Ethnic Disputes Research Articles

Nuclear weapons in South Asia: More may be manageable

The character of the burgeoning nuclear rivalry between India and Pakistan suggests that, in the post‐cold war world, the spread of weapons of mass destruction may increase the likelihood of lower intensity conventional conflict rather than that of total war. In South Asia, where ethnic, religious, and territorial disputes persist, the mutual fear of big weapons may help to form a set of “rules of the game,” adherence to which will allow limited but not excessive use of force in pursuit of national aims. However, insufficiently formed military command, control, and strategic nuclear doctrine in India and Pakistan, along with ill‐focused, tardy Western pressure to stem the tide of proliferation in South Asia, may create serious problems for the careful management of a fractious relationship between two democracies that have much to quarrel about.

Heuristic Steps for Negotiating Ethno-National Conflicts: Vignettes from Estonia

ethnic conflicts which can be appropriately modified and ex tended to handle specific cases of racism and xenophobia. It presents a systems approach for organizing one's mind and mustering up interdisciplinary resources to combat ethnic conflicts between na tions or factions. In the model proposed here, interdisciplinary exper tise comprises at least history, diplomacy, and psychoanalysis. No one discipline can single-handedly resolve international ethnic disputes. Historians can, inter alia, make more transparent the many historical dimensions and motivations that institute and perpetuate conflicts. Diplomats can illuminate, inter alia, the nature of laws, treaties, and governmental policies that create temporary solutions but only serve to postpone a more heinous and abiding conflict. Psychoanalysts, in their turn, can, inter alia, observe and attest to the authenticity of emotional responses, so that when groups negotiate sensitive issues they do not fail to account for the emotional needs that underlie impediments to cooperation. The heuristic1 steps follow this sequence: (1) The collec tion of data; (2) The processing of data; (3) The formulation of implementation plans (with the primary intervention of third parties) ; (4) The collaborative implementation of new intervention plans (by the parties in conflict, without the primary intervention of third parties).

U.S. Intervention Policy for the Post-Cold War World: New Challenges and New Responses

With the end of the Cold War, the United States faces the challenge of new and more complicated military interventions in the world. In today's smaller scale ethnic and intranational disputes, U.S. forces must play more of a peacekeeper role than deliver massive firepower. How will the military adapt its forces and strategies to the new environment? What new techniques are available for enforcing economic sanctions? What nonlethal and less lethal technologies can be used or developed instead of force? In this collection of original essays, sponsored by the American Assembly, some of America's leading military policy experts examine these questions. They pay special attention to recent trouble spots, such as Bosnia, Somalia, Haiti, and the former Soviet Union, and they put forth a framework for evaluating a U.S. decision whether or not to intervene in a foreign land.

大学における地理教育改善への一試案 教職課程の地理学を例として

Geographical education in college is divided into three parts. They are geography of the specialized course in the geographical faculty, geography of the teaching profession course and geography of general education. The fundamental idea on geography of the teaching profession course is considered to research findings and methods of geography for education.Recently we have felt a crisis of geographical education because of the decreasing number of high school students in selecting geography and an increase of high school teachers having been disenchanted with geography. This partly arises from a problem that professors have been lack in teaching methods in colleges.The purpose of this paper is to suggest an approach for the improvement of geographical education on practical geography of the teaching profession course. Firstly, it aims for practical geography through geographical topics which are connected with our every life. Secondly, in geographical research we can contribute to college students who recognize for themselves how to live as a Japanese, and as a member who live on the earth, and to let them realize their citizenship. Thirdly, we must make minimum essencials or key words of geographical education for college students.In my lectures of Natural Geography I practice themes of both “maps and our life” from a view point of spatial cognition and “nature and our life” from a view point of environmental problems. In the former class I don't teach students an academic method called cartography, but I teach a method of map reading, using familiar world maps and topographical maps. In the latter I discuss mechanisms of deteriorating environment and its counterplans for environmental improvement through some case studies of environmental problems from local scale to global one.In my lectures of Human Geography I practice themes of both “leisure time and our life” from a view point of life worth living and “agriculture and our life” from a view point of north-south problems and population problems. In the former class I discuss the background of regional differences in comparison of labor and leisure time in the world nations, and suggest how to travel well through the recent actual situation in the Japanese domestic and foreign trips. In the latter we need to discuss agriculture not only from a view point of food production, but from many sides of food production, distribution and consumption. Further I discuss problems of Japanese agriculture, foods and food style through our food styles and culture.In my lectures of Regional Geography I practice themes of both “ethnics and our life” from a view point of understanding of diverse cultures in keeping with Japanese internationalization and “nations and our life” from a view point of human rights. In the former class I teach life and cultures, such as ethnic groups, languages, religions and customs of life in the major cultural zones of the world. I also discuss about the background of ethnic disputes and differences of senses of value among people with diverse cultures. In the latter I discuss human rights of foreigners and how to live together in our country through problems of boundary, nationality, emigration and immigration.

Israel and Future Borders: Assessment of a Dynamic Process

This article deals with the question of determining a future Israeli-Palestinian border within the context of an originally developed analytical framework. Following the presentation of a previous model (Tägil et al., 1977, 1984), the authors offer a greatly modified and more detailed framework for the analysis of border determination. The modified framework emphasizes factors such as national ethos and two alternative national `imperatives' (territorial and ethnic) as important determinants of borders. The article then applies the model to the Israeli case, offering detailed historical and statistical data related to the determination of a future Israeli-Palestinian border. The article demonstrates the dramatic transformation (among Israel's elites and public alike) from a territorial to ethnic imperative and from integration (annexation of the West Bank and Gaza) to separation (Israeli withdrawal from the territories). In offering a general model for studying interstate and intercommunal conflict, and in demonstrating its applicability to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, this article is of immediate relevance to numerous other ethnic disputes around the world. The article, originally submitted three months prior to the Israeli-Palestinian mutual recognition of September 1993, has assumed particular importance by identifying the parameters that may determine the future borders in the Middle East.

