Ethnic Bigotry Research Articles

Politics and Education in Nigeria: Issues and Consequences

This study examined Politics and Education in Nigeria: Issues and Consequences. Three research questions guided the study; descriptive survey research design was adopted for the study. The population of the study was 73,400 academic staff of the public universities in South-East Nigeria. The sample comprised 1,040 academic staff of the universities. Purposive sampling technique was used to obtain Professors and Readers given that the record number of lecturers that participate in politics and management of elections. Then proportionate sampling technique was used to obtain 10% of Professors and Readers to give rise to 700 Professors and 340 Readers. Data collected were analyzed using mean. Findings of the study showed that the importance of education for those participating in Nigerian politics includes; it Increases political participation, Increases political awareness ; some of the major issues in Nigerian politics includes ; Ethnic bigotry, Religious bigotry, Corrupt Leaders and the consequences of the major issues in politics in Nigeria are failure in governance, poor economic indices, multi-dimensional poverty, insecurity, poor education outcome, unemployment and other vices. The study recommended that government should address different issues that have to do with education sector as a means of building its capacity in order to ameliorate the issue of politics in Nigeria through the means of human capacity building, widening, deepening knowledge on different political issues confronting the nation and government at all level should eschew politics in governance and face governance properly in other to salvage what is left of the nation from the major issues that has to do with politics in the country.

Kinship as Panacea for Christian/Muslim Relations in Yorubaland: A Focus on Iwo Land

Despite the heterogeneous composition of Nigeria as a multilingual ethnic and multi-religious society, there are indices which over the years have fostered peaceful and harmonious coexistence, across the different lines of ethnicity and religion. One such aspect is kinship ties in the midst of raving ethnic bigotry, religious intolerance and violence. Studies have shown that kinship ties without reservation have played a mediation role in fostering peace and ensuring harmonious coexistence especially among people of different religions. The present study investigates the mediating role of kinship ties as a panacea for harmonious Christian – Muslim relations in Iwo land, Osun State Nigeria. Adopting a qualitative method of data analysis, the study adopted the interview approach. Twenty-five persons: fifteen Christians and ten Muslims were purposively selected and interviewed. Tracing the antecedents of the two Abrahamic religions, Christianity and Islam in Iwo, the study finds that though Iwo Land is predominantly a Muslim territory, it has enjoyed peaceful and harmonious coexistence among the two religions. Despite the different areas of conflict, which include marriage, chieftaincy, land acquisition, the ebi commonwealth among the populace has guaranteed peace among the people. Some other factors such as a proper understanding, joint efforts in condemning social vices among others have also contributed to the relative harmonious atmosphere among the religions. It concludes that the commonality and communality in Iwo Land revolves around the kinship ties in the land.

Repositioning Democratic Governance in Africa for Better Dividends Delivery: A Case for Performance

Given the fact that democracy as a system and form of governance which allows for even participation, freedom of expression, rule of law and other indices attached thereto, had awaken the consciousness of humanity from all over the world to key into this form of leadership due to its uncommon benefits. Africa her ‘third world cousins’ seemed to have remained in a slumbering position and have refused to wake up and wear the toga of democratic principles as acts displayed by leaders lacked democratic character. This paper argues that democratic dividends and flavour can be felt and directly impacted on the citizens of Africa especially Nigeria, if adequate political socialization, culturalization and consciousness are fused as part of her cultural education. This new consciousness and democratic mindset will arguably make leaders and the led see each other as an inclusive indispensable part of the whole. It will also eliminate unwantom suspicion, rancour, ethnic bigotry, exclusion and hegemonic display of power and more so, leadership may not be tenured but anchored on performance and service delivery. The paper believes that with a political consciousness, socialization and high sense of political culture, leadership becomes service to the humanity and not business enterprise. Hence leaders that performed optimally may continue to serve the people if they so desire. This paper adopts critical, analytical and expository methods.

