Mnangagwa Research Articles

God sent prophet? Musical portrayal of Emmerson Mnangagwa during the run-up to the 2023 harmonized elections in Zimbabwe

God sent prophet? Musical portrayal of Emmerson Mnangagwa during the run-up to the 2023 harmonized elections in Zimbabwe

Remembering Mbuya Nehanda: civil religion in ‘second republic’ Zimbabwe

ABSTRACT On Africa Day in 2021, Zimbabwe’s president, Emmerson Mnangagwa, unveiled the Mbuya Nehanda statue in Harare Central Business District. In his unveiling speech, Mnangagwa referred to Mbuya Nehanda as a reflection and embodiment of the heroic people of Zimbabwe. Predicated upon the Nehanda figure and Mnangagwa’s ideology, this study investigates civil religion in the second republic of Zimbabwe. In considering the homogenizing and unifying identity derived from cultural symbols, the study further examines the complexities associated with such a task in Zimbabwe as a multireligious, multiethnic, and multidimensionally crisis ridden context.

Theorising Zimbabwe post-2017: a literary and imaginative perspective

ABSTRACT International and Zimbabwean scholars have correctly interrogated the negative consequences of the 16 November 2017 military coup in Zimbabwe by Emmerson Mnangagwa. Debating Zimbabwean politics post-2017 has also meant emphasising the continuation of Robert Mugabe’s politics imagined as unproblematically overflowing into the Mnangagwa post-2017 era. Critics from the social sciences continue to underplay the uniqueness of Mnangagwa’s coup in its precedent-setting politics currently dragging Zimbabwean citizens into uncharted political territory. How do scholars imagine Zimbabwe moving beyond the cycle of violence born of a coup and enforced on its citizens by an intolerant ‘new’ dispensation? This study uses the creative agency of the anxious and unstable narratives of imaginative literature to unpack the symbolically unsaid implications of the military coup and its aftermath. A textual and close reading of NoViolet Bulawayo’s novel Glory (2022) suggests that interpreting imaginative literary metaphors contributes to generating subjective and incendiary narratives that imagine the possibility to think beyond new forms of authoritarianism post-2017. The argument in this article is that the cultural uniqueness of the literary narratives in Glory lies in how they generate literary contexts that revise narratives on post-2017 Zimbabwe in current social science-based scholarship.

Zimbabwe: the Fall from a Jewel Status

ABSTRACT This introduction prefaces a collection exploring why Zimbabwe, once a breadbasket in southern Africa, has fallen deeper into crisis. This article reflects on, reconceptualises, and critiques Zimbabwe’s socio-economic and political decline occasioned by ZANU PF’s militant nationalism. Contributors to this collection debate post-2017 Zimbabwe from historical, political, legal, gender, media, and literary perspectives. This interdisciplinary approach enables the authors to condemn the intensifying political violence against citizens and the deepening economic decline overseen by President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s new dispensation. Collectively, the articles in this collection amplify the need to mobilise progressive forces in Zimbabwe, Africa, and the world to write and speak against the silence enforced on Zimbabwean citizens. This collection also magnifies a political gap that still exists in current scholarship in Zimbabwe post-2017, which is how to write about the different Zimbabwean citizens who are challenging the Mnangagwa regime. It is hoped that scholars will take up this challenge in future studies.

Heir to the throne: photography and the rise to presidency by politicians in Zimbabwe and South Africa

Photographs are rarely given much academic attention, especially, in Africa. This is against the popular use of photography in political communication. Against this background, this study examines the use of photographs in communicating political power in Zimbabwe and South Africa. The study will analyse photographs that circulated on Twitter on the week when Zimbabwean President Emmerson Mnangagwa and President Cyril Ramaphosa of South African assumed the power as Presidents of their respective countries in 2017 and 2018, respectively. Through the use of visual discourse analysis, as an analysis method, findings demonstrate that Mnangagwa and Ramaphosa were visually framed as the rightful heirs to the throne. The study further found that visual memories are used to ‘argue’ and make sense of the present. However, photography further evoked sad memories of the past that often characterise Mnangagwa and Ramaphosa’s political image and these are the ghosts of Gukurahundi and Marikana massacres, respectively.

Popular music and political contestations in Zimbabwe: An analysis of Winky D’s and Jah Prayzah’s music

This article explores the use of popular music in political contestations and specifically how it has been appropriated in Zimbabwe to advance hegemonic and counter hegemonic narratives. The article draws from two popular musicians in Zimbabwe, Winky D and Jah Prayzah and their use of music as an unconventional journalism format to comment on political trajectories in Zimbabwe. We argue that the two musicians have polarizing or competing discourses that either dissident or support the establishment. Theoretically, we use Mano’s conceptual framework that views music as a journalism variant in contexts where mass media and opposition parties are weak. Methodologically, the study employs a multimodal approach and thematic analysis. The study concludes that Zimbabwe’s two popular youthful musicians have been engaging in cold-war like fights that mirror existential political battles between the Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front party (ZANU-PF) led by Emmerson Mnangagwa and the then Movement for Democratic Change Alliance (MDC-A) party led by Nelson Chamisa. After the 2017 elections the MDC-A reconfigured itself and became the Citizen Coalition for Change (CCC).

