Democratic Institutions Research Articles

Right to Work or Right to Vote? Labor Policy and American Democracy

There is growing attention to the role of organized labor in maintaining and expanding democratic institutions in the United States. In this article, we investigate the effect of right-to-work laws on electoral democracy in the states. We theorize a series of mechanisms by which labor unions contribute to the maintenance and expansion of democratic institutions, including contributing money to campaigns and influencing the electorate. Right-to-work laws, by limiting labor unions’ ability to raise funds, reduce the strength of these mechanisms and send signals to political elites about the organizational balance of power in their states. Using recent advances in difference-in-differences analysis, we find that right-to-work laws had a substantial negative effect on state-level electoral democracy in recent decades, even net of Republican control of government. Although the difficulty of causal identification in this context warrants caution, the findings speak to the importance of organized labor in shaping democratic institutions.

Exploring Changing People's Perceptions on Local Elections

The article explores changing people perceptions of political parties during local elections in Nepal, highlighting the different factors of recent socio-political changes. Following the restructuring of local governance in the 2022 elections, political parties have increased direct involvement with their communities, changing public perceptions. Using a constructivist interpretivist paradigm with multiple realities ontology, the study employs both structured and unstructured questionnaires and interviews to gather narrative experiences from the public. The research utilizes a convergent design, integrating exploratory and descriptive methods, and employs both qualitative and quantitative techniques, including interviews and focus groups, to capture diverse people sentiments across various respondents. The sampling of 120 respondent in convenience sampling reveals that educational changes, political disillusionment, and grassroots engagement are key drivers of these changing perceptions. With all these changes the people are increasingly evaluating political parties based on local issues such as infrastructure, education, health, and social equity, rather than national political manifesto. The findings indicated a growing trend toward electing leaders who are less affiliated with traditional parties, often younger and perceived as neutral. This shift reflects declining trust in established political parties and highlights the need for greater accountability and transparency. The study underscores a pivotal moment in Nepal’s democratic institutionalization, urging political entities to adapt strategically to maintain their relevance. By exploring these changing voter perceptions, the article contributes to a deeper understanding of political accountability and voter behavior in developing democracies, offering insights for policymakers and political strategists.

When Do Parties Lie? Misinformation and Radical-Right Populism Across 26 Countries

The spread of misinformation has emerged as a global concern. Academic attention has recently shifted to emphasize the role of political elites as drivers of misinformation. Yet, little is known of the relationship between party politics and the spread of misinformation—in part due to a dearth of cross-national empirical data needed for comparative study. This article examines which parties are more likely to spread misinformation, by drawing on a comprehensive database of 32M tweets from parliamentarians in 26 countries, spanning 6 years and several election periods. The dataset is combined with external databases such as Parlgov and V-Dem, linking the spread of misinformation to detailed information about political parties and cabinets, thus enabling a comparative politics approach to misinformation. Using multilevel analysis with random country intercepts, we find that radical-right populism is the strongest determinant for the propensity to spread misinformation. Populism, left-wing populism, and right-wing politics are not linked to the spread of misinformation. These results suggest that political misinformation should be understood as part and parcel of the current wave of radical right populism, and its opposition to liberal democratic institution.

The Indian Supreme Court and constitutional amendments: insights for the debate on the comparative political process theory and the comparative representative reinforcement theory

Abstract Comparative Political Process Theory or Comparative Representative Reinforcement Theory (CPPT/CRRT) is an emerging scholarly field that theorizes about the courts’ role in the broader comparative universe. Considered an intellectual descendent of John Hart Ely’s work in the American context, CPPT/CRRT emphasizes the courts’ role in preventing democratic backsliding, promoting equality, enhancing the efficacy of democratic institutions, fostering deliberative processes, and addressing the failures of majoritarian politics. CPPT/CRRT scholars generally advocate broadening judicial powers and capabilities to fulfill these roles. This article examines the practicality of such judicial responsibilities through the lens of the review of constitutional amendments in India. It concludes that, despite the theoretical aspirations of CPPT/CRRT, courts are unlikely to meet these expectations in practice due to their institutional limitations. The positive outcomes of judicial interventions tend to be more modest than the protective and proactive actions envisioned by CPPT/CRRT proponents. Moreover, the modest benefits also come at the cost of the potential adverse impacts that an empowered judiciary may impose on the constitutional fabric. Consequently, this article suggests a need for recalibration of CPPT/CRRT scholarship wherein its goals are moderated and its aspirational objectives balanced against the potential adverse effects of an empowered judiciary on constitutional systems.

