End Of 1960s Research Articles

Vegetation changes and groundwater abstraction in SW Doñana, Spain

Several works carried out in Doñana area have case predicted the groundwater abstraction for cropping and urban supply might affect the ponds and the vegetation of the wetter zones such as the riparian forests, and the ecotone between the clay marshes and the sand dunes. The present study examines the vegetation changes in the Naves, the driest area of the stabilized sands of Doñana National Park, and the processes responsible for them. The long-term vegetation changes showed a trend to more xerophytic communities over the last 30 yr due to a decrease in water availability. The age of the oldest pine trees growing in the bed of a dried pond suggest that the process started around 1973–1974. Among the possible reasons, the decline in water table level due to the pumping for urban water supply of a close tourist resort set up at the end of 1960s seem the most probable cause and, to a lesser degree, the transpiration of large pine plantations. The dynamics of the water table and the effects of groundwater abstraction are explained in terms of the geomorphologic structure of the area. The existence of a semi-permeable soil layer (fragipan) between two different superimposed dune episodes could separate a deeper, semi-confined layer from a superficial unconfined one. I suggest that this feature has strong implications at local scale, influencing both the water table fluctuations and the vegetation changes.

De la diminution des écoulements en Afrique de l'Ouest et centrale

An important climatic fluctuation has now been observed for 25 years all over Western and Central Africa. This fluctuation is translated by a notable decrease in annual rainfall since the end of 1960s and the beginning of 1970s. This reduction of rainfall has serious consequences on flow regimes within this region. This study has allowed the characterization of these changes and has interpreted them on a regional level. It has also emphasized the very important decrease of the volume of flow in the rivers, which has economical and environmental results.

Recent Circumstances of Standards for Indoor Air Environment.

Since the end of 1960s, with an increase in the economic growth, a large amount of chemical products made from fossil fuel have been used. In addition to the development and the modification of the products for building materials containing many kinds of hazardous chemicals, the techniques for the airtight construction of houses have been remarkably developed. In the latter half of 1970s, among people living in U.S.A. and northern Europe a new syndrome with headache, dizziness, and eye irritation, etc., which was later called as a sick building syndrome (SBS), has emerged. This syndrome was found to be caused by concentrated multiple pollutants such as volatile organic compounds (VOCs) and allergens from fungi and ticks in high airtight rooms with lower ventilation. Recently, the number of patients suffering from biological allergens and VOCs tends to increase. But in Japan the standard values we have in the law on the sanitary management for buildings are limited to those for such three materials as carbon dioxide (CO2), carbon monoxide (CO) and suspended particulate matter (SPM). Therefore, we describe in this report the necessity of the establishment of a new law on the indoor environmental standards for the prevention of our health against some kinds of indoor pollutants such as VOCs in cluding formaldehyde, nitrogen dioxide (NO2), ozone (O3) and asbestos produced not only in offices and working places but also in houses.

New Technology, Subsidies, and Competitive Advantage

In the history of world economic development, it is not uncommon that from time to time the role of technological leadership shifted from one country to another; a lagging country seized the opportunity of a major technological innovation and overtook the leading country. The postwar experience of the U.S. and Japanese steel industries is an example of such leapfrogging. In 1950s, the U.S. steel industry was the world leader in technology, plant scale and productivity [2, 71]. The Japanese steel industry, on the other hand, was in its infancy. At that time two basic technologies were available for steel producers: the established open-hearth furnace and the new and more efficient basic oxygen-furnace process. The U.S. steel producers invested heavily in the open-hearth technology immediately after the World War II. Hence in the late fifties and early sixties they resisted the shift from the open-hearth furnace to the basic oxygen-furnace. The Japanese steel producers, on the other hand, had little sunk investment in the old technology. They expanded their production capacity by building brand-new plants using the oxygen-furnace technology. As a result, the U.S. steel industry gradually lost its position of world dominance after 1960s. The American share of world steel production fell from 40 percent in 1955 to 18 percent in the early 1970s [2, 69]. It is also interesting to note the different policies pursued by the U.S. government and the Japanese government towards their steel industries during that period. The Japanese government actively promoted the growth of its steel industry by providing tax and depreciation incentives as well as low interest loans. The U.S. government, on the other hand, adopted a more or less laissez-faire approach and did not play an active role in encouraging the U.S. steel producers to switch to the new technology. The U.S. government started to intervene only after the U.S. industry had already lost its competitive advantage to Japan at the end of 1960s. Why did the U.S. steel industry lose its competitive advantage to Japan? Some might argue that the U.S. steel producers and the U.S. government simply made a mistake. Resisting the new technology was a strategic error on the part of the U.S. steel producers. The U.S. government also erred in not intervening earlier. This explanation, however, is not satisfactory if one believes in the fundamental assumption of economics that agents are rational.

Pay Equity in Social Work: Not!

