Epigraphic Texts Research Articles

A short note on some Arabic inscriptions recording seismic effects in the Mediterranean area 472 H./1079 A.D. - 703 H./1303-1304 A.D.

The research was carried out withiin the framework of the Istituto Nazionale di Geofisica projects aimed at investigating Mediterranean seismicity from 11th to 15th century. The screening of the epigraphical texts was performed on 8000 inscriptions of the Arab Mediterranean area. The scant amount of inscriptions directly relating to seismic events, 5 in alI, is due to the nature of the epigraphic genre itself: almost invariably, the commemorative texts in the inscriptions do not yield more precise information on seismic events, even recording collapses or restorations. In a further phase of research and anaIysis such information wilI be correlated with that contained in other written sources. The earthquakes explicitly mentioned in the inscriptions examined here are already known through other sources, but this speciaI evidence more accurately pinpoints destructive effects on both specific sites and particular buildings.

New Readings of Hezekian Official Seal Impressions

This article presents 23 new readings for official seal impressions found on lmlk (Lachish Type 484) jar handles. In previous publications these seal impressions were regarded as indecipherable or were misread. The new readings presented here comprise approximately 15 percent of the published official seal impressions and provide essential new data useful for reexamining these impressions. In presenting these new readings, the authors adopt a paradigm set for the publication of epigraphic cuneiform texts and adapt this paradigm for the documentation of Hebrew seals. This analysis includes epigraphically significant photographs, facsimiles, a transcription, and epigraphic commentary.

Numinibus Aug(ustorum)

The theology of the Imperial Numen continues to stir vigorous debate. In an article recently published in this journal J.C. Mann has proposed a radically different interpretation of the concept as seen through Celtic eyes in the Roman provinces of the North-West. He lays down in the first place that it is epigraphically impossible for numinibus Aug. to refer to multiple living emperors, who would rather have been indicated by the reduplicated ‘g’. Nor can the reference be to the living emperor in combination with the deceased: deified dead emperors would certainly have had the divus title and could not in any case be credited with numen since they possessed no ‘divine power’. As a result, the formula n[u]minibus Aug. on an altar from Benwell (RIB 1330), for example, must be taken to refer to the numina of the reigning emperor, who in popular thought was considered to have multiple numina, powers ‘in every human field’ (p. 177). Long before its publication, an oral version of this thesis had convinced E. Birley, who on the strength of it completed both RIB 707 and 1330 in such a way as to refer likewise to the numina of the living emperor. Since this expansion affects the interpretation of epigraphical texts that are of interest in ways other than just recording the cult of the numen, the whole question merits re-examination.

A Dictionary of Aramaic Ideograms in Pahlavi

THE LATE H. S. NYBERG's WORK on the Frahang i Pahlavik (abbreviated here FrPhl) was pursued over many years, and its publication has been eagerly awaited for a long time. It has now appeared, many years after the author's death, thanks to the efforts of his former students, the Iranian scholar Bo Utas and the Semitist Christopher Toll. They are to be congratulated for the energy and time invested in this work of love, but some disturbing questions cannot be avoided. As the manuscript was not ready for print, it was decided to publish the extant notes while supplying the commentary to the text from lecture notes taken by students of Nyberg. It is doubtful whether this does justice to the late master. If he had lived to put his hypotheses and conjectures on paper, he might have wanted to reconsider some of them. They do contain a great many untenable, sometimes fantastic, speculations. It is arguable that in deference to the memory of a great scholar it might have been better to leave the incomplete manuscript unpublished. The user of the book must at any rate be warned that many of the statements, however confidently expressed, should be treated with some caution. This applies to the Semitic as well as to the Iranian aspects of the work. The book is extremely complex to work on, and its layout as printed does not make its use any easier. The text bristles with problems of reading and interpretation, in addition to problems of manuscript transmission. It might have been a useful service to indicate which ideograms are actually encountered in epigraphic texts or in Book Pahlavi, and which figure only in the Frahang i Pahlavik. It must, however, be obvious that the occurrence of ideograms in the extant literature is not the only yardstick for deciding whether

<em>DMWT’, ṢLM, NṢB</em>. 'Estatua' en la epigrafía aramea

En los textos epigráficos arameos del periodo del arameo antiguo y oficial se usan dmwt’, nṣb, ṣlm, con el significado de 'estatua', aunque no todos estos términos se emplean en el arameo antiguo común, en Samal, en la inscripción de Tell Fekherye y en el arameo oficial. En el presente articulo se habla de la distribución de esos nombres en las distintas clases de modalidades de arameo mencionadas, y de cómo el uso de ṣlm llegó a ser el único que prácticamente se utilizó en arameo oficial como resultado de la fuerte influencia del asirio, que usaba ṣalmu para «estatua», influencia y uso que nos han quedado atestiguados en la inscripción bilingüe asiro-aramea de Tell Fekherye.

