British Shipping Research Articles

The Geological study of the sea bottom and subbotom and the recent research trends (with emphasis on the continental shelf area)

The systematic research of the sea bottom started axcually only in the 19th century with the research voyage of the British ship "CHALLENGER" but was particularly developed during the early 20th century. The Greek seas were geologically explored after 1950, with the research trip of the R/V Verna in 1954 in Korinthiakos Gulf. Since then a great number of research programs has been carried out in the Greek Seas both in the shelf and the deep sectors in which the Greek scientists have played a major role. The major factor in shaping the todays shelf morphology is sedimentation controlled mainly by the sea level changes during Quaternary. The shelf break in the Aegean and Ionian seas lies at a depth of 120m. to 160m. and is usually covered by relict sediments and locally by holocenic sediments, particularly at the deltaic areas. In low sea level stands many of the todays gulfs were subaerically exposed or constituted lakes of variable depth with or without outlets toward the open sea. During these stages coarse sediments were deposited mainly beyond the shelf break. During high sea level stages the coarse sediments were deposited on the shelf and the fine grained ones surpassing the self break were deposited in the deep areas. Theses changes in sediment texture are reflected in the deep sea seismic profiles as alternating opaque-transparent layers. Although the Greek area is characterized by high seismic and tectonic activity, tectonism and eustatic/isostatic factors played a considerably minor role in shaping the shelf morphology that of sea level changes. The study of the shelf area during the various sea level stands helped in locating occurrence of placer deposits in the Northern Aegean shelf and in recognizing the trans gressional layer as a suitable horizon for foundation of civil engineering projects. Except these, the shelf studies contributed important information to the basic geological knowledge. Examples from condribution to geoarchaeology to biogeography are cited. Regarding the future research trends in Marine Geology, these can be: The development of marine data (metadata) bases. The systematic use of multibean systems. The further development of digital processing of the seismic reflection records. The collection of data for the anticipating future climatic changes. The assessment of the eventual catastrophic events in the coastal zone. The recording in real time of the active sedimentation parameters.

Fellow Travellers: Dance and British Cold War Politics in the Early 1950s

Any history of these political and theatrical events would, of necessity, survey the often slow and obscure processes pre-dating them. It is not the purpose of this paper to explore the sociopolitical contexts of 1956 theatre but rather to offer one contribution to such a history by examining the beginnings of the presentation of Soviet ballet and dance in Britain before the landmark year of 1956. This article also contributes to a growing body of research into the place of dance within Cold War cultural diplomacy which has already received the attention of Naima Prevots (1998)1 from the American perspective but has not so far been explored in the British context. In comparison with some other parts of mainland western Europe and the United States, Britain was late in encountering Soviet theatre dance. A few Soviet stars performed abroad in the years pre-World War II2 but did not venture to Britain. When the former Bolshoi ballerina Viktorina Kriger came to London in 1935, it was as director of a group of Soviet folk dancers participating in an international amateur festival. As early as 1944, the Soviet authorities were invited to send the Bolshoi, or another company, as soon as hostilities ceased, to appear at what was even then being planned as the national home of opera and ballet at Covent Garden. Maynard Keynes3 had persuaded the Foreign Secretary that the Covent Garden project needed the sanction of a Russian company for it to succeed, and there was an apparent willingness to fetch them in a British ship.4

Vaba, Haiza, Kholera, Foklune or Cholera: in any language still the disease of seven pandemics.

1. SUMMARY Cholera is a disease which can strike in any community where sanitary conditions deteriorate or where it is possible for a few people to transport the organism from infected areas to new communities. The historical background of the seven major pandemics and the discovery of the causative organism are provided from 1800 to 1995. With the procedure of oral rehydration therapy few patients should succumb to the disease if clean water is available. The problem is that large-scale floods in many places often lead to a breakdown in clean water supplies and sewerage treatment so it will not pay to be complacent, cholera has not disappeared!.