Neo-Elyian theory, therapeutic jurisprudence and the constitutional judgment

Abstract This paper seeks to understand modern comparative reflections on John Hart Ely’s work through Comparative Political Process Theory or Comparative Representation-Reinforcing Theory, and how such approaches can be augmented through the lens of therapeutic jurisprudence. It argues that the legitimacy of courts’ actions (or inactions) in such settings can be understood through their potential to strengthen democratic institutions rather than do them harm, acting as a re-set or recalibration of the democratic landscape. By buttressing representation-reinforcing approaches with therapeutic understandings, curial interventions designed to shift longstanding democratic impasses or blind spots are likely to carry much greater institutional legitimacy. By applying this lens to a series of case studies, the paper highlights the normative contribution that therapeutic jurisprudence can provide to representation-reinforcing action and to the design of such approaches.

When curiosity gaps backfire: effects of headline concreteness on information selection decisions.

The selection of information by individuals is a basic process in democratic institutions, including journalism. Publishers attempt to attract readers with "curiosity gap" headlines that offer vague descriptions rather than summarize an article. Lab and field experiments that compare the influence of these two styles have found conflicting results on their efficacy. In this registered report, we propose a theory, based on the psychology of curiosity, to harmonize these results. We introduce and validate an automated linear scale of headline concreteness to differentiate summary and curiosity gap headlines. In a meta-analysis of 8977 headline experiments, we confirm that the effects of headline concreteness on clickthrough rates vary with the overall concreteness of other headlines. When the baseline headline is too vague, higher headline concreteness increases clickthrough rates. When headlines are too concrete, higher headline concreteness decreases clickthrough rates. These findings suggest a curvilinear relationship between information selection decisions and the amount of information conveyed in text, implying that headlines that convey just the right amount of information maximize clickthrough rates at scale. PROTOCOL REGISTRATION: The protocol for this study was pre-registered following in-principle acceptance at https://osf.io/fbzvw/ on September 21st, 2023. The stage 1 protocol for this Registered Report was accepted in principle on 30/08/23. The protocol, as accepted by the journal, can be found at: https://doi.org/10.17605/OSF.IO/FBZVW .

The Separation of Powers in Ghana a Mirage? Examining the Excess Power of the Executive Arms of Government of Ghana

This study explores the extent to which the executive arm of government in Ghana exercises excessive power, undermining the principle of separation of powers and its implications for democratic governance. The objective is to evaluate the discretionary powers of the President in appointing key officials and to understand its impact on the autonomy of the legislative and judicial branches, political patronage, institutional effectiveness, and public trust. The methodology involved a comprehensive review of Ghana’s Fourth Republic Constitution (1992) and relevant literature to assess the legal framework and practical manifestations of executive dominance. The study critically analyzed the appointment powers vested in the President, including the roles of the Council of State, Parliament, and other advisory bodies. The results indicate that the President’s extensive appointment powers, as enshrined in the Constitution, significantly compromise the independence of other branches of government. Key appointments, such as those of the judiciary, ministers, and heads of public institutions, are heavily influenced by the executive, leading to a politicized public service and weakened institutional checks and balances. The practice of Winner-Takes-All (WTA) politics exacerbates this issue, fostering political exclusion and undermining democratic inclusivity. The conclusion highlights the need for constitutional reforms to decentralize appointment powers and enhance the role of independent bodies in the selection process. Strengthening parliamentary oversight and promoting merit-based appointments are recommended to ensure transparency, accountability, and the rule of law. Addressing these challenges is crucial for restoring public confidence in Ghana’s democratic institutions and promoting good governance.