Ports in Perspective: Some Comparative Materials on Roman Merchant Ships and Ports

Very large merchant vessels (500 tons burden or more) and elaborate port facilities certainly existed in Roman world, and they have attracted much attention in recent years. It is important, however, to provide an accurate context for such spectacular technical achievements: do they represent norm, or are they uncommon, or even highly anomalous? In absence of documentary evidence, we can make good use of comparative materials from other preindustrial contexts. Post-Roman merchant fleets regularly consist overwhelmingly of smaller vessels, often carrying small quantities of a large variety of items. Port facilities in these contexts are generally minimal, and such practices as beaching and offloading into lighters are common. It is argued here that most Roman merchant vessels were small (i.e., below 100 tons), and that man-made port facilities were both small and unusual in Roman Empire. Evidence from ancient world, including wrecks known from underwater excavations and numerous literary, legal, and epigraphical texts, supports precisely picture of ancient shipping we would predict on basis of comparative material. As we move ever more deeply into an age of technical marvels, it becomes increasingly difficult to comprehend nature, and especially scale, of ancient world. It is most spectacular technical achievements of ancient world which draw our attention, and this interest is encouraged by nature of our evidence. In literature, for example, we are more likely to find descriptions of gigantic ships such as Isis or Syracusia built by Hiero than of ordinary merchant vessels, and so far our archaeological evidence is too slender to permit inferences about Roman merchant fleet in general. Interest has therefore centered on larger, and in particular largest, merchant vessels. Thirty-five years ago, Lionel Casson proved that ancient merchant vessels could be much larger than previous scholars had thought,' and his evidence and conclusions have been used, reconsidered, and developed further by scholars such as Wallinga2 and Pomey and Tchernia.3 These writers have justifiably noted that our evidence does not permit us to establish an average size for ancient merchant vessels,4 and they have therefore concentrated on establishing probable sizes of larger and/or largest vessels. These are matters of great interest for history of technology and of large-scale trade in ancient Mediterranean, but such an emphasis on larger ships can cause problems: first, there is danger that scholars using these materials will accept figures on larger vessels as if they were norm;5 and second, without a realistic context it is difficult for us to appre* This is a revised and expanded version of a paper originally delivered at 1985 AIA Annual Meeting in Washington, D.C. as part of a Colloquium on Ports, Technology, and Trade in Ancient World, AJA 90 (1986) 201-202. My thanks to Anna Marguerite McCann for organizing colloquium and for her encouraging words as I revised paper. Thanks also to Lionel Casson and anonymous referees for AJA, all of whom made helpful and instructive suggestions. SL. Casson, Size of Ancient Merchant Vessels, Studi in onore di Aristide Calderini e Roberto Paribeni I (Milan 1956) 231-38; summarized and updated in L. Casson, Ships and Seamanship in Ancient World (Princeton 1971) 171-72, 183-200. While I disagree with some of Casson's emphases and general conclusions, my debt to these fundamental studies will be manifest throughout this paper. 2 H.T. Wallinga, Nautika (I). The Unit of Capacity for Ancient Ships, Mnemosyne 17 (1964) 1-40. P3 . Pomey and A. Tchernia, tonnage maximum des navires de commerce romains, Archaeonautica 2 (1978) 233-51. Note, however, that evidence from literary sources concerning unusually large merchant vessels must be handled with care. The figures Lucian gives for such a ship, e.g., are not to be trusted: see G.W. Houston, Lucian's Navigium and Dimensions of Isis, AJP 108 (1987) 444-50. 4 The statement of Pomey and Tchernia (supra n. 3) 233 is characteristic: ne cherchons pas 'i determiner les tonnages moyens.... les sources disponibles ne nous paraissent pas permettre de s'en faire une id6e suffisamment justifie. Cf. Wallinga (supra n. 2) 26. 5 Thus both J.G. Landels, Engineering in Ancient World (Berkeley 1978) 164, and G. Husson, Lucien. Le navire ou les souhaits 2 (Paris 1970) 13, regard ships of 300 tons and over as normal, even though very few actual vessels this large are known. Similarly, O. Vallespin G6mez, C pper Wreck (Pecio del Cobre), IJNA 15 (1986) 322, argues that we have discovered only a small part of this wreck because we have well under 200 tons of cargo and the 553 American Journal of Archaeology 92 (1988) This content downloaded from 157.55.39.211 on Tue, 27 Sep 2016 05:50:20 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 554 GEORGE W. HOUSTON [AJA 92 Table 1. Ships Docking in London, 1567 and 1568 Tonnage English Ships Foreign Ships Total