The Barbary Corsairs, King Charles I and the Civil War

Historians recognize many constitutional and ecclesiastical conflicts that led to the outbreak of the Civil War in 1642. But there was another factor that lay thousands of miles away in the Islamic Mediterranean: the Barbary captives, those English, Scottish, Irish and Welsh seamen, captains, and travellers who were captured and enslaved in Morocco and in the Ottoman regencies of Algeria, Tunisia, and Tripoli (Libya).1 When Charles I succeeded to the throne in 1625, there were hundreds of these captives among the Barbary corsairs; by 1640, there were thousands.A crisis developed around these captives which historians have not examined in the context of the build-up to the Civil War. K. R. Andrews has argued that the captives and their 'clamorous' relatives had a 'small influence' on the course of events leading up to the Civil War, while other historians have completely ignored them.2 But as this paper will show, unransomed captives of the Barbary Corsairs played an important role in compounding the conflict between King Charles and the London merchants of the Levant and East India Companies. These merchants lost not only their employees to the corsairs, but scores of their ships too, and subsequently blamed the King for not spending the monies raised through customs, tonnage and poundage, forced loans and Ship Money on maritime security. Similarly, seamen's wives and their families blamed the unransoming of their kin on the King and his ministers. Thousands of these disaffected women and relatives, who gravitated to London from all over the realm, and assembled angrily at the docks or in the precincts of Whitehall, found eager supporters among various members of the Commons who had been spearheading the opposition to the King during his 'eleven year tyranny'.The Barbary captives became a cause celebre that exacerbated the social and political unrest in London. By not acting decisively to resolve this foreign policy matter, and by ignoring the numerous petitions that had been presented to him by kinsmen and employers of the captives, the King allowed the Parliamentary opposition to take the initiative in helping, or appearing to help, the captives, and in adding one more cause of contention that precipitated the Civil War.By the time Charles I succeeded to the throne, the attacks of the Barbary corsairs on English and Scottish ships, as well as on the mainland, were causing deep anxiety among ship owners, sailors and coastal inhabitants. In May 1625, the Privy Council learned from St Ives that thirty ships from Salee were near the coast: the inhabitants were afraid that the corsairs would land 'by night among us', and especially that there were no ships from the King's fleet to 'fear them'.3 In August, the Mayor of Poole urged the Privy Council to 'take it into your consideration the [protection of] Newfoundland fleet, being about two hundred and fiftye saile of shippe ... haueng some foure or fiue thousand men belonging to the westerne parte'.4 The Mayor was afraid that 'within this two yeares They [the corsairs] will not leaue his most excellent Majesty saylors to man his ffleet'. Again in that month, the Grand Jury of Devon wrote to Sir Richard Hutton 'praying him to make known to the King or the Council' the danger of corsair depredation.5 The Barbary Corsairs threatened British ships in the mouths of the English Channel, the Bristol Channel and the waterways between Ireland and England: by spreading themselves from Poole around Land's End to the island of Lundy, they endangered all shipping to and from the major western ports of England and Wales.6 In this respect, the corsairs were a serious cause of commercial and maritime destabilization.It was unfortunate for Charles I that his accession to the throne coincided with the Spring season of the year when the weather in the Mediterranean and the Atlantic allowed the corsairs to range far and wide. Furthermore, and for the past few decades, English and other European traders had sailed small ships which made their capture by the North Africans easy: the Christians of the early seventeenth century, wrote the Tunisian historian Ibn Abi Dinar, were not prepared to send out large ships, as a result of which the privateers, who sailed in frigates, were able to capture thousands of them. …

The Evacuation from Dunkirk: "Operation Dynamo", 26 May-4 June 1940

This is the Naval Staff History of Operation Dynamo, originally published internally in 1949. British ships evacuated nearly 100,000 men of the BEF from the beaches, and over 200,000 from harbours. Other nations' vessels carried more than 30,000.

Uneasy bedfellows: science and politics in the refutation of Koch's bacterial theory of cholera.