Digitalization and mediatization as tools for forming new types of subjectivity

The article explores the latest opportunities for refined control over individuals by power structures within the so-called surveillance capitalism of contemporary society. It highlights the use of advanced tools of digitalization and mediatization, as well as the formation of new types of subjectivity. It identifies the mechanisms through which modern power relations in a control society (domination and coercion of individuals) emerge, differing significantly from traditional forms of governance and control in pre-modern and early modern European societies. The discussion is based on Michel Foucault’s concept of socio-historical types of power relations in societies, including sovereign power, disciplinary society, and control society in its current digital form. The paper analyzes the history of concepts such as biopower, biopolitics, and biomass introduced by Foucault, starting with his studies of disciplinary society. It demonstrates that biopower, aimed at managing masses and controlling individuals, implemented mechanisms during the disciplinary society that have evolved further in today’s control society through digitalization and mediatization. Its essence involves transforming people into civilian individuals with formal democratic rights and freedoms while simultaneously maintaining the totalization of the population as biomass. The state is shown to simultaneously undertake the functions of totalization and individualization in the formation of modern subjectivity, from which individuals attempt to escape through nomadic practices and techniques of freedom that guarantee authentic subjectivation. It argues that with the extensive use of the socio-philosophical doctrine of neo-behaviorism, the formation of representations and behaviors of individuals is justified at all levels of their life activities. This creates conditions for the emergence of new types of subjectivity that fully satisfy neo-globalists. As a result of this long-term process of modern biopolitics, not only has the role of democratic institutions in contemporary society diminished, but neoliberalism could become the "breeding ground" for digital totalitarian regimes of governance and control.

Understanding electoral violence in the United States: The role of social media

Electoral violence poses significant challenges to democratic processes, and in recent years, the United States has witnessed a concerning increase in politically motivated acts of aggression. This phenomenon, often exacerbated by the pervasive influence of social media, threatens the integrity of elections, the rule of law, and public trust in democratic institutions. Social media platforms serve as double-edged swords: they provide opportunities for political engagement and voter mobilization while simultaneously facilitating the spread of misinformation, hate speech, and extremist narratives that can incite violence. This study examines the multifaceted role of social media in influencing electoral violence in the United States, exploring its potential as a driver, amplifier, and mitigator of conflict. The analysis begins with a broader examination of electoral violence globally, contextualizing its manifestations in the U.S. political landscape. It highlights the structural vulnerabilities within the U.S. electoral system, such as political polarization, misinformation, and inadequate digital governance. Using case studies of recent elections, the study delves into how social media has been weaponized to propagate divisive content, target specific demographic groups, and mobilize extremist actions. In narrowing its focus, the research identifies strategies for mitigating electoral violence through improved digital regulation, media literacy campaigns, and enhanced interagency collaboration. These measures are critical for safeguarding electoral integrity and fostering public trust. This paper underscores the urgency of addressing the nexus between social media and electoral violence to protect the democratic fabric of the United States.

Income inequality and the erosion of democracy in the twenty-first century

Among the most pressing problems societies face today are economic inequality and the erosion of democratic norms and institutions. In fact the two problems-inequality and democratic erosion-are linked. In a large cross-national statistical study of risk factors for democratic erosion, we establish that economic inequality is one of the strongest predictors of where and when democracy erodes. Even wealthy and longstanding democracies are vulnerable if they are highly unequal (though national wealth might provide some resiliency). The association between inequality and risk of democratic backsliding is robust, and holds under different measures and structures of both income inequality and wealth inequality. The association is unlikely to be a case of reverse causation. For concerned citizens seeking to understand why so many democracies are eroding and how to stop this process, our study indicates that policies for ameliorating inequality are a promising path forward.

The Phenomenon of Heroism in the Understanding of Philosophical Anthropology

Purpose. In today’s global society, traditional values, including patriotism and heroism, have been called into question. However, the new challenges of hybrid warfare require new manifestations of heroism, and thus a new philosophical understanding of it. The main purpose of this article is to provide a philosophical and anthropological understanding of heroism as the ultimate manifestation of the strength of the spirit, which combines the institutional foundations of the public good and the individual will to achieve it. Theoretical basis. The phenomenon of heroism is studied in the classical works of Homer, Plutarch, and Thomas Carlyle. Important contemporary philosophical and anthropological interpretations of this phenomenon are provided by Friedrich Nietzsche, Helmut Plessner and Albert Camus, according to whom every person can become a hero, provided that he or she demonstrates strength of spirit and an unbreakable desire to fight and win. Therefore, the phenomenon of heroism is gaining popularity and, although it can never be total in society, it can become a subject of education and self-education. Originality. The strength of a warrior’s spirit is reflected in his or her everyday resilience, which has no gender. Its vivid embodiments in modern society can be traced to the heroism, dedication and perseverance of a warrior in a hybrid war. These new incarnations not only confirm the established philosophical and anthropological ideas about heroism, but also give it new features. Conclusions. The modern rethinking of heroism on the example of the ultimate manifestation of the strength of spirit in a hybrid war has made it possible to clarify its philosophical and anthropological concept. The exemplary steadfastness and consistency in manifesting democratic values in extremely unfavourable circumstances makes modern heroes not only professional military men, but also all citizens who demonstrate their best social virtues in defence of the social institutions of democracy. Modern hybrid warfare creates a frontier of heroic confrontation with totalitarianism on a global scale. The modern hero appears as an exemplary citizen of his/her nation-state and at the same time demonstrates the virtues of a true representative of the global civil society.