Ethnocentrism in African politics: The Nigerian experience

ABSTRACT The article identifies ways of solving the problem of ethnic bigotry and minority rights in African politics with a focus on democracy in Nigeria. It uses the pluralistic model to demonstrate the need for an inclusive government in Nigeria, cutting across tribes and religion. Desktop reviews of past and present Nigerian leaders were conducted, and content analysis was used as a research method. A correlation was found between the chances of a politician becoming the president of Nigeria and his or her state of origin. Since democracy is a game of numbers, it might be difficult for persons from the minority ethnic groups to become a Nigerian president. So, the article recommends, among other things, that Nigeria adopts a rotational presidency with a non-renewable five-year mandate. The model will enable both the members of the major and the minority ethnic nationalities to serve in key positions in the Nigerian government, as well as parliaments in the subsequent administrations.

Consolidating Democracy in Kenya (1920-1963)

Kenya became a Crown Colony of the British government on 23 July 1920. Before then, 1895 to 1919, it was a protectorate of the British Government. Between 1887 to 1895, Scot William Mackinnon (1823-1893), under the auspices of his chartered company, Imperial British East Africa (IBEA), was running Kenya on behalf of the British Government. This article sets out to trace the road to democracy in colonial Kenya, though with a bias to electoral contests, from 1920 to 1963. While democracy and/or democratic culture is broader than mere electioneering, the article considers electoral processes as critical steps in consolidating democratic gains, as societies now find an opportunity to replace bad leaders and eventually installs a crop of leadership that resonates well with their pains, dreams, fears and joys. With its own elected leaders, the article hypothesizes, a society has a critical foundation because elected people are ordinarily meant to address cutting-edge issues facing a given society. Such concerns may include: poverty, corruption, racism, marginalization of minority, ethnic bigotry, economic rejuvenation, gender justice, and health of the people among other disquiets. Methodologically, the article focusses more on the 1920 and the 1957 general elections. This is due to their unique positioning in the Kenyan historiography. In 1920, for instance, a semblance of democracy was witnessed in Kenya when the European-Settler-Farmers’ inspired elections took place, after their earlier protests in 1911. They were protesting against the mere nomination of leaders to the Legislative Council (Parliament) since 1906 when the first Parliament was instituted in Kenya’s history. Although Eliud Wambu Mathu became the first African to be nominated to the Legislative Council in 1944, this was seen as a mere drop in the big Ocean, as Africans had not been allowed to vote or usher in their own leaders through universal suffrage. The year 1957 provided that opportunity even though they (Africans) remained a tiny minority in the Legislative Council until the 1963 general elections which ushered in Kenya’s independence. What other setbacks did the Kenyan democratic process encounter; and how were the democratic gains consolidated? While the article does not intend to focus on the voice of religious societies, or the lack of it, it is worthwhile to concede that a democratic process is an all-inclusive enterprise that invites all cadres to “come and build the barricading wall” for all of us.

Consolidating Democracy in Kenya (1920-1963)

This article sets out to trace the road to democracy in the colonial Kenya, though with a bias to electoral contests, from 1920 to 1963. With its own elected leaders, the article hypothesizes, a society has a critical foundation because elected people are ordinarily meant to address cutting-edge issues facing a given society. Such concerns would include: socio-economic concerns such as poverty, corruption, racism, marginalization of minority, ethnic bigotry, economic rejuvenation, gender justice, and health of the people among other concerns. Methodologically, the article focusses more on the 1920 and the 1957 general elections. This is due to their unique positioning in the Kenyan historiography. In 1920, for instance, a semblance of democracy was witnessed in Kenya when the European-Settler-Farmers’ inspired elections took place, after their earlier protests in 1911.

THE WILL TO SELF-DETERMINATION: UNDERSTANDING THE LIFE OF ATI PEOPLE IN AKLAN, PHILIPPINES

This paper discusses Schopenhauer's concepts on suffering and the human will and appropriate them to the struggles of the Ati of Malay, Aklan. The current and protracted efforts of the Ati for their ancestral domain and their pleas for cultural recognition in the midst of pressing ethnic oppression prompted this study. First, to descriptively present the concepts, this paper utilized document analysis to present specific tenets from Schopenhauer and employed content analysis on publications and online contents in indigenous studies. Second, to extract primary perception, the study gathered first-hand responses from the Ati under warrant from both the government and the tribal leaders' approval. To triangulate the appropriation of Schopenhauer's concept to the lives of the Ati, critical analysis and parallelism were used; from these, the study found that the Ati's suffering from ethnic bigotry and oppressions motivating their struggle for their rights, cultural recognition and emancipation concurrently aligns with Schopenhauer's tenets that the person's pursuit for happiness is triggered by inevitable sufferings that are inseparable from existence. Lastly, to concretize the paradigm, the paper recommends that the government reevaluates and ascertains full and scrupulous implementation of RA 8371 as well as provide equity in providing social, educational and health services to the Ati community.