Bulletin of the History of Medicine 74.4 (2000) 671-707 [Access article in PDF] Uneasy Bedfellows: Science and Politics in the Refutation of Koch's Bacterial Theory of Cholera Mariko Ogawa [Figures] Introduction Six large cholera epidemics were said to have occurred in Europe between 1830 and the First World War. A great deal of research has been published on the first four, especially the first, and on associated efforts to improve water and sewage systems during this time. 1 Important investigations of the last two epidemics have been published by Richard Evans and Frank Snowden: Evans mainly discusses the cholera epidemic in [End Page 671] Hamburg in the 1890s, and Snowden, the cholera epidemic in Naples occurring around 1910, although both works also cover epidemics in the 1880s, particularly in southern France and Italy. 2 However, a fifth cholera epidemic of the 1880s, first confined to Egypt but then spreading to Italy, southern France, and Spain, has attracted little in-depth scholarly attention, apart from the works of William Coleman, Norman Howard-Jones, and Anne Hardy. 3 It seems as if the years 1883-84 in particular are an air pocket in the research, although some authors--for example, David Arnold, Mark Harrison, Sheldon Watts, and Jeremy D. Isaacs--give us excellent descriptions of the related issue of sanitation in British India during the second half of the nineteenth century. 4 Yet understanding this epidemic, and particularly the British response at the time, is especially important for three reasons. First, a major difference between conditions at the time of the earlier epidemics and in the 1880s is the presence of the Suez Canal. The cholera in Egypt in 1883 was the first outbreak to occur after the completion of the canal, and the cause of that epidemic was alleged by some of the European powers to be English ships coming into the Mediterranean Sea from India via the canal. Second, while during the four earlier epidemics the residents of Britain, France, and the German lands had all suffered cholera themselves, at the time of the epidemic in Egypt these three powers were still free of cholera and could afford to dispatch research commissions to [End Page 672] study the disease. In this time of imperialism, it is important from the viewpoint of the development of international sanitation that the three big powers almost simultaneously sent teams of investigators to Egypt, each of which was laboring under different national expectations. Third, from the viewpoint of bacteriology, cholera in 1883-84 is interesting because these were critical years for the identification of the cholera germ. At this time the German microbiologist Robert Koch was still in the process of formulating his famous postulates for determining a germ source for a disease--and in fact, these met with theoretical difficulty specifically in relation to the cholera germ. Peter Baldwin has published an illuminating overview of the ways in which European nations reacted to the ever-present threat of epidemic contagion during 1830-1930. 5 As for the British reaction to the fifth cholera epidemic in particular, Coleman refers to Koch's commissions to Egypt and India in 1883-84, and he observes that the British were doing very little in response to the new epidemic. 6 However, there is evidence that the British were in fact making an effort to deal with the problem; for example, William Guyer Hunter was dispatched to study the cholera in Egypt and his final report was published in the British Command Papers in 1883. 7 A paper published in the Quarterly Journal of Microscopical Science in February 1886, entitled "The Official Refutation of Dr. Robert Koch's Theory of Cholera and Commas" (which does not seem to have been mentioned elsewhere in the literature), gives an enlightening view of the British response by bringing the relationship between bacteriology and the social, economic, and political situation of the time into sharp focus. 8 A close examination of "The Official Refutation" and related documents, therefore, contributes to previous research on the interaction...