A Comparative Analysis of Mechanisms for Settlement of Election Disputes: Case Studies of Indonesia and South Africa

This study provides a comparative analysis of the mechanisms for settling election disputes in Indonesia and South Africa, focusing on transparency, accountability, effectiveness, and efficiency. Despite notable democratic advancements, both nations continue to grapple with challenges that could undermine the legitimacy of electoral outcomes and democratic stability. The research investigates how transparent and inclusive these mechanisms are, the extent of public scrutiny, and the accountability measures in place for responsible parties. It also assesses the timeliness of dispute resolution, enforceability of decisions, and their overall impact on electoral integrity and legitimacy. Key findings highlight the roles of Indonesia's Bawaslu and South Africa's IEC in ensuring openness and public participation while identifying political interference, resource constraints, and procedural complexities as significant challenges. The study further explores best practices such as engaging civil society, simplifying procedures, and adopting technology to enhance dispute resolution mechanisms. Through this analysis, the research contributes to the understanding of electoral governance and offers policy recommendations to strengthen democratic institutions in Indonesia and South Africa.

Obstacles to sustainable peace in post-conflict Liberia: An analysis of the challenges faced by peacekeeping operations

With over 15 years of peacekeeping experience in Liberia, it is crucial to recognize the challenges faced by international organizations in maintaining peace and stability. Based on this, the paper provides a comprehensive understanding of the complex and multi-dimensional challenges encountered in peacekeeping efforts in Liberia. Specifically, the paper identifies and analyzes the key factors that have hindered the effectiveness of peacekeeping operations in Liberia and assesses the impact of the identified challenges on the overall success and sustainability of peacekeeping missions in Liberia. Utilizing a qualitative research methodology and the purposive sampling of secondary data taken from books, journal articles, magazines, etc., the thematic approach which was adopted for the presentation of data facilitated the provision of a comprehensive overview of the challenges faced by peacekeeping operations in Liberia. Consequently, the paper reveals that the resolution of the conflict in Liberia was achieved through a multifaceted approach that encompassed regional diplomacy, the deployment of international peacekeeping forces, and the concerted efforts of organizations such as the United Nations and ECOWAS. However, the experience in Liberia also highlighted the complexities and difficulties encountered during peacekeeping operations, including the need for effective coordination among various actors, addressing root causes of conflict, promoting sustainable governance and development, and ensuring long-term peacebuilding efforts. Therefore, the paper recommends Improving training and support for peacekeeping personnel, strengthening democratic institutions, and promoting good governance, among others, as strategies that will mitigate the challenges and ensure an impactful peacekeeping mission in the future.

Contemporary Limits of Constitutional Patriotism

“Constitutional patriotism” has become one of the common concepts of political philosophy. Emerging in the local context of post-war Germany’s division, it gained particular popularity at the end of the last century in connection with the further globalization and multiculturalization of the world community and the creation of the European Union. Constitutional patriotism is seen, above all, as a more abstract form of social integration, replacing the traditional collective identity of the national community with a liberal-democratic political culture. Thus, it was a response to the criticism of communitarianism towards liberalism regarding the underestimation of the problem of motivating the protection of liberal democratic institutions. The article substantiates the need for a differentiated approach to the analysis of constitutional patriotism. There are two interpretations of constitutional patriotism – cosmopolitarian and particularistic. The paradox of tolerance — the issue of maintaining a tolerant attitude towards groups intolerant of the liberal political culture of society – outlines the existential boundaries of universally interpreted constitutional patriotism. This paradox became relevant as a result of the European migration crisis, as well as hybrid wars, one of the tools of which was the use of democratic institutions to destroy the constitutional order. Modern political incarnations of the paradox of tolerance demonstrate that the autonomy of liberal-democratic political culture always has its limits in preserving the conditions necessary for the existence of political culture itself.

