December 2022. The target population included eligible voters (260), politicians (50), IEBC officials (40), political analysts (60), humanitarian-aid organizations representatives (10), local election observers (5), international election observers (5), security personnel (10), and county administrative staff (10). A stratified random sampling method was employed to collect data using both questionnaires and interviews. The targeted population established the strata of 641,396, and a random sample was taken from each stratum, arriving at a sample size of 450 respondents. The findings revealed that Kenya's electoral system is primarily based on the First Past the Post (FPTP) model, which is a plurality/majority system. The study identified several key factors contributing to post-election violence, including the "winner-takes-all" nature of elections, disputes over election results due to perceived bias in the electoral management body, and voter incitement by politicians. A statistically significant correlation was established between the electoral management system and post-election violence (β=.685, t = 16.225, Sig. =.000). The findings indicated that the self-interest and impunity of political leaders, along with ethnic divisions and mistrust, hinder the IEBC's ability to conduct fair and credible elections. A significant association was also found between the causes and consequences of post-election violence (β=.757, t = 19.088, Sig. =.000). The study recommends exploring alternative electoral systems, such as proportional representation and mixed-member models, to promote inclusivity and fair representation. By establishing a connection between the electoral management system and post-election violence, this research contributes to peace and conflict studies, addressing a relatively understudied area in Kenya and the broader region.

Political intolerance in comprehensive welfare states: Evidence from Sweden

AbstractPrevious research has shown that comprehensive welfare states are effective at bridging ethnic divisions and promoting political tolerance of marginalized groups. Do these results hold up in the face of the great influx of migrants into European welfare states following the 2015–16 refugee crisis? In this case study of Sweden, we map the general level of political tolerance and test various individual‐level explanations for it. Based on a survey of about 3500 citizens, our results show that the level of ethnic antipathy in Sweden is low. Other groups, however—such as supporters of the Sweden Democrats, a radical‐right party—are widely disliked, as are abortion opponents and anti‐vaccinationists. The individual‐level explanations we have tested—in connection with threat perceptions, civic and political engagement, and socio‐economic factors—turn up mixed results. Our conclusion is that the results we have found reflect something of a liberal‐democratic backlash, whereupon a certain kind of political intolerance has become widespread.

Mapping the internal border through the city: an introduction

ABSTRACT This editorial to the Special Issue introduces the concept of the internal border and presents its individual contributions. It discusses the shift from the borderline toward diverse sites and actors within the territory of the state and points to the border’s still neglected turn to city and urban space, and how this is connected to the external border. In doing so, the introduction explores the meanings of the internal border as a crucial mechanism of ordering and othering that represents, enacts, and creates the line between insiders and outsiders, citizens and non-citizens, along with divisions of racialisation, ethnicity, gender, class, and health. This notion assumes that the practices of bordering articulate social differences mapped onto space. Thus, recognizing the city as urban border space, this introduction proposes studying the border through the city, embedded within a multiscalar and relational framework.

An Arrested Dialectic: The National Past and (Post-)Dissident Catholic Moral Reasoning in Slovakia

During the 1980s, Catholic dissidents in Slovakia constructed divergent modes of moral reasoning. While national democratic Catholic dissidents looked to universal Catholic morality, nationalist Catholic dissidents anchored their moral reasoning in nationalized ethics. Their respective modes of moral reasoning were crucially formed in the making of national Catholic memory. If both appreciated Slovak sovereignty, the former prioritized democracy, human rights, and dialogue across religious and ethnic divides, the latter national independence over democracy. This in turn determined how and when they pursued Slovak cultural and political sovereignty across the boundary of 1989.