THE DIVERGENCE OF ENGLAND: THE GROWTH OF THE ENGLISH ECONOMY IN THE SEVENTEENTH AND EIGHTEENTH CENTURIES

AbstractTHAT something remarkable was happening in England in the quarter millennium separating the late sixteenth century from the early nineteenth is plain. In Elizabeth I's reign the Spanish Armada was perceived as a grave threat: the English ships were scarcely a match for the Spanish, and the weather played a major part in the deliverance of the nation. By the later eighteenth century the Royal Navy was unchallenged by the naval forces of any other single country, and during the generation of war which followed the French revolution, it proved capable of controlling the seas in the face of the combined naval forces mustered by Napoleon in an attempt to break the British oceanic stranglehold. Growing naval dominance was a symbol of a far more pervasive phenomenon. In the later sixteenth century England was not a leading European power and could exercise little influence over events at a distance from its shores. The Napoleonic wars showed that, even when faced by a coalition of countries occupying the bulk of Europe west of Russia and led by one of the greatest of military commanders, Britain possessed the depth of resources to weather a very long war, enabling her to outlast her challenger and secure a victory. The combination of a large and assertive Navy and dominant financial and commercial strength meant that, in the early decades of the nineteenth century, Britain was able to impose her will over large tracts of every continent. But her dominance did not grow out of the barrel of a gun. It derived chiefly from exceptional economic success: it grew out of the corn sack, the cotton mill, and the coal mine.

Explaining the mortality decline in the eighteenth‐century British slave trade

decline in mortality on French vessels up to the 1 770s, death rates increased thereafter. On Portuguese ships, death rates in the nineteenth century were extraordinarily high, presumably due to the illegality of the slave trade. It is unlikely that the decline in crude death rates on British ships was attributable to changes in the age and sex composition of the slave population: the new database shows little difference in the loss rates of males and females, and of adults and children (suggesting that very few infants, who were most at risk, were carried). Furthermore, the decline in death rates was not the result of changes in the regional composition of slaves: crude death rates declined on voyages departing from all regions of Africa.3

White Slaves, African Masters: An Anthology of American Barbary Captivity Narratives

White Slaves, African Masters: An Anthology of Barbary Captivity Narratives. Edited and with an introduction by Paul Baepler. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999. Pp. xiii, 310. Illustrations. Cloth, $46.00; paper, $19.00.) It is not well known that between 500,000 and 1,000,000 white men and women were held as slaves in North Africa from roughly 1500 to 1830. Most were taken at sea, in raids on coastal towns, or captured on shore after shipwrecks. A handful of English merchant seamen who ventured into the Mediterranean in the sixteenth century became victims. At least one pamphlet resulted, the first known Barbary captivity narrative by an Englishman, which Richard Hakluyt included in his Principle Navigations. Barbary captivity was a topic of considerable interest in America from early settlement into the antebellum era. Merchants and seamen during the 1600s feared Moroccan corsairs who raided communities as far north as Iceland, and took vessels in north Atlantic waters. Eighteenth-century British shipping was less vulnerable to attack. Monetary tribute and the Royal Navy kept the peace between Britain and most of the Barbary powers most of the time. Although fewer British seamen suffered captivity in North African bagnios, the shipping news in colonial newspapers reported that vessels of weaker nations were still being taken at sea by Algerines. Hundreds and possibly thousands of Christians still labored for Islam as slaves. After the Revolution, vessels lost British protection and were targeted by corsairs almost immediately. By 1796, 119 seamen from thirteen vessels were enslaved in Algiers. John Foss, returning home after almost three years' slavery, published the first Barbary captivity narrative in 1798, an ordeal only half his shipmates survived. The plight of captured seamen engaged a public imagination already sensitive to perceived infringements of liberty. Seven of the nine publications Paul Baepler included in White Slaves, African Masters were printed during the early republic. The two women's narratives went into twelve editions each, and two narratives not included exceeded twenty. Clearly, tales of Barbary captivity resounded with the conflicting concerns and sensibilities of readers. What surprises, then, is the relative absence of recent scholarship placing this experience, these narratives, within any kind of emerging cultural context. There are a few notable exceptions. Robert J. Allison, in The Crescent Obscured ( 1995), considered the myriad ways in which early republican America constructed an Islamic world as a counterpoint to praise Western virtue or to criticize Western hypocrisy. A generation earlier in his classic The Slave Community (1979), John W. Blassingame used the memoirs of white slaves in Barbary to illuminate the process of acculturation for African slaves traumatized by violent capture, subjugated by an alien people, and humiliated by white disdain. Paul Baepler's book contextualizes these narratives in several ways. It makes excerpts from nine representative, but uncommon Barbary captivity narratives readily available to interested readers, and quite suitable for inclusion in a course syllabus. Each story is compelling in its own right. Baepler does not explain his editing rationale except to state how he defines American narratives, nor does he indicate what portions of the originals have been extracted. However, the balance and character of the selections are the strength of his book. …

The Randomized Clinical Trial

(2000). The Randomized Clinical Trial. Journal of the American Statistical Association: Vol. 95, No. 449, pp. 312-315.