Бонапартизм и позитивизм

The article analyzes the problem of the relationship of two historical phenomena, which largely determined the appearance of an entire century and influenced the development of subsequent forms of culture. With the undoubted scientist orientation of positivism and Bonapartism in the middle and second half of the 19th century, the question of their kinship remains debatable. The author of the article opposes the hypothesis of the direct determining influence of positivism on Bonapartism. In order to substantiate this statement, the article considers the works of Louis Bonaparte, directly related to natural science topics. The work which was dedicated to sugar production in France essentially has political goals. Written by a political prisoner, it is directly polemical to government decisions made in France. Louis Bonaparte calls for focusing on the common interests of the country, taking into account the needs of producers, consumers and residents of the colonies of France. He gives a detailed description of the process of obtaining sugar from beets, mentions the introduced technical innovations. Political independence, in his opinion, requires the preservation and development of sugar production in the country. In his essay on the project for the construction of a canal connecting the Pacific Ocean with the Atlantic Ocean, he gives various considerations about the need for such an enterprise. In this work, Louis Bonaparte operates various geographical data, also seeks to show his acquaintance with hydraulics. He emphasizes the political importance of the project, as well as its commercial attractiveness. With positivism, the position of Louis Bonaparte brings together the idea of progress, the call to rely in public life on science that has a practical application, criticism of speculative theories. He diverges from the ancestor of positivism in assessing the role of religion and republican institutions. Louis Bonaparte did not share the theory of the three stages of Comte and his encyclopedic law. Positivism and Bonapartism as special historical phenomena of one century have some related features, but do not flow from one another.

OPTIMIZATION OF PUBLIC AUTHORITIES FUNCTIONING DURING MARTIAL LAW: CHALLENGES AND SOLUTIONS

This article focuses on identifying and analyzing the main challenges faced by Ukraine’s public institutions under martial law, particularly addressing the balance between temporary concentration of power and state centralization versus preserving democratic principles. Following Russia’s full-scale aggression, Ukraine has significantly strengthened its power vertical to ensure effective governance, safeguard sovereignty, and maintain public order. The state’s operation under martial law involves restricting certain democratic rights and freedoms, a necessary security measure to protect the nation and its citizens. At the same time, Ukrainians, upholding democracy as a foundational value and as part of their European identity, are critically wary of a possible regression to autocratic governance, thus maintaining close oversight over public institutions even amidst war. Drawing on S. Neskorodiev’s «reverse transition» concept, the author justifies the objective necessity of a temporary shift toward autocracy under martial law as a compelled political- legal solution that allows state mechanisms and society to adapt to the existential challenges posed by war. The article explores the need to balance effective governance with adherence to democratic norms during martial law, highlighting the main challenges for public institutions and suggesting a range of strategic solutions. Special attention is given to information security, which is critically important in the context of hybrid warfare. Ensuring effective communication between government and citizens, and countering disinformation, are seen as essential for sustaining trust in public institutions. The role of legislative reform, enabling quick adaptation of laws to wartime demands while ensuring transparency and expert consultation to minimize poor decision-making risks, is also discussed. Emphasis is placed on preserving citizens’ rights and freedoms, even under an emergency regime, as a crucial element of democratic society that sustains public trust and the legitimacy of government actions. Strategic decisions should guarantee the preservation of democratic institutions, as democratic values are central to Ukraine’s national identity. A key factor in supporting the national idea and rebuilding post-war Ukraine as a sovereign, democratic state capable of effectively responding to challenges and recovering after the crisis.