Friend at Night, Enemy during the Day? A Decolonial Engagement of Pastor Shingi Munyeza’s Role as Regime Enabler and/or Regime Resistor

During Robert Mugabe’s era, religious leaders had always been standing as either regime enablers or regime resistors. The two roles continued when President Emmerson Mnangagwa assumed power in 2017. Although most religious leaders choose to be either regime enablers or resistors, Shingi Munyeza positioned himself as both regime enabler and resistor. As a regime enabler, Munyeza sits on several boards appointed by the state president. In addition, when President Mnangagwa got into power, he appointed Munyeza to be in his Presidential Advisory Council. After the appointment, the entrusted cleric somersaulted into a regime resistor, using the Bible to publicly castigate the government of the man who had handpicked him to whisper in his ears for advice. Using decolonial theory, which is a programme of de-linking from contemporary legacies of coloniality, this paper challenges the dual role of enabling and resisting the regime played by Munyeza as a portrayal of a “friend at night and an enemy of the regime during the day.” This paper grapples with questions such as: Why did Munyeza start to denigrate the government the moment he became the president’s advisor? Why did Munyeza not opt to resign from the government that he is labelling as a rogue? How does Munyeza balance the role of an advisor to and an opponent of the same regime? In its decolonial engagement, the paper concludes that the dual role of regime enabler and/or resistor is not possible unless one is a “friend at night and an enemy during the day.”

Civil society and peacebuilding in Zimbabwe’s 2018 elections

ABSTRACT Zimbabwe’s 30 July 2018 elections took place after ‘a military assisted transition’ that ousted Robert Mugabe and installed Emmerson Mnangagwa as president in November 2017. Initially, the new government projected a reformist image and gave civil society hope for a democratic dispensation. Using the ‘local approach’ framework of analysis, this article examines the role played by civil society organisations (CSOs) in peacebuilding in the 2018 elections. Arguably, civil society’s activities defused some tensions; and promoted cohesion, harmony, dialogue, engagement and peace among political actors in the pre-election period. However, CSOs’ lack of autonomy and partisanship dented their credibility and legitimacy in peacebuilding. Civil society’s polarised response to post-election violence shattered hopes for a common peacebuilding strategy.

New leaders, new dawns? South Africa and Zimbabwe under Cyril Ramaphosa and Emmerson Mnangagwa

Journal Article New leaders, new dawns? South Africa and Zimbabwe under Cyril Ramaphosa and Emmerson Mnangagwa Get access New leaders, new dawns? South Africa and Zimbabwe under Cyril Ramaphosa and Emmerson Mnangagwa. Edited by Chris Brown, David Moore and Blair Rutherford. Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press. 2022. 392pp. £100.00. Isbn978 0 22801 060 9. Available as e-book. Chenai Matshaka Chenai Matshaka University of Pretoria, South Africa Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar International Affairs, Volume 99, Issue 3, May 2023, Pages 1350–1351, https://doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiad072 Published: 02 May 2023

‘Zimbabwe is open for business’: a legal perspective on the post-2017 use of Statutory Instruments

ABSTRACT Post-2017 Zimbabwean laws have remained hostile to business, contradicting Emmerson Mnangagwa’s promise to citizens and the international business community to make Zimbabwe flourish economically. Seven million Zimbabweans were on the brink of starvation in 2018 forcing Mnangagwa to use Statutory Instruments (SIs) to promote business, create employment, and defeat poverty. Yet, many Zimbabweans remain prevented from meaningfully contributing to reviving the economy. This article considers if the Mnangagwa administration’s political priorities and economic choices have undermined the very legal framework of the SIs intended to promote business confidence amongst citizens. The aspiration to better the lives of citizens by implementing regional trade liberalisation policies is based on theories of flexible integration and derogation. This article interrogates the legal frameworks of selected Statutory Instruments (SIs) and evaluates their impact on Zimbabwean livelihoods. It argues that Mnangagwa’s administration has implemented SIs arbitrarily, making it difficult for citizens to contribute positively to the creation of wealth for all. This is important because it shows the dangers of subordinating economic policies under the political imperative to remain in power. Reform of the legal provisions of SIs is needed to balance the political and economic aspirations of citizens.

