Enemy In War Research Articles

The order of genocide: race, power, and war in Rwanda

Scott Straus. The Order of Genocide: Race, Power, and War in Rwanda. Ithaca, N.Y. : Cornell University Press, 2006. xiv + 272 pp. Maps, Charts and Tables. Appendix. Bibliographyavailableon-lineatwww.polisci.wisc.edu. Index. $24.95. Cloth. Scott Straus ranks among the finest of the scholars writing in genocide studies. The Order of Genocide only confirms the reputation he has gained from earlier work: it is a fair-minded, important, and rigorous monograph. Drawing on more than two hundred interviews that he conducted with convicted Rwandan killers, and on many other sources, Straus builds a dynamic process model seeking to explain why and how ordinary people could be mobilized to murder their neighbors in the 1994 Rwandan genocide. Straus comes to his analysis after distinguished coverage for the Houston Chronicle of the 1996 in Zaire. In 1998 he enrolled in graduate school and quickly gravitated to theories of mass violence and African politics (x). Reading about the Rwanda genocide led him to conclude that theories about the genocide had outpaced the evidence (x). This is the gap he sets out to correct. In doing so he brings to this book extensive work with both open-ended and structured interviews with ordinary killers in prisons across Rwanda, and a thorough knowledge of the literature on the Great Lakes. He disaggregates regional violence, he analyzes the relevant geographic factors, and he provides linear regression analyses of key factors to create a solidly grounded, comprehensive interpretation of the spread of violence at the local level during the genocide. For this reviewer, Straus's most impressive contribution to the literature is his highlighting of the critical moments when region after region hovered at the tipping point, with power evenly balanced between Hutu hardliners and moderates. Straus illustrates how the intervention of key military and militia units, new advances by the Rwanda Patriotic Front, and broadcasts by radio station RTLM sapped the strength of the moderates and confirmed that the hardliners were in charge at the very center of power. Moderate officials then abandoned their resistance to government-sanctioned violence. Encouraged by local hardliner elites, mass killing followed. Under these circumstances, Straus argues, international intervention early in the genocide surely would have tipped the balance of power from Hutu hardliners to Hutu moderates. However, without international intervention, civil and insecurity fanned by government authorities empowered mass mobilization for targeted wholesale murder. In Straus's words, acute insecurity and orders from above ignited a categorical logic of race and ethnicity. In a defensive battle... and in the context of orders to kill, Tutsis became 'the enemy.' In short, neighbors became enemies in war (173). Central to this interpretation is Straus's argument that under conditions of intense civil war, face-to-face demands by local elites and neighbors to join in the killing were the keys to understanding mass participation in the Rwandan genocide. The very proximity of Hutu and Tutsi living together intensified the sense of deep insecurity among ordinary Hutu and this, to some, made the killing seem necessary. …

Japan–UK: perspectives of partnership

One of the most remarkable developments that took place in the postwar international order is the relationship between the United Kingdom and Japan, two major world powers. Formerly bitter enemies in war, their relationship is today perhaps at the best ever. They are connected by a network of shared interests in the politico-strategic, scientific-technological and socio-cultural spheres, beyond the economic realm. Nonetheless, as cooperation between Japan and Europe has been the fragile side of the triangle of “Japan–US–Europe” relations, the promotion of Japan–UK ties at bilateral, regional and international levels might have a significant effect. The trilateral structure of “Japan–Britain–EU” relations also creates diverse dynamics that involve all three forces in a broader regional cooperation including the security arena, than would be possible on just a bilateral Britain–Japan level. These impulses might help to facilitate Europe to become a more influential global actor and to serve as a key enabler of the British foreign policy toward the Asia-Pacific region. Under this context, this article strives to explore how Japan–UK bilateral relationship, one of the strongest ties binding Asia to Europe, stands today, by shedding light on the new horizons of their partnerships for global responsibilities.

From Justus Hostis to Rogue State the Concept of the Enemy in International Legal Thinking

This article examines the changing image of war in international law and politics. In classical international law, the ideal typical image of war was a duel between equal states, represented as 'magni homines', This conception of war was based on a particular reading of the sovereign equality of states and a corresponding interpretation of the enemy in war. Due to the attempts to outlaw war and the growing enthusiasm for the use of force in the name of humanity, this image of war has changed significantly. In current international relations, the use of force is increasingly defined as enforcement or a preventive action against wrong-doers, risks to international peace and security or against 'rogues'. This article examines the changing conceptions of sovereignty and war as well as the changing image of the international community that underlie this changing conceptualisation of the enemy.

Passion and Nation: War, Crime, and Guilt in the Individual and the Collective

Riffing off of George Fletcher's theory of Romanticism and war, the article reviews Fletcher's arguments, which received derisive reviews during the War against Iraq in 2003. The article takes Fletcher's approach seriously in considering the problem of war as a Romantic impulse, and the difficulties caused by that understanding. The article then derives arguments on the limits of the laws of war to apply to military actions against terrorism. The article considers the nature of collective guilt as a mitigating element in the crimes of one individual, and it considers the nature of non-state enemies in war. This last point is illustrated through detailed contrast between the U.S. experiences in the Barbary Wars and the Punitive Expedition to Mexico.