Salary inequities on basis of gender have been a traditional and long-standing problem in United States. At end of 1960s, salaries of women averaged only 59 percent of those received by men (Economic Report of President, 1974). Earlier, a salary report on social workers was more positive than for labor force as a whole but still problematic. Becker (1961), reporting on membership of National Association of Social Workers (NASW), found that women earned about 86 percent of salaries earned by men ($7,700 for men, $6,600 for women). A 1987 report on social work salaries (NASW, 1987) indicated that male respondents earned on average about 30.5 percent more than female respondents, suggesting that wage gap had grown significantly. Sutton (1982) found that among membership of Pennsylvania chapter of NASW, median income for women was less than for men at all levels of job responsibility and that as job responsibilities increased, range between median incomes also increased. For 1987 U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics found that ratio of women's wages to men's was 65 percent (Rich, 1989). The U.S. Bureau of Census reported that average income of men with one to three years of college was higher than that of all groups of women, including those who had attended graduate school (Schiller, 1989). Studies of social work salaries over past 30 years have reached same and seemingly indisputable conclusion: Salary disparities between male and female social workers exist, and major explanatory factor is gender (Belon & Gould, 1977; Fanshel, 1976; Fortune & Hanks, 1988; Jennings & Daley, 1979; Scotch, 1971; Sutton, 1982; Yamatani, 1982; York, 1987). Sutton (1982) concluded that the emphasis on affirmative action has not strongly affected personnel practices of agencies employing social workers and that progress has not been made in eradicating sex discrimination in social work settings (p. 214). In social work education, Sowers-Hoag and Harrison (1991) found that male faculty members with doctorates and holding rank of full professor earned higher salaries than their female counterparts. Earlier, Gould and Bok-Lim (1976) found that even when rank, degree, publications, experience, and ethnicity were controlled, significant differences existed in salaries of men and women social work faculty. The results of Ridgewood Financial Institute's annual Fee and Practice Survey (Landers, 1992) of 1,905 psychologists, social workers, counselors, and marriage and family therapists in private practice revealed a wide income gap between men and women in full-time private practice. For social workers in private clinical practice, men earned median incomes of $57,273 compared with $47,000 for women (Landers, 1992). Equal Pay for Equal Work The concept of equal pay for equal work has been embodied in law since passage of Equal Pay Act of 1963 (P.L. 88-38). Although gap between salaries of men and women has narrowed in some fields, it remains, overall, quite persistent. A recent survey (Lappen, 1993) revealed that gender wage gap had narrowed between 1983 and 1991 in several occupations, including secretary, police, guard, and firefighter. On other hand, for each dollar earned by a male physician, female physicians earned 82 cents in 1983 and 54 cents in 1991; female lawyers earned 89 cents for every dollar earned by a man in 1983 and 59 cents in 1991. Unfortunately, most recent data on social work salaries revealed that salary discrepancies on basis of gender remain a persistent problem (Gibelman & Schervish, 1993). Social Work's Commitment NASW has long been concerned with issue of equity and equality for women, both in society and within profession of social work. A dual focus on achieving equity and equality has guided association's efforts for two decades. …

The Faces of Mr. Cogito

Zbigniew Herbert had already published four books of poetry when towards end of 1960s he began experiment with lyrical named Cogito. While in his earlier poetry he often employed both direct and dramatic monologues (the latter becoming a characteristic Herbertian form of expression manifested in poems such as Tren Fortynbrasa [The Lament of Fortinbras] and Powrot prokonsula [The Return of Proconsul]), he now decided shift his attention from history and cultural history philosophy. This did not mean taking up task of writing poetry; in an interview given Zbigniew Taranienko in 1971 Herbert stressed that such a thing did not and could not exist.What he was after was philosophical experience, that emotional tension which fills artist when he is close solving a specific problem.1 In other words one can provide an artistic response (in case of poet with help of images and metaphors) a problem which in some ways can be defined as philosophical. This could be transience of time, impossibility of stepping out of one's own skin, or limitation of human will. So (because with passage of time it became clear that Herbert grew fond of his persona and would write more in this vein) simply denotes a more, though not exclusively philosophy-oriented approach poetry in Herbert's work. Before looking at increasing diversity within cycle (forty-odd poems included in collections Pan (Mr. Cogito), Raport z oblczonego miasta (Report from Besieged City) and (Elegia na ode] scie (An Elegy for Departure), it may be instructive consider origins and implications of title. Why Mr. Cogito? Rene Descartes in his Principles of Philosophy (1644) stated that the proposition / (cogito) therefore I am is first and most certain of those we come across when we philosophise in an orderly way.2 Note that word cogito, often translated as merely to think is rendered here as to experience a translation probably closer intention of philosopher than form in which it is generally quoted. If so, Mr. Cogito would stand not simply for a Thinking Person, but for a human intellect who meditates on his experiences. Clearly, these experiences will not be pure, but will relate person's mind and body,