Prime heritages of ethno-bureaucratic corruption in Africa: Ripped curtain sagas

Present-day literature has extensively discussed bureaucratic corruption from different perspectives. However, there is a scarcity of literature that explores the broader narratives of bureaucratic corruption driven by self-interest and ethnic agendas. This paper aims to examine the prevalence of high-level bureaucratic corruption in Africa, specifically highlighting the role of ethnicism as a significant development barrier that negatively impacts social equality and service provision. By analysing relevant literature and considering various viewpoints, this paper presents publicly available data from magazines, newspapers, scholarly books, journal articles, and reports to demonstrate the corrupt practices of "elites" who are characterised as "militarists," "autocrats," and pseudo-democrats. The evidence suggests that the persistence of high-level bureaucratic corruption is primarily attributed to the prevalence of "neo-patronage-clientelism" and power dynamics based on ethnic supremacy. Moreover, it illustrates how the distorted power structure dominated by ethnic interests serves the narrow political and military elite, enabling them to exploit the country's resources within their inner circle. The paper argues that ethnic-bureaucratic corruption is equally prevalent and challenging, exacerbated by ethnic nostalgia. However, it concludes that bureaucratic corruption, coupled with ethnic divisions, has given rise to conflicts that pose a significant threat to the existence of African society. Therefore, this study provides a comprehensive overview of the current research and literature concerning concerns related to bureaucratic corruption.

Ethnolinguistic Attitudes as Drivers of Affective Polarization against Ethnic Parties: The Case of the Swedish People's Party in Finland

This study explores the link between ethnic divides and affective polarization by proposing that individual differences in outparty affect towards ethnic parties are associated with either prejudice against the ethnic group or dissatisfaction with minority accommodation at the sociotropic or egotropic level. We test this proposal through a case study of the Swedish People’s Party in Finland. Using survey data, we find that sociotropic concerns have the strongest link to affective evaluations of the ethnic party. However, among right-wing populist voters, egotropic concerns also stand out. The association between ethnic prejudice and evaluations of the SFP was weak and ambiguous.

The Global Disappearance of Decent Work? Precarity, Exploitation, and Work‐Based Harms in the Neoliberal Era

This thematic issue offers an international perspective on precarious work and the social harms generated by such work. In the following introduction, we contextualise these trends in relation to entrenched neoliberal policy, rising contractual insecurity, the proliferation of borders, and other forms of institutional discrimination and inequality. We distinguish between formal contractual insecurity and the subjective experiences of precarity, interrogate the types of harms that accompany precarious work, and set out a social justice perspective for an engaged critique of precarious work. The collection is truly global in its scope, encompassing case studies from Bangladesh, China, Czechia, Ecuador, Finland, Italy, India, Jordan, Latvia, and Spain. These case studies draw out the diverse contexts for rising precarity, ranging from post‐soviet, post‐socialist, and neoliberal transitions to post‐colonial and neocolonial contexts, examining how precarity is shaped by and interacts with divisions of ethnicity, migration status, gender, sexuality, and class. This thematic issue arises out of the work of the (In)Justice International Collective and is dedicated to the organization’s founder, Dr. Simon Prideaux, who passed away in 2023.

Peacebuilding Efforts in Civil War-Affected Countries in Afghanistan

Purpose: The aim of the study was to analyze peacebuilding efforts in civil war-affected countries in Afghanistan. Methodology: This study adopted a desk methodology. A desk study research design is commonly known as secondary data collection. This is basically collecting data from existing resources preferably because of its low cost advantage as compared to a field research. Our current study looked into already published studies and reports as the data was easily accessed through online journals and libraries. Findings: Peacebuilding in war-torn Afghanistan faces hurdles due to ongoing conflict, ethnic divides, and Taliban resurgence. Governance reforms and reconciliation efforts struggle amidst poverty and corruption. Despite some progress, achieving lasting peace is an uphill battle. Unique Contribution to Theory, Practice and Policy: Liberal peacebuilding theory, critical peacebuilding theory & relational peacebuilding theory may be used to anchor future studies on the peacebuilding efforts in civil war-affected countries in Afghanistan. Peacebuilding efforts should prioritize local ownership, inclusivity, and participatory approaches that empower affected communities to take an active role in shaping their own futures. Peacebuilding efforts should be integrated into broader development, security, and governance frameworks to ensure coherence, coordination, and sustainability.