Writing Indigenous Femininity: Mary Rowlandson's Narrative of Captivity

Mary Rowlandson's narrative of her captivity offers insight into the ideas of femininity and race in early colonial America through its depiction of Weetamoo, the squaw-sachem of the Wampanoags. Despite evidence that Weetamoo was quite well known as an enemy in King Philip's War, Rowlandson refuses to acknowledge Weetamoo's extraordinary status and power in her own culture. Instead, Rowlandson attempts to cast Weetamoo merely as a failure of the Eurocentric femininity articulated by Increase Mather in his Preface to the text-a femininity that Rowlandson works so hard to claim for herself in her representation of her own maternity, asexuality, and gender-appropriate production and exchange.

Human Rights and the Politics of Victimhood

In the lexicon of rights, the concept ofhumanrights can play a wide variety of roles. Human rights can be defined as substantive natural rights that transcend politics and culture or as the rights that underlie political and cultural differences. They can be defined narrowly as rights that could be asserted against enemies in war or, more broadly, as the aspirational goals to which governments are held accountable by their citizens and the world. Despite their lack of recognition in covenant and positive law through much of the twentieth century, human rights are increasingly asserted on the basis of such recognition. To some, human rights are simply the sine qua non (procedural? biological?) for asserting other rights, whatever these may be. In this paper I do not choose among these uses of the concept of human rights by propounding a single definition; neither do I defend or criticize human rights in general.

The British Army's Counter-Battery Staff Office and Control of the Enemy in World War I

The British Army's Counter-Battery Staff Office and Control of the Enemy in World War I

The British Foreign Office and Its German Consuls Before 1914

In the decade before the outbreak of World War One the British Foreign Office's use of Germarn subjects as unsalaried consular officers came under increasingly critical scrutiny. To critics of the consular system, influenced by increasing Anglo-German commercial and naval rivalry, the long-standing practice of using foreigners as honorary consuls appeared anachronistic,if not actually dangerous. Indeed, the practice harked back to a more cosmopolitan Europe in which international rivalries were not as intense as they became after the Franco-Prussian war. It was also a remnant of laissez-faire economics which disparaged active goverramental interference to promote trade by means of agents abroad. From the 1880s, however, Great Britain began to lose ground to expanding commercial and industrial rivals, Germany and the United States; consequently, critics of British methods of production, technical training and trade Dromotion began to look to those nations as more efficient models for Britain to emulate.1 The critics also believed that the German and American consular systems were more effective than their British counterpart in promoting trade and, quite naturally, fastened on the use of foreigners as one of the most obvious handicans in the highly competitive search for markets that developed late in the nineteenth century. Since Germany was Britain's chief European trade rival and increasingly after 1905 the most likely potential enemy in war, the use of German-subject consular officers to represent British interests in the Reich became a particular object of criticism and controversy. This article concerns a little-known aspect of a generally neglected arm of British foreign relations--the consular

A Problem in the Siege of Praeneste, 82 B.C.

In 83 b.c. L. Cornelius Sulla invaded Italy to face his political enemies in civil war. From Brundisium he moved quickly into Campania, defeated C. Norbanus near Capua, won over the army of the other consul, L. Scipio, near Teanum Sidicinum, and advanced some way northwards—possibly to Aquinum in the middle Liris basin. There followed a lengthy pause in operations, and a very hard winter.Next year, Sulla beat the illegally youthful consul C. Marius somewhere in the upper valley of the Trerus (the Sacco of today), and pursued him and his routed forces into Praeneste, which he proceeded to besiege. It was vital not to leave this immensely strong site, which dominates eastern Latium and with it one of the through passages from Rome to Campania, in enemy hands. Marius' considerable forces had to be neutralised, lest they endanger Sulla's rear as he pressed on north of Rome against Carbo in Etruria, lest they effect a junction with Carbo, or lest they provide a focal point (and a base) for Italic peoples not prepared to accept Sulla, and likely to offer Marius ready recruits, if he were left unhindered. Besides, the town itself was anti-Sullan—and prepared beforehand for such a siege, it seems.

Trading with the Enemy in World War II

Trading with the Enemy in World War II

Trading with the Enemy in World War II. By Martin Domke. (New York: Central Book Company. 1943. Pp. xv, 640. $10.00.)

An abstract is not available for this content so a preview has been provided. Please use the Get access link above for information on how to access this content.

REVIEWS

Book reviewed in this article:BRACTONIAN PROBLEMS. Being the ninth lecture on the David Murray Foundation in the University of Glasgow, prepared, but not delivered, by H. Kantorowicz.A TEXTBOOK OP THE LAW OF TORTS. By P. H. WinfieldTHE CRISIS OF THE NATIONAL STATE. By W. FriedmannINTERNATIONAL LAW AND TOTALITARIAN LAWLESSNESS. By Georg Schwarzenberger.DELINQUENCY CONTROL. By Lowell Juilliard CarrM. DOMKE, Trading with the Enemy in World War II.THE INTERNATIONAL LABOUR CODE, 1939. International Labour Office, Montreal, 1941ANNUAL SURVEY OP ENGLISH LAW, 1940. Published for the London School of Economics and Political Science by Sweet & Maxwell, 1943.

Trading with the Enemy in World War II

Trading with the Enemy in World War II

Trading With the Enemy in World War II

Journal Article Trading With the Enemy in World War II Get access Trading With the Enemy in World War II. By Martin Domke. 1943. (New York: Central Book Co. 8 vo. xv + 640 pp. Biblio. $10.00.) Vladimir Idelson Vladimir Idelson Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar International Affairs, Volume 20, Issue 1, January 1944, Page 118, https://doi.org/10.2307/3016475 Published: 01 January 1944

Trading with the Enemy in World War II

Trading with the Enemy in World War II

Trading with the Enemy in World War II

Trading with the Enemy in World War II