Zimbabwean civil society survival in the post-coup environment: a political settlements analysis

The political environment in post-independence Zimbabwe has been very hostile for interest groups, particularly since 2000 when civil society actions and opposition political activity formidably challenged the power and dominance of the ZANU PF party. However, the 2017 ouster of Robert Mugabe gave rise to renewed hope for political change. Using the political settlements theoretical framework, and data obtained from interviews with Zimbabwean civil society leaders, studies of legal documents, and government pronouncements, we analyze the changes in the relationship between the state and civil society groups during President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s regime. We find that, while civil society faced restrictions during Mugabe's tenure, their existence is now under much more scrutiny under Mnangagwa’s militarized government. This is because authoritarian regimes are more likely to increase the suppression of citizen voices when faced with growing citizen engagement.

Fighting and writing during Zimbabwe's interregna: Part I–A morbid murder

ABSTRACT: This article started out as a review essay reflecting on how three books (Kanyenze 2022; Mpofu 2021; and Fontein 2022) illustrate Zimbabwe's interregna influence on the scholarly pursuits of economics, political philosophy, and anthropology in that country. But a murder got in the way. Its interpretation by those representing Zimbabwe's two political poles as either an assassination or quotidian horror inspired further investigation within the ambit of the 'morbid symptoms' of the interregna only subtly suggested by the academic books ready for review. The brutal killing of a single mother in Zimbabwe's biggest township became indelibly imbued with political competition and thus provided what I had planned to be an illustrative introduction to the review article. However, Moreblessing Ali's death soon became more than that: my pursuit of the discursive conflict– and physical violence around it–became a micro-political example in itself of Zimbabwe's macabre interregna. That the case had not been officially resolved as the August 2023 election approached indicated its importance. The election took place as these words were heading to press. Yet another suspect victory, this time of 52.6% for ZANU-PF's Emmerson Mnangagwa as president and 44% for Nelson Chamisa of the Citizens Coalition for Change, was announced on August 26 (Zimbabwe Electoral Commission 2023). Thus, the Moreblessing Ali murder has become a good proportion of Part I of a two-part series. The start of this paper presents a thumbnail outline of Zimbabwe's current political and economic situation–a conjuncture of sorts. Theoretical arguments on 'interregna' follow. The last section pursues the ideologies and politics of Moreblessing Ali's political death. Part II will include the review article, further theoretical considerations of Zimbabwe's interregna, and how August's election fits in with these discussions.

E&P Notes (October 2022)

E&P Notes (October 2022)

‘#GodIsInIt’: The Appropriation of Christianity into Politics by Nelson Chamisa in the 2018 Zimbabwean Presidential Election Contestations

The November 2017 Zimbabwean elections were highly anticipated and contested since they came after the dethronement of the late former president Robert Mugabe. ZANU-PF’s Emmerson Mnangagwa was declared the winner, an announcement the then Movement for Democratic Change-Alliance (MDC-A) challenged through the court. In the same context, the MDC-A leader, Nelson Chamisa used the phrase and hashtag ‘Godisinit’ as part of his challenge to Mnangagwa’s legitimacy and in connecting with his followers and supporters. The study used digital ethnography to examine the use of Christianity by Chamisa and how his followers received it on Twitter. The study argues that the conflation of religion and politics discounts the relevance of fundamental political strategies important in challenging oppressive governments.

Race and Diplomacy in Zimbabwe: The Cold War and Decolonization, 1960–1984 by Timothy Lewis Scarnecchia

<i>Race and Diplomacy in Zimbabwe: The Cold War and Decolonization, 1960–1984</i> by Timothy Lewis Scarnecchia

A critical assessment of Church and political engagement in Zimbabwe under the new dispensation

Since the reign of the late Robert Gabriel Mugabe, Zimbabwe has been seized by retrogressive puppetisation of partisan gospel ministers and churches, worsened by state victimisation of those who stand against political ills. Church and state relations were compromised and fear gripped most citizens. At his inauguration, the incumbent President Emmerson Mnangagwa pledged a ‘new dispensation’ but contrarily remained similar to the preceding regime. Today, Church and state relations remain compromised as leaders appear accommodative when supported and vindictive when critiqued. The prevailing situation divided the Church, leaving some pastors dining with oppressive leaders whilst others side with the oppressed, culminating in disturbing polarisation. Ruling politicians captured some gospel ministers to sanitise the ‘new dispensation’ and vilify its critics. Although multiple researches have been carried out on Church and politics in Zimbabwe, the lack of clarity on how churches should engage with the state remains an ongoing challenge. Using a literature-based approach, this article evaluates ecclesial engagement with national politics in view of the Old Testament’s fearless prophetic involvement in politics and the New Testament’s understanding of the Church as the salt and the light of the world (Mt 5:13–16). Results of this assessment are that Church engagements with politics have been defined by economic volatility, polarisation, corruptibility, hermeneutical weaknesses and theological differences. The article concludes that the Church should contextually apply the Old Testament’s prophetic stance and the New Testament’s ‘salt and light’ engagement in Zimbabwe.Interdisciplinary and/or interdisciplinary implications: Assessing Church and political engagement in Zimbabwe under the new dispensation in light of the Old Testament’s prophetic involvement in politics and the New Testament’s conceptualisation of the Church as salt and light (Mt 5:13–16) is a contextually critical contribution that interfaces ecclesiology with Christian, biblical, public and political theologies.