Authoritarian multiparty governments

ABSTRACT In 2020, almost 50% of dictatorships included multiple parties in their government. Existing research has not studied this systematically, and generally considers granting outsiders access to ministerial cabinets a risky and costly strategy. This article provides evidence of authoritarian multiparty governments (AMGs) being a global and increasingly common phenomena. We argue that AMGs are a power-sharing strategy whereby autocrats co-opt outsiders through cabinet appointments to divide the opposition and consolidate their rule. Using individual-level data on ministers' partisan affiliation in autocracies worldwide, we show that AMGs positively correlate with ethnic divides, civil war, and “democratic” institutions, and we use new measures of power sharing to demonstrate that coalition partners often exert a real influence through their ministerial mandates. Our findings suggest that AMG is an overlooked survival strategy for autocrats and highlight the need to focus more on the organization and composition of the political executive in autocracies.

Logistical turbulence: Between valorization and violence along the China–Myanmar Economic Corridor

A pivotal Belt and Road project, the China–Myanmar Economic Corridor (CMEC) includes port, pipeline, economic zone, and transport projects that cut across Myanmar to southern China. Along this corridor, severe episodes of violence have shadowed the CMEC: communal violence, insurgencies, and counter-insurgencies, including atrocities against Rohingya Muslims. This article considers the relation—direct and indirect—between the logistical infrastructure projects of the CMEC, dedicated to capitalist valorization, and the episodes of violence that have occurred in their vicinity. Revisiting critical logistics scholarship, I suggest that the turbulence of logistical worlds does not necessarily reflect an internal logic of capital. Drawing on a form-analysis view of the state, rather, I show how the CMEC requires a conjunctural grasp of logistical worlds whose turbulence can stem from multiple determinations, including state-backed, extraeconomic force. Emphasizing the ties between the CMEC and Myanmar military operations, I argue that logistical infrastructures in Myanmar are dual in form. They are incorporative and connective, fuelled by fantasies of boundless growth and endless valorisation. Yet they are also “anti-relational,” forging not only connections but disconnections along spatial, gendered, and racialized ethnic divides. These racialized processes of dispossession and immiseration present violent limits to logistical imaginaries of connective relation.

Out of Many, One? Exploring Ethnolinguistic Identity Appeals in the Brussels Capital Region

Abstract Consociationalism promises to resolve tensions among groups in deeply divided societies by constructing shared identity that transcends ethnic divisions. Yet there is no guarantee that this will happen, and empirical studies testing this claim yield inconsistent results. We examine the extent to which political parties appeal to shared identities within a consociation, focusing on the Brussels Capital Region (BCR) in Belgium. The BCR constitutes a regional consociation aimed at addressing divisions between Dutch and French speakers. Based on a quantitative analysis of party programs, and a qualitative analysis of thirty interviews with Brussels MPs, our findings indicate that parties do indeed appeal to a common sense of belonging, often on issues that have a low ethnolinguistic salience. When addressing contentious community matters, however, we observe that Dutch-speaking parties (especially ethnic outbidders) prioritize their own linguistic group identity more than Francophone parties.

Why Malawi's Democracy Endures

Abstract: While other African states experienced democratic erosion, Malawi has defied the odds and weathered attacks on its democracy, including those initiated by its powerful presidents. As a "hard place" for democracy—a poor country with a long authoritarian past and politically relevant ethnic divisions—what explains the resilience of Malawi's democracy? The courts and civil society served as countervailing forces against democratic backsliding. Through legal challenges and popular mobilizations, they have countered attempts by presidents to consolidate power and extend their terms. Unfortunately for Malawians, these countervailing forces were likely facilitated by other negative conditions, namely economic distress and presidential unpopularity. Malawi's experience, complemented by Zambia's recent pivot away from authoritarianization, provides some optimism for those concerned about democratic backsliding in Africa by demonstrating the potential for resilience even in challenging contexts.