Islam and Ethnicity: The Case Study of Ombatse Crisis 2011-2015 in Nasarawa State, Nigeria

This paper examines the activities of the Ombatse cult group and the violent conflicts that occurred as a result of their activities which took place in some parts of Nasarawa State from 2011 – 2015. The aim of the study is to portray how Islam is against ethnic bigotry. It also intends solutions based on Islamic teachings on how to resolve disputes especially which is ethnically related. It also discussed its effects on Islam and Muslims in the State. The paper found out that peace is one of the basic tools for the development of any society, as Islam encourages peaceful co-existence among/between Muslims and non- Muslims as well as co-existence among other ethnic nationalities as Islam prohibits ethnicity and nationalism. Therefore, the paper further revealed that the major actors who participated in the crises were predominately Muslim youths from the ethnic groups involved in the violent conflict. The research also unveils the context and undertone which precipitated establishment and those who financed activities of Ombatse group in the areas studied. Regarding methodology, this study utilizes a qualitative technique. In-Depth Interviews (IDI) were conducted to obtain data for the study. The study concludes that some Muslim who are ignorant of the basic tenets of Islam were easily brainwashed to show allegiance to their ethnic identity than Islam. The Ombatse mobilized support along ethnic consciousness in order to achieve hidden political motives of those who initiated the cult group.

Many Tongues, One Faith: A History of Franciscan Parish Life in the United States by David J. Endres

Reviewed by: Many Tongues, One Faith: A History of Franciscan Parish Life in the United States by David J. Endres Kyle Haden OFM Many Tongues, One Faith: A History of Franciscan Parish Life in the United States. By David J. Endres. Oceanside, CA: Academy of American Franciscan History, 2018. 210 pp. $25.00. A common trope in immigration histories of the United States is the profound effect U.S. culture has had on the many different ethnic and religious groups settling in America. While many coming to the United States had intentions of maintaining cultural and religious traditions as practiced in the Old World, the desire to fit into the American cultural majority was, in many cases, too strong a temptation. For many Catholics, a means for holding onto Old World devotions and practices [End Page 86] was through the local parish. The parish became an oasis among a majority Protestant culture, a means of maintaining Catholic practice and identity. The centrality of the parish in American Catholic life would profoundly reshape Franciscan life and ministry. In his study of Franciscan ministry in the United States, David J. Endres offers an intriguing and well narrated story of 16 representative parishes in which Franciscan priests, brothers, and sisters ministered to the needs of a variety of ethnic communities, from the early nineteenth century to the present. Endres primarily focuses on the three first-order male Franciscan communities: the Order of Friars Minor, Capuchins, and Conventuals. He also notes the important contributions offered by various Franciscan sisters working alongside their Franciscan brothers. In conjunction with Franciscan parish ministry, Endres narrates the creation of several Franciscan provinces formed due to ministerial needs in an expanding national and ethnic demography. From the acquisition of established parishes to the founding and building of new structures, parish ministry became a central ministerial reality for the majority of American friars. As a major theme running through his study, Endres demonstrates how traditional Franciscan life as practiced in the Old World was transformed by the centrality of the parish in American Catholic life. In the Old World, friars did not have a tradition of parish ministry. Franciscan life was much more centered on the monastery, with a defined regiment of daily prayer. Such a commitment to the horarium was not practical for life in America, especially when dealing with the demands of parish ministry. While early Franciscan immigrants resisted change to their traditional religious lifestyle, many bishops put pressure on Franciscan superiors to encourage friars to accept parish assignments. In doing so, Franciscan life was noticeably changed. While narrating Franciscan ministry in the United States, Endres also examines the changing reality of American life and how Franciscan parish ministry kept apace of these social and cultural changes. In many cases friars had to deal with the negative social realities of [End Page 87] American life, especially in terms of racial and ethnic bigotry, as well as economic disparities. Advocacy for the rights of minorities is highlighted in the lives of such friars as Bonaventure Oblasser, OFM, who advocated for the rights of Native Americans in Arizona; Stephen Eckert, OFM Cap, who championed the rights of African Americans in Milwaukee; and Oliver Lynch, OFM, who sought economic and social equity for farm workers and Latinos in California. The establishment of parish schools, especially for the needs of minorities, highlights the dedication of Franciscan sisters who labored alongside their male counterparts, in some cases under difficult and challenging circumstances. Many Tongues, One Faith is the first in the projected series United States Franciscan History Project by the Academy of American Franciscan History. It is an excellent study to begin such a series of historical research. Endres offers a well-written, well-researched history of Franciscan life and ministry in the United States. It is highly recommended to historians, and others, interested in American Catholic history. [End Page 88] Kyle Haden OFM St. Bonaventure University Copyright © 2019 American Catholic Historical Society