Malaria situation in Asia with special reference to Western Pacific Region

Antimalaria campaign in Asia has a unique history in the recent past in its strategies, organization and field operations. Since late 1950s, it has undergone three main periods or "eras" in the control efforts. These may be chronicled as follows: 1955 mid 1970s malaria eradication mid 1970s 1980 malaria control 1980 todate malaria control/primary health care With the advent of DDT and the reliance of insecticides with their residual effects to interrupt malaria transmission, a malaria eradication campaign was launched in a global scale in late 1950s. Many countries participated in the campaign. Initially, till 1965-1968, the campaign was successful in most countries/areas (e. g. India, Sri Lanka), however, the success was short-lived. Gradual setbacks appeared towards the end of 1960s or early 1970s with resurgence of malaria. A high peak of malaria incidence was observed in 1976-1978, though the situation differs from country to country. The Asian countries especially in the South-East Asia were most affected. Consequently, many countries involved had gradually revised their antimalaria strategies from the time-limited malaria eradication to a long-term control. Then, since late 1970s, under the innovative health development concept, the political and social goal, "Health for All by the Year 2000" through primary health care as the key approach, malaria control is being integrated into the national primary health care strategies. The difficulties and constraints encountered in the eradication programmes are of technical, operational and adminstrative aspects, which include: the development of resistance to antimalarial drugs in P. falciparum and resistance and/or refractory behaviour of vectors to insecticide spraying; over-reliance on insecticide spraying; difficulties in maintaining the gains achieved, financial problems and lack or less emphasis on research. The malaria epidemiological situation in the world during the past decade has hardly been in any true progress. The situation was rather stagnated in the recent years. At the end of 1983, it was estimated that out of a world population of 4.676 million, 2.616

THE WEAVING INDUSTRY IN THE EASTERN MIKAWA, AICHI PREFECTURE

The weaving industry in eastern Mikawa began in the latter half of the eighteenth cen tury. It differs from the newly risen weaving regions in size of operation. The size of operation in eastern Mikawa varies, while it is small in the newly risen weaving regions, which depend mainly on family labor. The consideration of the small-scale operation in the former weaving region makes possible to show clear differences from the latter regions. On the other hand, this is useful to analyze the social division of labor in textile manufacturing region. The greater part of existing small operation of weaving in eastern Mikawa was established in 1950s without governmental assistance, making use of the advantages of the traditional manufacturing region. Generally, weaving operators of small size who established their works after 1950s had previously been employed in weaving works in this region and had acquired the weaving techniques. This experience enabled the small operators of weaving to start with less investment in equipments and to make an increase or exchange of looms without difficulty. Since the end of 1960s, looms were improved to large scale, and a variety of textiles appeared. In response to such trend, smll-scale production became a dominant form in weaving. During the same period, a shortage of laborer, especially young workers, was becoming serious. The percentages of middleaged and aged workers in the small works are higher than those in the large factories. As a result of such trend, weaving operators were forced to reduce the size of operation, and, therefore, they farmed out such parts of weaving processes as winding, warping, warp-sizing, and drawing-in to specialized operators. This brought the social division of labor to this textile manufacturing region. In eastern Mikawa, various wholesalers in this weaving region supply yarn to weaving operators and collect textile from them. The trade relation between textile wholesalers and weaving operators is not fixed or exclusive. The trade patterns are spatially complicated. As mentioned above, the processes of formation and the structure of productive circulation in eastern Mikawa are similar to those in the districts of various small industries in the metropolitan areas, and present a contrast to those in the newly risen rural industrial regions.

Chemical Properties of Amorphous Metals

Researchers have been taking a considerable interest recently in the characteristics of amorphous metallic materials. This is because their ex­ tremely disordered atomic arrangements contribute to various pro­ perties different from those of crystalline metals, which have a long-range ordered structure. It has been known since the 1950s that such a random atomic structure can be produced by vacuum vapor deposition and chemical depo­ sition techniques. The most important discovery in the preparation of amorphous metals was made in 1960 by Duwez et al (1), who demon­ strated that the molten eutectic Au-Si alloy could be caused to solidify in the amorphous state by the Gun technique at a cooling rate of about 106oC sec 1. Since then, many kinds of amorphous metals have been found in metal-metalloid and metal-metal systems by this rapid quenching technique. The early investigations of these alloys concentrated on structure, and on magnetic and electrical properties, due mainly to the fact that the specimens obtainable were very small and irregular in shape. The sub­ sequent development of new quenching techniques (2-4) in 1970 facilitated the study of amorphous metals by making it possible to produce sizable specimens uniform enough for more quantitative measurements. As a result, the physical, mechanical, and chemicalproperties of amorphous metals have been characterized. The present authors and co-workers have been investigating these properties since the end of 1960s, and have re­ ported that amorphous metals exhibit high strength and toughness, and that some metals with selected compositions have extremely high cor­ rosion resistance and/or excellent magnetic permeability (5).