Epigraphs and Assyrian Palace Reliefs: The Development of the Epigraphic Text

Previous articleNext article No AccessEpigraphs and Assyrian Palace Reliefs: The Development of the Epigraphic TextPamela GerardiPamela Gerardi Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by Journal of Cuneiform Studies Volume 40, Number 1Spring 1988 A journal of ASOR Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.2307/1359704 Views: 1Total views on this site Copyright 1988 American Schools of Oriental ResearchPDF download Crossref reports no articles citing this article.

Hellenistic Epigraphic Texts from Gordion

The excavations at Gordion have produced extensive material to be added to the epigraphical record of central Anatolia. Included in this are 187 Phrygian texts written in the epichoric script of Gordion, which have recently been published by Claude Brixhe and Michel Lejeune, and a large body of pottery marks, numerical texts, and other non-verbal graffiti, which has been studied by the present author. There is in addition a quantity of epigraphical material from the Hellenistic levels at Gordion not discussed in these two works. While their individual character is quite varied, these Hellenistic texts have in common the fact that all were written in Greek script. Eleven of them consist of words or short phrases in the Greek language, while the remainder are owners' marks, i.e., names or abbreviations of names. These texts shed light on several aspects of the site during the Hellenistic period. They help document the decline of both Phrygian script and language in the settlement. They also suggest probable shifts of population during the late fourth and third centuries B.C. through the increasing use of common Greek proper names and the occurrence of Celtic names. In general, they provide a glimpse of the impact of the Greek presence on the local Phrygian populace during the fourth and third centuries B.C.

Les subordonnées finales par hópōs en attique classique By Suzanne Amigues (review)

BOOK NOTICES 483 self before he could apply it to his word-order studies. Further, although his data base was limited largely to Latin, Greek, French, German, and English, his statements about more exotic languages are surprisingly well-informed; e.g., he recognizes the strict modifier-head order of Turkish, and he notes that Chinese (far from having 'no grammar', as non-specialists often say) has an elaborate fixed-constituent-order system. Scaglione has apparently chosen to reprint the translation rather than the original because of 'the updating it contains of Weil's references' (xiv). Super's translation is readable but, in places, slavishly literal (e.g., la marche des idées always comes out as 'the march of ideas'). The lack of an index in so loosely organized a work is unfortunate. [Michael A. Covington, Yale University.] Les subordonnées finales par hopös en attique classique. By Suzanne Amigues. (Études et commentaires, 89.) Paris: Klincksieck, 1977. Pp. 323. F 120.00. A's study of Gk. hopös as a subordinating conjunction, introducing final (purpose) clauses, is a well-documented analysis of occurrences from both literary and epigraphical texts written in the Attic dialect from the period between the Persian Wars and the death of Alexander. The somewhat similar study of temporal and causal use of epei and has in Herodotus by Rijksbaron (Amsterdam, 1976) focused on Ionic at a slightly earlier period. Both studies are primarily synchronic , but A's stands squarely in the philological tradition ofthe series in which it appears, while R's study is theoretically based on text grammar. A's philological work supplements standard grammars like Smyth's Greek grammar , Schwyzer's Griechische Grammatik, or Humbert's study of Greek syntax—and also differs theoretically from Lightfoot's formal syntactic study of mood (1979:81 ff.) The book is divided into three major parts: I, hopôs plus future indicative (17-93); II, hopös (án) plus subjunctive (97-197), and III, hopös (án) plus optative (201-92). Each part is subdivided into several chapters and a conclusion. The study begins with a description of the corpus (3-5) and an introduction (7-14), which describes the basic approach and findings; it ends with a general conclusion (293-8), a short bibliography , an index of examples (301-10), another of grammatical categories (311-16), and a detailed table of contents (317-20). Important findings concern the relation among final, complement, and circumstantial clauses; the value of the future tense; the moods with hopös; the value ofthe particle án, and the value of the governing verb in expressing cause. A's thesis is that the conjunction hopos itself is not intentional or ??f?ß??ß, but that its meaning is instrumental in origin; its neutral contexts thus express result (effect) and its means, rather than propose (cause). ??f?ßß is derivative from the context, which includes governing verbs of intention or effort (e.g. bouleúesthai 'deliberate ', dianoiesthai 'intend', diamákhesthai 'devise ', zètein 'seek, desire', mélein 'take care [that/how]', and phrontizein 'take thought, see to it [that]') as well as tense/mood, the particle án (optionally), and hopös. Of the final conjunctions which competed with hopös by the 4th century bc, hina was clearly replacing hopös in the spoken language (106), while alternation with has was stylistic (103). But the possible implication, that ??f?ße clauses developed from result clauses, is never explicitly stated; this underlines the primarily synchronic focus of A's study. Although this book is written for the Classical Greek scholar, its findings bear importantly on general linguistic issues—e.g., the nature of complementation in language and its relation to other subordinate constructions; historical changes in formal mechanisms for the expression of subordination in written language; and typological differences between older and newer forms of IE languages. For example, the oldest attested IE language, Hittite, did not have purpose clauses (cf. J. Friedrich's standard grammar ); and topicalization was more distinctive as a feature of its headless relative construction than nominal modification. Kuno (in Li [ed.], Subject and topic, 1976) argues that Ross' constraint on complex NP constructions is violated by certain constructions , and that...

