IN THE SPRING OF 1957, LITTLE ROCK was, by most accounts, a thriving and progressive southern city. In postwar decade, city's leaders vigorously pursued a plan of economic development, and race relations were considered good and improving.1 In voluntary compliance with Supreme Court's 1954 Brown decision, Little Rock School District officials developed a desegregation plan, and an NAACP representative referred to Little Rock as the bright spot of South in terms of school desegregation.2 Thus, as first day of school approached in 1957, no one anticipated that Little Rock would become an international symbol of racism and massive resistance. On September 2, 1957, just hours before start of new school year, Arkansas governor Orval Faubus ordered National Guard to surround Central High School to prevent integration. For three weeks, Faubus defied a federal court order to proceed with integration, and President Eisenhower ultimately had to send troops from 101st Airborne Division to Little Rock to ensure that nine black students would be allowed to attend school. The paratroopers occupied high school for several months, and federalized National Guardsmen remained in halls of Central High School for entire school year. The end of school year, however, provided little relief for city. While school officials worked to delay integration, Faubus traveled state, campaigning for reelection as an ardent segregationist. Emboldened by his Democratic primary victory in late July, Faubus called a special session of legislature, which granted him power to close schools that fall to prevent integration. On Friday, September 12, 1958, United States Supreme Court ordered Little Rock School District to proceed with integration. In response, Governor Faubus immediately closed all of city's public high schools. As governor signed this school closing legislation, three white women gathered in an antebellum mansion just a few blocks from state capitol. There, beneath portrait of her father in Confederate uniform, Adolphine Terry sat with Vivion Brewer and Velma Powell, laying groundwork for first effective opposition to city's segregationists. Four days later, they founded Women's Emergency Committee to Open Our Schools (WEC). In ensuing months, women of WEC publicly challenged segregationists at every turn, and their actions were instrumental in defeat of extremists and reopening of city schools. Although WEC was first organized white opposition to city's segregationists and was central to resolution of school crisis, no study of organization exists. Few accounts have even mentioned WEC, in part because much of secondary material on Little Rock experience is contained in larger works on school desegregation or civil rights.3 Within such broad surveys, Little Rock is treated as merely one episode in a continuing saga of resistance. Moreover, even in literature devoted specifically to Little Rock, most studies focus on first year of crisis (1957-1958), when federal troops occupied Central High and dramatic conflict between Governor Faubus and President Eisenhower tested power of federal government to enforce Supreme Court's decision.4 Only a few authors have studied second year of crisis, when power struggles were local and WEC occupied center stage. In The Little Rock Recall Election, Henry Alexander examined climactic event in city's school crisis and provided first scholarly reference to WEC in his discussion of organization's role in 1959 recall campaign.5 However, his study provides little information about membership of WEC or its development prior to election. In Taken By Surprise, Elizabeth Jacoway provides an important introduction to social origins of WEC, but her focus is on failure of Little Rock's civic leadership during crisis, and she therefore does not provide a full discussion of WEC's activities. …
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