The Role of the East African Community in Resolving the Ethnic Divisions in Burundi, 1993-2021

The Role of the East African Community in Resolving the Ethnic Divisions in Burundi, 1993-2021

Bridging Ethnic Divides: The Impact of Education on Social Cohesion in China’s Diverse Landscape

Bridging Ethnic Divides: The Impact of Education on Social Cohesion in China’s Diverse Landscape

Manipur's Journey Towards the Health SDGS: What's Achieved and what more is Needed?

India and its constituent states are committed to achieving universal health coverage (UHC) as a part of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) 2030 by strengthening primary healthcare (PHC). The National Health Mission (NHM) has been a landmark effort at health systems strengthening, aiming to reboot both the architecture and service delivery. Manipur ranks fourth out of the eight states in the North East Region in the National Institution for Transforming India (NITI) Aayog's ranking for SDGs. The available evidence, drawing upon secondary datasets and available primary data, aims to unpack the progress made in health systems strengthening to interpret the journey toward achieving UHCs and SDGs. The progress made and the gaps in terms of human resources, infrastructure, service utilization, and reduction of out-of-pocket expenditure are interpreted in terms of critical social determinants such as geographic and ethnic divides. Newer policies, such as the Act East Policy and medical tourism, are examined in the context of current disparities and the potential to accelerate the journey towards achieving SDGs.

Mental wellbeing and ethnic brokerage in friendship networks of adolescents in German secondary schools

ABSTRACT Inter-ethnic brokerage between friends, i.e. having friends with different ethnic backgrounds who are not friends with each other, is essential to social integration processes in multi-ethnic societies. This study examines the relation between inter-ethnic brokerage in adolescent friendship networks and individual mental wellbeing in the school context. Using data on friendship networks from a large-scale study of more than 2,700 seventh-graders in German secondary schools, I analyse the interplay between triadic brokerage structures and ethnicity, combining network analytical methods with linear regression techniques. The results show that brokerage in general is associated with lower mental wellbeing. This negative association is stronger for brokerage between friends with different ethnic backgrounds than for brokerage between friends with the same ethnic background. Furthermore, the negative association is not stronger for inter-ethnic brokerage, where the broker has the same ethnic background as one friend, than for inter-ethnic brokerage, where all actors belong to distinct ethnic groups. The results indicate no differences between ethnic majority and minority students. Though inter-ethnic brokerage is vital to bridge ethnic divides, this study highlights the psychological challenges inter-ethnic brokers may face. It emphasises the relevance of investigating brokerage in inter-ethnic friendships and going beyond dyadic perspectives on inter-ethnic contact.

Strategic Integration and Geopolitical Repositioning: Bosnia and Herzegovina’s Path Towards the European Union

Bosnia and Herzegovina, rich in cultural diversity, is challenged by religious, national, and ethnic divides, leading to societal deadlock. Despite making strides towards internal peace and security, ongoing economic struggles continue to hamper its development. As the country advances towards European integration, prioritizing its own interests and goals is crucial, rather than merely aligning with those of the European Union. The country needs to meet fourteen key conditions to open negotiations for joining the EU. These conditions can serve as a guiding framework to transform the state from its current negative geopolitical position into one where it can become an engaged player in international relations. Its diverse constituent peoples already have established influences with peoples from diverse backgrounds such as Arab and Muslim countries, the European Union’s member states, Russia, and the Eastern European states. These influences have never been utilized in a coordinated and constructive way, but were rather always seen through the prism of conflict. The state can leverage these relationships and position itself as a symbolic bridge between the Western, Eastern, and Muslim Arab worlds. This strategic geopolitical repositioning will not only enhance Bosnia and Herzegovina’s prospects for a brighter future for its citizens but also enable it to play a significant role in regional dynamics. Focused on its unique interests and values, Bosnia and Herzegovina must ensure its voice and values are reflected in the European integration process, shaping a beneficial future, lasting stability, and long-term prosperity for its citizens and the region.