Unmetrical Spellings in Attic Inscriptions

Research Article| January 01 1977 Unmetrical Spellings in Attic Inscriptions Leslie Threatte Leslie Threatte Search for other works by this author on: This Site PubMed Google Scholar California Studies in Classical Antiquity (1977) 10: 169–194. https://doi.org/10.2307/25010718 Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Share Icon Share Twitter LinkedIn Tools Icon Tools Get Permissions Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation Leslie Threatte; Unmetrical Spellings in Attic Inscriptions. California Studies in Classical Antiquity 1 January 1977; 10 169–194. doi: https://doi.org/10.2307/25010718 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All ContentClassical Antiquity Search This content is only available via PDF. Copyright 1978 The Regents of the University of California Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.

TheLibellusProcedure and the Severan Papyri

When Saint Chrysostom's Prayer asks that the petitions of the Lord's servants be fulfilled as may be most expedient for them, it expresses what, in traditional autocracies, was expected of every ‘good king’ by his subjects. St. Louis, the model of a medieval king, would go regularly with his courtiers to the Bois de Vincennes, there to hear his subjects' petitions, seated under an oak. Dr. Millar has pointed out that Roman emperors were expected to be accessible to their subjects, especially those of humble station, in much the same way. The evidence shows that much of the emperors' time was taken up with answering petitions (in the form oflibelli) from private individuals or from groups of humbler people, and that it was only ‘bad’, lazy emperors who neglected this task. Not only was there a secretarial department for handling petitions, as distinct from epistles, but its head, thea libellis, was, according to Seneca, deluged with work. Literary sources, however, tell us little or nothing of value about the actual methods of accepting and handling petitions. For information on such topics we have to turn to the surviving texts of the ‘subscripts’ (subscripttones), the imperial replies to petitions (very few actual petitions survive). By far the largest number of these from the period of the Principate is to be found in the Code of Justinian, and they are mainly the work of the Severan and later third century emperors. In the process of transmission many of these texts have been abbreviated, and the formal elements have been omitted or garbled as a result, and it is from these formal elements that most can be learned about the procedures for handling petitions. One is therefore thrown back on the epigraphic and papyrus texts, in which these formal elements are often preserved.