Frederick Sandeman, a Foreign Teacher of English Studies

Many foreign teachers played important roles in modernizing Meiji Japan. Only a little has been clarified, however, about their lives and careers. This paper deals with Frederick Sandeman, an unfamiliar figure to Japanese people in general, and tries to investigate his life and work in the early Meiji period, making the most of the historical materials at hand.Sandeman worked for both national and semi-official schools : at Daigaku Nanko (the forerunner of Tokyo University) and at Miyazaki School of Foreign Languages in the Watarai Prefecture (the present Mie Prefecture).At Daigaku Nanko, he taught elementary English for six months, starting on 1st January 1871. During these months, he accidentally injured a child and an old man while passing along on his carriage. This may be the possible reason why he couldn't renew his contract unlike his colleagues.At Miyazaki School, he taught English for one year from 1st November 1874. He had six classes a day and was well paid under the 'Contract'. Some of the school budget including his salary came from the surplus of the revenues obtained from ferry service across the Miyagawa River. Quackenbos's First Lessons in Composition, The Illustrated London News and others were used as textbooks or supplementary readers, which indicates that English studies were taught rather than the English language itself. The rewarding system was adopted at this school, where Western books or bundles of machine-made paper were awarded to excellent students. While working at Miyazaki School, he enjoyed trips to various places and went as far as China.When he couldn't find any employment, he resided in the Yokohama Foreign Settlement and probably opened a private school to teach English. His interesting advertisements appeared in the local newspaper for about a month from 25th July 1871.According to the passenger lists in the newspapers, he reached Yokohama on the English ship “Lochnager” on 16th June 1870, and left Yokohama for Hongkong on the French steamship “Tanais” on 7th January 1877.

English Trader, Indian Maid: Representing Gender, Race, and Slavery in the New World. An Inkle and Yarico Reader

On March 13, 1711, an article appeared in The Spectator about Thomas Inkle, a young and aspiring English trader cast ashore in the Americas, who is saved from violent death by Yarico, a beautiful Indian maiden. When he and Yarico become lovers, Inkle promises to clothe her in silks and transport her in carriages when he returns with her to England. Some months later, they are picked up after Yarico succeeds in signaling a passing English ship. But upon reaching Barbados, Inkle immediately sells Yarico into slavery-raising the price he demands when he learns that Yarico is pregnant with his child. Based on a real life account in Richard Ligon's History of Barbados published half a century earlier, the Spectator story caused a sensation as debate intensified over slavery in the British colonies-and it would be told and retold for decades as perhaps the most compelling folk epic of its age. English Trader, Indian Maid, Frank Felsenstein has assembled the main English versions of this once-famous story, including a newly rediscovered poetical epistle by Charles James Fox, one of the leading parliamentary promoters of the cause of abolition. As well as George Colman the Younger's still vibrant comic opera-considered by some the earliest English social problem play-the book contains tantalizing retellings from the Caribbean and from America, where the story has close affinities with the tale of Pocahontas. Also present are notable works by English women writers, such as Frances Seymour and Anna Maria Porter, and freshly attributed English renditions by Stephen Duck, the Wiltshire thresher poet, and by Peter Pindar (John Wolcot). Felsenstein also suggests an intriguing link with William Wordsworth, who may have had the story in mind while composing his Lyrical Ballads. This edition restores the story of Inkle and Yarico to its rightful place as a focal narrative in cultural and historical debate of issues of gender, race, and colonialism. In Inkle and Yarico we have that rare entity, a perfect example of an intertextual discourse that reflects so much of the diversity and contradictions of the age that fostered it ...Its diverse handling of issues of gender and race makes it a lively and highly topical discussion piece in the classroom. Equally, given the regrettable (and actually surprising) shortfall of prominent eighteenth-century literary texts that treat of the subject of slavery, Inkle and Yarico fills a highly significant gap.-from the Introduction [p.43]