Western anthropological concepts in stateless societies: A retrospective and introspective look at the Dagaaba

Anthropological legal concepts of the so-called primitive societies originally induced by prevailing Western philosophical ideas, political thought and jurisprudence require a serious review. The current emphasis by scholars in the anthropology of law on dispute processes in Africa is fulfilling an important need. Given the constantly transforming and unstable nature of modern African political systems, a clearer understanding of native concepts and fundamental value systems is essential. For instance, concepts such as ownership, property rights in land, legal obligation, individual or collective rights must be thoroughly understood within the framework of history and state transformation to be able to help to mediate and settle major inter and intra ethnic disputes in such areas as land tenure, marriage and succession.

Learning Not to Love Revolution

Whenever possible, participatory institutions should bring together citizens of opposing views in circumstances that reward mutual understanding and the accurate gathering of information. Deliberation among intellectuals, or even elected representatives, is not enough. In the United States, theorists have accordingly proposed neighborhood and workplace assemblies, referenda requiring two distinct votes separated by a period of deliberation, and policy juries formed from representative samples of citizens all institutional means of nourishing deliberation at its citizen roots. Each nation must work out the deliberative innovations, and the mix of adversary and deliberative institutions, that fit its own patterns of cleavage, its own history, and its own culture. In the long run, deliberative processes may offer the best hope of finding ways to handle not only class conflicts, but also the ethnic disputes that threaten to split several of the newly democratizing nations in Eastern Europe. While consociational and federal solutions can produce reasonably just allocations among groups, shifting citizen perspectives from class or ethnic interests to a long-run common good requires the transformations of self that deliberative processes make possible. Jane Mansbridge is Professor of Political Science and a member of the Center for Urban Affairs and Policy Research at Northwestern University. Her first book, Beyond Advel5ary from which many ideas in this article are drawn, was followed by Why We Lost the ERA, a study of the problems of deliberation in the social movement that advocated the Equal Rights Amendment. Beyond Self-Interest, a colledion of Mansbridge'S recent research on public-interested motivation, will be published this spring by the University of Chicago Press. present article draws on the following 8OUItes: Benjamin Barbel;. Strong Democracy {Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984)i Adam Przeworski, Some Problems in the Study of the Transition to Democracy, in Guillermo O'Donnell, Philippe Schmitter and Laurence Whitehead, eds., Transitions from Authoritarian Rule: Comparative Perspectives (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins, 1986); George Schopflin, The Political Traditions of Eastern Europe:' Daedelus, vol. 119 (1990); Valerie Bunce, The Transition from State Socialism to Liberal Democracy, in Kazimirtz Poznanski, ed., Great Transformation in Reverse (Princeton: Princeton University Press, forthcoming).

Africa — Latin America — Asia — Middle East

The ICRC assisted more than 12 000 persons in northern Burundi following the outbreaks in August of violent ethnic disputes. Blankets, clothing, soap, cooking utensils and farming tools were distributed from mid-September to the affected population.Relief materials were in part transported by truck from Uganda and in part purchased locally by the ICRC.Distributions took place in the villages of Ntega and Marangara, near the border with Rwanda, where the recent clashes had occurred. Delegates distributed supplies first in the centres set up for displaced persons, then in the hills to which the population was gradually returning.

The politicization of deviance: Resisting and reversing degradation and stigmatization

Using the Israeli case of Abu‐hatzira, this paper argues that processes of degradation, stigmatization and deviantization can be reversed. The case itself is documented to be followed by an interpretation clustered along two axes. It is argued, first, that Abu‐hatzira used in his favor an existing ethnic dispute in Israel, coupled with a religious factor. Second, reversal of deviantization can be achieved by politicizing “regular” deviance, subsequently making a political statement within the context of an effective ideology geared to mobilize a receptive audience.1

Internal ethnic friction: Orange and green in nineteenth‐century New York, 1868–1872

The presence of large numbers of Protestants within the nineteenth century Irish exodus to the USA ensured that the integrity of the Orange/Green dispute continued in the adopted homeland. The Catholic majority amongst Irish immigrants was nevertheless a minority within Protestant American society. The struggle between Orange and Green in New York thus gave each faction both a majority and a minority status. Fear of Catholicism within America meant that the commonality between Irish Orangemen and native born Protestants was a classic example of an internal ethnic dispute having a relevance to the whole society. This common Protestantism was able to straddle, to an extent, the ethnic barrier. The clash between Fenians and Orangemen in New York thus gained an inflated significance for both state and national politics.

A Non-Zero-Sum Game of Football

A recent unusual event in the First Division of the English (Association) Football League provides an interesting example of how a game that is normally zero-sum can be converted into a non-zero-sum game. The political implications are, I hope, obvious. If politics consists of zero-sum games such as Diplomacy, Marx's conception of class conflict, or some non-Marxists' conceptions of ethnic, language, or boundary disputes, then no long-run co-operation between the players is possible and war is a seemingly inevitable continuation of policy by other means. If it consists of non-zero-sum games such as Prisoners' Dilemma, most non-Marxists' conceptions of class conflict, or some Marxists' conceptions of ethnic, language, or boundary disputes, then there is scope for co-operation as well as for competition. The present example, originally developed as an undergraduate teaching aid, may be of some general interest.