Fighting for God or Fighting in God’s Name! The Politics of Religious Violence in Contemporary Nigeria

After a brief theoretical discussion of the relationship between religion and violence, Dr Adogame analyzes the history and politics of religious violence in contemporary Nigeria through the prism of boundary making and negotiation; religious expansion and competition. The articles demonstrates that religion and politics are often manipulated by individuals and religious groups in ways that sustain religious strife, violence and ethnic bigotry, thus hampering meaningful inter-faith dialogue and coexistence.

PSYCHOLOGICAL FACTORS OF ETHNIC EXTREMISM IN MUSLIM YOUTH

The aim of the research was to reveal the correlations between the extreme forms of ethnic identity and some personal traits involved in intercultural communication. Also the task of the research was to analyze cultural specificity in ethnic extremism manifestations at Muslim youth.420 young people from 6 regions of the world (Russia, China, South America, Africa, the Middle East and Central Asia) took part in the research; among them 81 people from the Middle East countries and 60 – from the former soviet Central Asian countries. 14 psychodiagnostic techniques were used to measure various personal features associated with cross-cultural communication. The technique “Types of ethnic identity” (G.U.Soldatova, S.V.Ryzhova) was applied for diagnosing the types of identity with different degrees of ethnic tolerance that were marked on a wide range of ethnocentrism scale. We used statistical techniques: Kruskall Wallis test, Multiple range tests, multifactorial dispersive analysis, Spearman's rank correlation coefficient. The comparative analysis of young people, who responded high scores in extreme form of ethnic identity (ethnic bigotry or fanaticism) (147) and those who showed low levels of ethnic bigotry (134), revealed that persons inclined to ethnic bigotry were less tolerant not only for other ethnic group, but to any manifestations of individuality and to other social groups: they were more egocentric, not able to adjust themselves to different situations and people. They couldn’t control their negative emotions and were less able to recognize the other’s emotions by facial expression (especially fear, disgust and contempt). Also they were not sure in the world controllability; are less flexible in their activity control. Correlation analysis on general sample showed that ethnic bigotry inversely correlated with the life purposes awareness, internal locus of control, positive self – image, social and emotional intelligence, flexibility in the activity regulation. Positive correlation of ethnic extremis with disbelieve in the world controllability, egocentrism and apartness in interpersonal relations were revealed. Correlation analysis in Arab and Central Asian two subsamples showed some specific relations of ethnic bigotry and personal features. So, we can conclude that generally ethnic extremism correlates with rather controversial and conflict styles of self-realization and communication. Young people with extreme attitude toward other nations clearly realize their life goals, but they don’t believe in their approachability and don’t have enough abilities to interact with other people feeling the apartness in their personal interaction. The styles of interethnic communication of young representatives of different Muslim nations have some common features with the representatives of other nations, and have some specific features as well. Arab youth ethnic extremism correlates mostly with social stereotypes and hostility to other social groups, and Central Asian youth extremism correlates with intolerance to the other people individuality manifestation. Personal resources for the ethnic extremism reduction could be - for Arab people - their self - control in emotions and activity; and for the Central Asian people - concentration on their life goals. The research was supported by the Russian Humanitarian Science Foundation, project № 13-06-00673. DOI: 10.5901/mjss.2014.v5n22p140