Scribes and Scholars: A Guide to the Transmission of Greek and Latin Literature

Part 1 Antiquity: ancient books the library of the museum and Hellenistic scholarship other Hellenistic work books and scholarship in the Roman Republic developments under the early empire archaism in the second century the compendium and the commentary from roll to codex paganism and Christianity in the 4th century the subscriptions. Part 2 The Greek east: scholarship and literature under the Roman Empire the Christian church and classical studies the early Byzantine period Greek texts in the Orient the Renaissance of the 9th century the later Byzantine period. Part 3 The Latin west: the dark ages Ireland and England the Anglo-Saxon missionaries insular influence on classical texts the Carolingian revival the development of Caroline miniscule Carolingian libraries and the Latin classics Carolingian scholarship the Carolingian twilight the resurgence of Monte Cassino the 12th-century Renaissance the scholastic age Greek in the west in the middle ages. Part 4 The renaissance: humanism the first humanists the consolidation of humanism - Petrarch and his generation Coluccio Salutati (1331-1406) the great age of discovery - Poggio (1380-1459) Latin scholarship in the 15th century - Valla and Politian Greek studies - diplomats, refugees and book collectors Greek scholarship in the 15th century - Bessarion and Politian the first printed Greek texts - Aldus Manutius and Marcus Musurus Erasmus (1469-1536). Part 5 Some aspects of scholarship since the Renaissance: the Counter-Reformation - the high Renaissance in Italy the beginnings of humanism and scholarship in France the Netherlands in the 16th and 17th centuries Richard Bentley (1662-1742) - classical and theological studies the origins of paleography discoveries of texts since the Renaissance - palimpsests, papyri, other manuscript discoveries, epigraphic texts epilogue. Part 6 Textual criticism: the development of the theory of textual criticism the stemmatic theory of recension limitations of the stemmatic method age and merit in individual manuscripts indirect tradition some other basic principles corruptions fluid forms of transmission - technical and popular literature conventions in the apparatus criticus conclusion.

Isis-Hellas

For centuries after the death of Alexander the cult of the Egyptian gods, and of Isis in particular, was widespread in the Mediterranean. The fact is of considerable importance in the history of religious ideas; yet it has not received much special attention. Perhaps this is not altogether surprising. The range of the search is wide and the task daunting. The subject of Isis–Hellas is unclaimed by Egyptology. For its proper exploration the classical scholar must delve into many fields. Besides the epigraphical and numismatic evidence many literary texts have to be read. Sculpture, painting, magical amulets and papyri can all be turned to account. Some fresh approach may suddenly throw the Isiac faith into a strange light as when Merkelbach four years ago found links between its mysteries and the romantic tales by such writers as Achilles Tatius and Heliodorus. Abundant proof for the existence of the Egyptian cult on the Greek mainland and in the Aegean and Asia Minor has been brought forward by Rusch, Brady and Magie. Yet we have to bear in mind how strong it also became during the Imperial Age in Italy, as was shown years ago by Lafaye and more recendy by the Dane Alfoldi and the Vietnamese Tran Tam Tinh. No wonder then that a comprehensive and definitive work on Isis in all her countless guises (Isis Myrionymos) has still to be written.

The Courts of Justice in Archaic Chios

The mutilated inscription generally called the ‘Constitution of Chios’ was first discovered in the village of Tholopotami and published in 1909 by Dr. Jacobsthal and Professor U. von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff. The examination of the stone and the photographs and squeezes were all made under very difficult conditions, and shortly afterwards the stone disappeared from sight and record. It found its way finally into the hands of the local authorities, and, Chios being then under Turkish rule, was sent to the Archaeological Museum at Istanbul, where it remained without attracting the notice of later travellers. The inscription has been included in several collections of Greek epigraphical texts, accompanied by the short commentaries of editors who were relying on the original description and readings. I examined the stone at Istanbul in 1949, and cannot suggest a full restoration of the text, any more than did the first editors in their short but admirably comprehensive account.

Notes on Mon Epigraphy

In the notes here published an attempt is made to explore some of the peculiar linguistic problems involved in the interpretation of epigraphic texts. As a subject for study these have certain advantages for the linguist: the material on which he bases his conclusions is, at any given time, complete, reducing the chances of his being afterwards confronted with evidence which he has overlooked; its nature limits the directions which his inquiries can take; and since the text is irrevocably committed to stone, he is not delayed by the possibility of infinitely refining his phonetic and phonological observations. It is a cardinal principle of the present investigations that such texts in dead languages carry an implication of utterance; it is equally cardinal that what that implication is cannot be determined, and is not to be educed.