The Dutch social democrats and the South African war, 1899–19021

This article examines the attitude of the Dutch Social Democrats towards the South African War (1899–1902). At the beginning of the war the SDAP (Social Democratic Workers’ Party) had three seats in the Staten‐Generaal (Parliament). By 1902 this had increased to seven. The South African War created a wave of nationalism in the Netherlands. The Boers were of Dutch descent, and the Dutch generally saw the war as their own. As much as it wanted to assist the Transvaal, the Dutch government, however, could not afford to annoy Britain upon whom she depended for commercial protection of her East Indian colonies. In Social Democratic circles there was a mixed reaction to the war, particularly as their enemy, the Dutch bourgeoisie, had taken the side of the Boers. Arguments were raised for and against on the one hand, humanitar‐ianism and the law of nations, and on the other, historic‐materialistic considerations. The organs of the SDAP—De Sociaaldemokraat and later Het Volk—supported the Boer cause. Their internationalism almost compelled the Social Democrats to stand aloof from the chauvinistic Dutch bourgeoisie. They pointed out that the Netherlands, with its policy on Acheh, an independent sultanate on Sumatra, was in actual fact also an imperialistic nation. Anti‐British sentiment among the Social Democrats rose sharply when the Amsterdam diamond cutters also became victims as many lost their jobs in the wake of the war. Chamberlain (the British Colonial Secretary) and Kitchener (British Commander‐in‐Chief) were seen as war criminals. When, towards the end of 1901, the Amsterdam Water Transport Leagues attempted to organise an international boycott of British shipping, the SDAP sympathised with the plan, but did not give its official approval. Nothing came of the attempt. The Dutch Social Democrats reluctantly accepted the peace, feeling that the Boers would in the future be exploited by British capitalism.

English Views of the Indians of Peru

As English settlements came to be established along the Atlantic seaboard of North America in the seventeenth century, encounters with the native inhabitants of those lands were inevitably to be recorded in words and images. The manner in which this was done was dictated by two factors. The first was a strong fascination for what was considered to be strange, wild and unknown, a response that had marked European travels to distant lands such as Asia for centuries. The second was hitherto unique, namely the need to understand the nature of individuals with whom future English settlers would not only need to live in relatively close proximity, but upon whom they would depend for their survival, at least during an initial period of acclimatisation. As has been pointed out recently, herein lies one of the dilemmas for authors of literature promoting colonisation in North America, for although they recognised that tales of Indian savagery would enthral the reading public, those same tales conversely were unlikely to win similar acclaim from those considering financial investment in New World enterprises.1 Even less were they likely to enthuse those charged with the implementation in the New World of grand colonial schemes, devised in London often with a meagre understanding of the harsh reality of conditions in America. Ferocious, unclothed, barbarian heathens whose manners, beliefs, religious practices and, indeed, in some cases whose very appearance appeared to cast doubt on their very humanity, might attract substantial interest in descriptions of foreign lands, but they hardly constituted effective propaganda for colonial settlement.Unlike Spanish South America, the North did not at once beckon with irresistible incentives in the form of such enormous and immediate material rewards, that neither the rigours of the voyage and of the climate, a hostile natural environment, nor its existing human population would deter the adventurous or the plain greedy. This is not to say that the North did not enjoy its stock of legends. The Spanish after all had fruitlessly quested after the Fountain of Eternal Youth (in Florida), or the Seven Cities of Cibola and Quivira (in the south-west and central USA). But in the 1570s, the voyages of Martin Frobisher to his Meta Incognita (Baffin Island) had proved just how tragic and illusory such fancies could be. For under examination in the harsh light of a London day, the black rock he had so painfully gathered in such a distant and inhospitable location clearly did not glitter with traces of gold. Moreover, the alternative lure of discovering a passage for English ships to the fabled wealth of Cathay and Cipango (Japan), somewhere along the Atlantic coast of North America, a concept certainly as old as the first expedition of John Cabot (1497), had also long since been transferred to Arctic regions where it would stay throughout the seventeenth century. Consequently, if colonial settlement in a 'New England' were to be the goal and reward of immigrants, in all aspects of its representation, including that of the native population, North America must initially at least be shorn of any features which might detract from its attractiveness to investors and pioneers. There was nothing new in this. Columbus, of course, had responded in a similar fashion in 1493, bidding for future crown support by writing preliminary reports on the islands of the West Indies, in which he portrayed a simple, innocent, content and, in the main, unwarlike people (cannibals apart), living at one with nature in a supremely fertile and welcoming environment. Only later in the 1620s, as a justification for English settlement (rather than as an excuse for conquest which was the case in Spanish South America), did a more openly critical appreciation of the North American Indian prevail, with its emphasis on savagery and unchristian beliefs.Turning now to Spanish South America and specifically to the Viceroyalty of Peru, for the most part the above reservations are not valid. …