Конституционно-правовая характеристика референдума как института непосредственной демократии и его реализация

In the modern world, the importance of institutions of direct democracy is not the least important. It is with the help of such institutions that the population is able not only to participate in public affairs, but also directly or indirectly form the authorities themselves, which is no less important. For a more detailed consideration of such constitutional-legal institutions, it is also necessary to analyse the theory and problems of their implementation. It is worth noting that the participation of citizens in making important decisions as a "single system", in the role of a collective subject leads to the unification of the entire population of the country

THE FIRST DECADE OF DEMOCRACY IN NEPAL: CHALLENGES, EXPERIMENTS, AND LESSONS LEARNED

The abolition of the oligarchic Rana regime in 1951 marked a significant turning point in Nepal's history, ushering in a decade of democratic experimentation. This study examines the socio-political developments during Nepal’s first democratic decade (1951–1960), focusing on the challenges, governance issues, and internal dynamics that defined this transformative period. The research explores key events, such as the revolutionary movement against the Rana regime, the Delhi Agreement, and the establishment of democracy by King Tribhuvan. Employing a qualitative research approach, the study utilizes descriptive and analytical methods, relying on secondary data sourced from historical archives, libraries, and personal collections. Analysis reveals that the lack of governance experience among political leaders and internal conflicts within the leading political party of the time undermined the stability and effectiveness of the nascent democratic system. Despite aspirations for progress, the democratic experiment faced significant setbacks, culminating in King Mahendra’s coup and the establishment of the partyless Panchayat system. By critically evaluating the successes and failures of Nepal’s first democratic decade, this study provides insights into the complexities of transitioning from autocracy to democracy and highlights the enduring lessons for Nepal’s political evolution.

“Joint guidelines on the legal personality of religious or belief communities” adopted by the Venice Commission and the legal personality of churches and other religious organisations in Poland

In 2014, the European Commission for Democracy through Law (the Venice Commission), in cooperation with the Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights of the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE/ODIHR), issued the Joint Guidelines on the Legal Personality of Religious or Belief Communities (hereafter, the 2014 Guidelines). This document contains nonbinding rules (soft law) for state parties in the field of the legal personality of religious and belief communities. Rules proposed by the Venice Commission and the OSCE/ODIHR in the 2014 Guidelines are organised into six categories (i.e. general rules and five groups of rules concerning particular issues: general availability of legal personality to religious or belief communities, prerequisites for acquiring legal personality, processes for the acquisition and withdrawal of a legal personality, functioning of legal entities, and loss of legal personality). An analysis of Polish law on the registration of religious community led to the general conclusion that Polish regulations are mostly compliant with the 2014 Guidelines. However doubts about the conformity of the Polish law and the 2014 Guidelines can be raised about the lack of condition of the repetitiveness of violations of laws and/or bylaws to deregister the religious/belief community, wide margin of appreciation of the term ‘gross violation’ used in prerequisites to deregister the religious/belief community, impossibility of challenging decisions dealing with the registration of religious/belief community by a community itself, and the lack of possibility of acquiring the status of ‘church or other religious organisation’ (which involves a variety of rights and privileges) by non-religious belief communities.

The fragmentation of democratic and ‘adat’ institutions in Aceh’s political elite after Helsinki: The failure of the concept of institution of social cohesion

This article analyzes the modes of organizing the political realm of society in Aceh, especially after the signing of the Helsinki MoU in 2005 by representatives of the Indonesian government and GAM as the two parties most interested in the social organization of Acehnese society. The post-conflict social and political phenomenon in Aceh is the fragmentation between democratic and customary institutions that can be directly observed by the public through their competition in local government elections. Former GAM leaders have chosen to revive Majelis Wali Nanggroe and Gampong as customary and cultural institutions to help the government organize the lives of Acehnese people post-conflict. This paper contends that the various relationships and networks of relationships present in institutional formations are understood and explained through the different rules and frameworks that define and regulate them. Data sources were collected through in-depth interviews with several key informants, such as former GAM members, DPRA members, university rectors, local Aceh mass media editors, and socio-political observers, field observations for eighteen days (5–22 August 2018), and literature studies. This qualitative research uses a new institutionalism approach that focuses on the dynamics of the social structure of Acehnese society, which was largely controlled by GAM before the Helsinki MoU and began to loosen after the elections and even formed fragmentation among former combatants in the struggle for leadership in local government institutions. This article finds that GAM elite divisions and conflicts after the conflict for official government positions occurred due to the absence of imagination of modes of organizing society that was able to connect structurally and functionally formal and informal institutions. Pragmatically, GAM leaders and negotiators tend to maintain identity politics as a resistance movement against the central government and at the same time, they continue to run governance in a special autonomy model that gives them a lot of constitutional, institutional and symbolic freedom.