Socialization and Child Rearing Practices Among Nigerian Ethnic Groups

Children are socialized into adult roles in society through the process of socialization particularly through the family which is the first contact point of any child into the open world of human relations. Socialization forms differ from one society to the other, in Nigeria there are three major ethnic groups in addition to about two hundred and forty seven minor ones, the pattern and forms of socialization among these ethnic nationalities differ. Ethnic identities and loyalty are built up in children in Nigeria based on these different cultural settings. Divergence in political and social relations including ethnic bigotry experience in the country in contemporary time has its root embedded in the differentiation existing in the nature and nurture of children at the formative stage of their lives. This paper examines the patterns of socialization and child rearing found among the various ethnic groups in Nigeria with a view to identifying lines of symmetry for the promotion of unity and oneness that will engender rapid and sustainable development in the country. DOI: 10.5901/ajis.2013.v2n2p249

The Effect of Kuwaiti Online Readers’ Comments on Sectarian and Tribal Issues: A Case Study of the Online Newspaper Alaan

One of the dilemmas faced by online newspapers is how to handle readers’ comments. The interactive nature of the Internet encourages online readers to express their ideas, feelings and opinions freely without fear of negative outcomes resulting from crossing the restrictions of freedom expression that have been set by the government or by online editors. Arab online editors encourage their readers to comment on news stories but censor what they consider to be offensive, anti-nationalist or blasphemous against Islam. An attitudinal study involving online content analysis found those readers’ comments in the first Kuwaiti online newspaper, Alaan, encourage enmity among its readers and lead to increased religious and ethnic bigotry among Kuwaiti students.

Did Romans Have an Ethnic Identity?

AbstractThis paper begins with a stark contrast. Whereas the Athenians took great pride in claiming autochthony, a bloodline unsullied by admixture with barbarians or even other Hellenes, Rome's legendary genealogy unhesitatingly encompassed a host of divergent blends and multiple minglings. Greek forbears from Arcadia, Trojan immigrants who merged with Latins, Sabine and Etruscan kings, the fabled intermarriage of Romans and Sabine women – all indicate a firm belief in ethnic mixture at the origins of the nation. This article asks a pointed question: if Romans were perfectly comfortable with multiple identities in their own makeup, how does one account for the numerous slurs, smears and nasty comments addressed by Roman writers against other races and peoples? It examines a variety of such calumnies and stereotypes and argues that they do not fall into the category of ethnic prejudice. Many of the more (ostensibly) hostile remarks have been taken out of context, misunderstood, more humorous than malicious, and outweighed by a host of admiring comments. The collection of quips, jibes and clichés does not amount to ethnic bigotry. Indeed ethnicity, in terms of genetic characteristics that render non-Romans inferior to Romans, plays little or no role in these assessments. A far better indicator of the Roman outlook is the remarkable practice of extending citizenship to manumitted slaves — almost all of whom (or their ancestors) came from abroad. The Romans’ sense of themselves did not require the establishment of ethnic superiority.

The Ethnic and Racial Side of Robert M. La Follette Sr.

The conundrum of Progressive Era reform flowering simultaneously with the institutionalization of Jim Crow, the establishment of the Asiatic Barred Zone, and the introduction of European immigration restriction fascinates historians, even as it agitates them. From a contemporary, post-civil-rights-era perspective there is something deeply disturbing—and disappointing—about progressivism and racial and ethnic bigotry apparently going hand in hand. Was progressivism inherently racist and ethnically chauvinistic, or are we dealing simply with a case of practically minded politicians bowing to bigotry to achieve political results? An investigation of the ethnic and racial side of Robert M. La Follette Sr. hardly promises to answer this question fully. The progressive movement remains well-nigh impossible to pin down in exact analytical terms. Still, it may be argued that La Follette was an unusually uncompromising politician who proved willing, at least during the latter part of his career, to sacrifice practical results for idealistic principles. If La Follette's progressivism was of a purer strain than that of many a result-oriented pragmatic politician, was it less bigoted?