Investment incentives for British shipping: a further comment

Investment incentives for British shipping: a further comment

The land-based jobs market for seafarers: Consequences of market imbalance and policy implications

Concern has existed for some time that the decline of the British shipping industry is resulting in the UK economy losing its maritime skills base. The effects of this loss could extend beyond the shipping industry because former seafarers are employed in other maritime related businesses besides shipping ashore. A study undertaken during 1995 and 1996 identified the economy’s requirement for people with seafaring experience in land based jobs and assessed the consequences of a shortfall in supply of seafarers to fill such jobs. This paper is mainly concerned with the supply aspects and policy implications of that study.

Social Status, Entry and Predation: The Case of British Shipping Cartels 1879–1929

The authors incorporate social status and regional affiliation—two variables of central sociological interest—into an economic analysis of entry and predation. They build on Scott Morton’s [1997] examination of entry and predation in the merchant shipping industry and examine whether the social status of an entrant owner impacts on the predation behavior of the incumbent cartels. They find that high social status entrants are significantly less likely (40%) to be preyed upon than the low social status entrants. They discuss several interpretations of this result. Subsequent analysis supports the hypothesis that cartel members use social status as an indicator of an entrant’s propensity to be a cooperative cartel participant.

Travels in Southern Africa, Vol. 2 (review)

Perhaps the most telling moment in this book occurs when Adulphe Delegorgue, having set sail on a British ship from Cape Town to London in 1844, visits St. Helena. There, midway between the two continents of his adult life, Africa and Europe, Delegorgue sees the tomb of Napoleon Bonaparte and describes his compatriot as the "colossus of glory" (284). Through his homage to Napoleon some twenty years after his death, Delegorgue fixes his historical moment and identifies the model by which he fashioned his persona as intrepid explorer, great white hunter, meticulous naturalist (remembered in the names of various species including a type of butterfly, Lycaena Delegorguei), and lover of animals. In this self-depiction, Delegorgue is above all a man of destiny who lives the "dangerous life" (213) and savors the freedom offered by southern Africa, unlike the colonial Boers and English whom he sees as hopelessly unimaginative and domesticated. The Boers are slightly superior to the English, he admits, but only because they were unmatched as oxen-drivers and were not the persecutors of Napoleon.

