ROHR: We decided there are at least four models that guided our pleasant and somewhat meandering discussion. One was institutional/structural, the second was system design, the third was organizational learning, calling on Argyris in particular, and the fourth was values and ethics. We did not take up one model after the other in an orderly fashion. Rather, the models surfaced at the end of our discussion when we tried to reflect on what we had done. Early in our discussion we agreed on two points which might serve as our recommendations. They are: (1) Increased public participation in a given program or policy does not necessarily mean there has been increased citizen involvement. Public participation may simply be a legitimate expression of self-interest. This is not the sort of action that is distinctive of citizens. It does not necessarily order the polity or look to the common good. Resident aliens can also participate. (2) We should be cautious about overstating a long-lost golden age of citizenship in American history. There were moments ot widespread civic virtue, but some of the discussion at the conference may have gone too far in idealizing the past. Midway through our discussion Chairman Bill Dunn tried to impose some order on the chaos and offered the following summary of the central themes we were dealing with. One was that current theories of administration lead to an impoverished practice of citizenship. This is because administrative theories do not deal with system design. When systems are designed, they should amplify the variety of choices people can make. The system designer sees the public interest, but part of the public interest is that people should be able to pursue their personal interests. The theory group agreed that it was difficult to reach any kind of general conclusion because of the complexity of the subject matter. This comment is not as bland as it might seem, however, if one considers the following causes of the complexity. (1) Public administration and citizenship are rooted in two very different and perhaps antithetical traditions. One tradition centers on management and the other centers on personal initiative. There are serious problems in trying to put these two traditions together, although one need not despair of practical ad hoc arrangements that hold the two principles together in some kind of tension. (2) The high/ low distinction in citizenship was looked upon favorably, but certain difficulties were noted. One is that the question of who is high and who is low could become quite nasty. An important caveat must be that we do not equate low with bad. Low citizenship is self-interested, but a legitimate pursuit of self-interest needs no apology. Perhaps we should use active/passive or classical/modern to avoid any misunderstanding about high and low. Another difficulty is that the high/low distinction presumes that high is not for everyone. Just how restrictive the term might be was left unresolved, but we agreed we would not want to live in a nation with 200,000,000 high-ethical citizens. On the other hand, we surely would want to live in a nation with 200,000 or 2,000,000 such persons. A third difficulty is that the high/low distinction may be too stark and severe. Perhaps there should be a gradation within high and low. The gradation could be linked to various civic roles. One might be more active on a local issue, such as county roads, than on a national environmental policy issue, for example. Perhaps the chair would allow me at this point to ask some of my colleagues in the working group if they would care to amend or flatly contradict some of the points I have made.
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