“Too stubborn to ever be governed by enforced insanity”: Some therapeutic jurisprudence dilemmas in the representation of criminal defendants in incompetency and insanity cases

Little attention has been paid to the importance of the relationship between therapeutic jurisprudence (TJ) and the role of criminal defense lawyers in insanity and incompetency-to-stand-trial (IST) cases. That inattention is especially noteworthy in light of the dismal track record of counsel providing services to defendants who are part of this cohort of incompetency-status-raisers and insanity-defense-pleaders. On one hand, this lack of attention is a surprise as TJ scholars have, in recent years, turned their attention to virtually every other aspect of the legal system. On the other hand, it is not a surprise, given the omnipresence of sanism, an irrational prejudice of the same quality and character of other irrational prejudices that cause (and are reflected in) prevailing social attitudes of racism, sexism, homophobia, and ethnic bigotry, that infects both our jurisprudence and our lawyering practices. Sanism is largely invisible and largely socially acceptable, and is based predominantly upon stereotype, myth, superstition, and deindividualization. It is sustained and perpetuated by our use of alleged “ordinary common sense” (OCS) and heuristic reasoning in an unconscious response to events both in everyday life and in the legal process. This paper examines the literature that seeks to apply TJ principles to the criminal law process in general, drawing mostly on the work of Professor David Wexler. It considers why the lack of attention that I have referred to already is surprising (given TJ's mandate and the fact that many TJ issues are inevitably raised in any insanity or IST case). The paper then considers why this lack of attention is not surprising, given the omnipresence of sanism. It will consider some of the actual counseling issues that might arise in these contexts, and offer some suggestions to lawyers representing clients in cases in which mental status issues may be raised. The paper concludes that we must rigorously apply therapeutic jurisprudence principles to these issues, so as to strip away sanist behavior, pretextual reasoning and teleological decision making from the criminal competency and responsibility processes, so as to enable us to confront the pretextual use of social science data in an open and meaningful way. This gambit would also allow us to address—in a more successful way than has ever yet been done—the problems raised by the omnipresence of ineffective counsel in cases involving defendants with mental disabilities.

Slavery and Etiological Discourse in the Writing of Ama Ata Aidoo, Bessie Head, and Buchi Emecheta

Slavery?human bondage for labor exploitation in domestic or market contexts?is a theme that has been explored by the Ghanaian Ama Ata Aidoo, the Nigerian Buchi Emecheta, and the South Africanborn, Botswana-naturalized Bessie Head?all women writers whose writing is contemporaneous. In addition to their interest in chattel slavery, the writers look at states that share some characteristics with slavery, notably oppression across class, ethnicity and gender, servility, and dependency. Ari effect of the explorations is a consideration of the metaphorical status of slavery.1 Appearing at a time when the tendency in African literature was toward a close reflection of the current social and political developments, these writers' depictions of slavery are remarkable. In quantitative terms, the thematic emphases of the literary and critical literature in Africa from the mid 1960s through the 1970s was not slavery but a re-evaluation of the meaning of political independence for the African societies that in the pre? ceding eight to ten decades had been European colonies. No sooner than many African societies, already politically altered through the contact with Europeans, regained political autonomy, there arose a feeling in those societies that they were still trapped in a subservient position within a recalcitrant imperialist European economic sphere. The feeling as articu? lated in much of the literature was of betrayal by an independence that had brought many of the new African countries a myriad of political, eco? nomic, and social problems. The congruence of the theme of slavery in Aidoo's Anowa (1970), Head's Maru (1971), and Emecheta's The Slave Girl (1971) is, therefore, not a simple reflection of the temper of the postindependence period. But the congruence is also not a mere coincidence. The interest in the theme of slavery in the work of Aidoo, Head, and Emecheta suggests a deeper structural analysis of historical time than a focus on the immediate independence period as a privileged moment through which the postindependence morass in Africa could be under? stood. Head additionally suggests in Maru that racial and ethnic bigotry comes from a universally expressed desires by one individual to dominate another. This article argues that the three writers together trace a trajec? tory in cultural interpretation different from a tendency to focus on Africa's immediate political realities. It suggests that the writers' represen? tations of slavery are explorations of more remote or submerged causes of the problems frequently configured as neocolonial. Furthermore, it sug? gests that the writers' depictions of gender relations in the chosen texts are not the texts' exclusive destinations?as has tended to be assumed by much ofthe critical focus on these texts' gender discourse. The depictions of gender relations, and of the position of women in particular, serve a