Dotted Letters in Greek Epigraphy

IN THE INTERPRETATION of epigraphical texts, the partially preserved or indistinct letter may hold the key to the meaning of entire passages. Such letters are usually indicated nowadays by the use of a dot beneath. Since most of the stones on which inscriptions were cut are now broken or damaged, many letters are of necessity uncertain; and accordingly the use of such dots has become very general. An examination of certain problematical letters has tempted me to make a brief analysis of the whole subject of dotted letters, and to conclude that although in general there is agreement in definition, in practice there is disparity, and in some usages at least there is much danger. In the present study, I shall first briefly sketch the early history of the use of dotted letters. Second, I shall analyze the three functions of dotted letters in present-day Greek epigraphy. The third section, on which I lay the most emphasis, takes up in some detail, and with photographic illustrations, certain striking cases exemplifying two misusages of the dotted letter. Lastly, I propose measures which would help minimize the dangers arising from these misusages. In the publication of epigraphical texts in the nineteenth century it was customary to provide a majuscule text. The editor could indicate by the use of broken type just what he saw on the stone. For instance, if the vertical stroke of an epsilon was the only trace remaining, the editor printed an upright in the left side of the letter space. If the letter was very faint, but its identity unmistakable, the shape was indicated by a series of dots. Thus, a very indistinct omicron would be printed in the form O. This system was used for all Attic inscriptions published in the Inscriptiones Graecae. The practice of using dotted letters was apparently taken over from papyrology. This use of dots in papyrological publication was well enough establi hed by 1898 so that dotted letters were included in the table of sigla in the first volume of the Oxyrhy chus papyri. Grenfell and Hunt stated, Letters with dots under them are to be considered uncertain.'

Roman Garrisons and Soldiers in Asia Minor

As the following notes are primarily concerned with the Roman Army in Asia Minor, and are not epigraphical, though based on epigraphical evidence, it is best to omit epigraphic texts and employ otherwise the space gained. Epigraphic texts will be published elsewhere, or are already published.It may be assumed that the cohorts concerned are likely to be milliariae, not quingenariae, as they were evidently widely scattered in detachments (numeri or vexilla) over a very large country. A cohort nominally stationed at Iconium or at Ancyra would really be employed in small bodies over many parts of south-eastern or of northern Galatia, and milliariae were needed to cover the large district. They were all equitatae, as the evidence shows.

The Progress of Greek Epigraphy, 1923–1924

In the following Bibliography an attempt is made briefly to summarise the progress made during the years 1923 and 1924 in our knowledge of Greek inscriptions, alike by the addition of new epigraphical texts to those already known and by the more adequate restoration or interpretation of documents previously discovered. I follow once again the order adopted in my last Bibliography, namely, that of the Inscriptiones Graecae so far as Europe is concerned and, beyond its boundaries, that of the Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum.I. GeneralThe ever-increasing number of epigraphical books and articles calls for, and gives additional value to, the various bibliographies which aim at rendering them more generally useful to students. In addition to my own summary for 1921–1922 in this Journal and that which dealt separately for the same period with the Greek inscriptions found in Egypt, I may specially mention the ‘Bulletin Bibliographique’ of M. Lacroix for 1919–1922 and the very full and valuable survey by P. Roussel of the epigraphical contents of the periodicals bearing the date 1921. The pertinent sections of the ‘Revue des Revues’ appended to the Revue de Philologie should also be noted, as well as P. Kretschmer's ‘Literaturbericht’ for 1919 and 1920, which is restricted to questions of philological interest.

Epigraphical Notes from Eastern Macedonia and Thrace

These notos are a result of a short tour in the autumn of 1896 through the coastlands north of the Aegean from Xerxes' canal to the Hebrus. Professor W. C. F. Anderson of Firth College, Sheffield, accompanied me. and gave much valuable help. Of the inscriptions which we copied the following seem to be either unknown, or imperfectly published or described, If I have overlooked a previous publication of any of them, I may plead the difficulty of finding out what has or has not been edited.1. Hierissos (Acanthus): in a wall near the Byzantine gate on the acropolis. Fragment of coarse marble block, 1 foot 11 inches high, 10 inches broad. Letters about 3½ inches. Published by Cousinéry, Voyage dans la Macédoine, t. II., p. 151; by Boeckh, C.I.G. 2007k; and, the epigraphic text only, by Le Bas, No. 1414.I believe that the right half of the stone has been cut away. If so, it is better to read with Cousinéry than with Boeckh. The stone may have marked the boundary of public land.2. Lympiada: in a wall on the beach. Rough block of granite, 3 feet 3 inches long, 1 foot 7 inches high. Letters 5½ to 3 inches, irregular and much weathered.