On Baluchi Separatism

0.1. Amongst the Iranian peoples and ethnic formations a highly important place is occupied by the Baluchis, due to their ancient and specific culture, rich historical background and because of their political weight in the ethnic mosaic of the region. In spite of that the Baluchis have always been an integral part of the continuum of peoples inhabiting Iran, and from the earliest times have played an important role in the creation and consolidation of the Iranian state; though, from the other side, the ideas of separatism and ambitions of creating their own state have never been alien to them. However, the lack of a clearly formed national ideology and national consolidation, along with a number of other factors, have always been an obstacle in the way of the realization of these ideas. In any case, the Baluchis (around 6 million) are the largest Iranian ethnicity after the Persians, Kurds and Afghans. 1.1. In the XVII century by the efforts of the Brahui and Baluchi tribes, as a result of struggle against the Great Moguls, the Khanate of Qelat was founded. This historical period is not thoroughly studied and now it is difficult to say who played the main role in the foundation of the Khanate: Baluchis or Brahuis? However, the period of the Khanate of Qelat is considered as a part of Baluchistan's history. The rulers of Qelat, during many years, fought either with the Kalhurs of Sind, or with the Gilzais of Afghanistan, and the Khanate's borders were continuously changing, including in certain historic periods the regions of Quetta-Pishin, Qachchi, Sibi, etc. The rulers of the Khanate were often subject to the influence of either the rulers of Iran (Nadir-shah, for instance), or the Afghans of Qandahar, up to the period of Nasir Khan's reign the most authoritative leader of Qelat. Nasir Khan managed to bring all the local sardars under his jurisdiction and enlarged the territory of the Khanate approximately up to the borders of the modern Pakistani province of Baluchistan. With the penetration of the Dutch, and afterwards the British into the Persian Gulf, the value of the Khanate of Qelat and Baluchi territories began to increase gradually. The foreigners considered Baluchistan as a foothold for their expansion in the directions of India, Iran and Afghanistan. According to an agreement between the British Mission and Qelat signed in 1839, the Baluchis were to guarantee the safety of British power and transportation to the Afghan border, in return, they were given guarantees of the preservation of their sovereignty and the borders of the Baluchi territories. From that time Baluchistan gradually began to lose its influence in the region. 1.2. As a result of the over enhancing spread of the Great Britain's influence further to the West, Persia also remembered its vital interests.In order to protect their own interests, the Persians began intensive interference in Baluchistan. During the reigns of Nasereddin-shah and Reza-shah they actively tried to subject the Baluchi tribes to the central government. A considerable part of Baluchistan up to 1 947 was considered the territory of the British Empire. It is necessary to note that the division of Baluchi lands took place at the end of the XIX century, due to an agreement between Iran, Afghanistan and Britain, leading to a formal demarcation line through the enormous Baluchi tribal massive and the emergence of the Iranlian, or Western,

Masasuke Aniya, an English Interpreter for Ryükyü Kingdom

Basil Hall, who as captain of His Majesty's Ship Lyra stayed in Ryükyü for forty days in 1816, wrote, “Two of the natives have been studying English with great assiduity, and with considerable success. One is called Madera, the other Anya… They are both keen fellows, and always amongst the strangers.” These two officials were Fusaaki Maehira and Masasuke Aniya.This paper intends to follow Aniya's activities as an interpreter by examining the books of Captain Beechey, C. Gutzlaff, W. Williams and P. Parker, who successively came to Ryükyü from 1820s to 1840s.When the British warship Blossom, the British ship Lord Amherst and the American ship Morrison arrived at Naha port, the crew were surprised by being warned by a native interpreter, “What for come Doo-choo? How many guns? Plenty guns?” in broken English. He was Aniya who had learnt English when the Alceste and Lyra stayed in Ryükyü in 1816.Though Ryükyü Kingdom strictly denied trading with foreign countries, native government treated foreigners kindly, supplying water and food without demanding any payment. Captain Beechey who came to Ryukyu in 1827 and other authors of log-books praised Aniya as an able interpreter and recognized Ryukyu kingdom as a very polite and amicable country.When Commander Perry's squadron came to Ryukyu on its way to Japan in 1853 and 1854, Chôten Itarajiki (later Chôchfi Makishi), who had studied English from Aniya (later Yoseyama) played a remarkable role in his difficult negotiations with Americans. English studies in Ryükyü were initiated by Maehira and Aniya, and then were succeeded by Itarajiki.