Why sanctions have not worked: Zimbabwe’s experience from 2001-2021

ABSTRACT Zimbabwe has since 2001 been under targeted sanctions imposed by the USA, European Union, Australia, Britain, New Zealand, and Canada among others. This article explores factors surrounding the failure of these sanctions to achieve their intended goals between 2001 and 2021. Arguments were drawn from investigating circumstances under which sanctions were imposed, their nature, sanctions busting methods deployed, and implications for the targets. The regime of former president Robert Mugabe and that of his successor Emmerson Mnangagwa controversially remained unmoved despite these restrictions. The ruling party, Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF), deliberately failed to meet benchmarks for the removal of sanctions. To understand the relationship between sanctions and targeted regime endurance, use was made of the game theory. The study found that ruling party political elites have circumvented the effects of sanctions at a heavy cost to the populace. This research is important because it demonstrates that sanctions do not harm their targets but instead pauperise, the majority which they meant to protect and prolong the political life of the sanctioned regime. The act of sanctioning therefore needs to be reconsidered.

Mediating a regime in crisis: corruption and succession in Zimbabwe’s state media

Political scandals are rarely the focus of major academic research in Zimbabwe where tight control of the dominant state media by the ruling party ensures that scandals involving senior government officials are suppressed. Informed by Altheide and Snow’s media logic and Thompson’s concept of mediated political scandals, this article uses framing analysis to examine The Herald’s logic behind exposing the ZIMDEF scandal involving former Minister of Higher and Tertiary Education, Jonathan Moyo. We therefore view the scandal as a political power scandal within ZANU-PF as two main factions, the Lacoste faction led by then Vice-President and now President Emmerson Mnangagwa and the G40 faction fronted by the then Minister of Higher Education Jonathan Moyo, who fought a nail-biting contest over the succession of long-time ruler Mugabe as his reign entered the twilight. The article argues that the scandal evolved like a choreographed sting operation, in which the objective was not to expose public corruption, but to neutralise a formidable political foe as the race to succeed former president Robert Mugabe intensified.

Twitter and political discourses: how supporters of Zimbabwe’s ruling ZANU PF party use Twitter for political engagement

ABSTRACT Social networks such as Twitter are transforming political engagements in contemporary societies. Dominant literature places emphasis on the counter-hegemonic opportunities offered by social media in the Zimbabwean political landscape. However, there is a need to draw scholarly attention to how supporters of the ruling party, Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front (ZANU PF), are appropriating and using Twitter for political engagements. Drawing upon the case of Varakashi (ZANU PF’s social media trolls and supporters), this paper examines how supporters of the ruling party in the post-Robert Mugabe era are increasingly occupying online spaces that were traditionally associated with opposition voices. President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s regime has been grappling with legitimacy issues in the wake of the November 2017 coup that toppled Mugabe, the contested July 2018 election, and the shooting of civilians in August 2018. Focusing on four Twitter handles of Varakashi, this article employs rhetorical argumentation to analyse how these Twitter propagandists are defending and promoting the interests of the Mnangagwa regime. Findings demonstrate that the Varakashi are sanitising and justifying the November 2017 coup, campaigning for Mnangagwa in the July 2018 election, and in justifying the killing of civilians in August 2018.

Pandemic crisis: Old repressions renewed amid anti-Covid-19 lockdown in Zimbabwe, c.2020 - 2022

This study discusses how during the Covid-19 pandemic, government agents in Zimbabwe controlled and supervised Zimbabwean citizens through repressive methods that were meant to entrench the position of President Emmerson Mnangagwa. It posits that since Covid-19 took place in a conflictridden Zimbabwean environment, it paved the way for new conflicts to emerge while the existing ones were reshaped. Furthermore, it argues that Covid-19 offers an interesting case to examine how international relations and geopolitical considerations influenced the initial stance and reaction to Covid-19 in Zimbabwe. Zimbabwe’s initial reaction to the outbreak of the Coronavirus was largely dictated by its narrow foreign policy rather than epidemiological/immunological considerations. It concludes that the Covid-19 lockdown facilitated the Mnangagwa regime’s intention to make Zimbabwe a de facto one-party state, as witnessed by the closure of democratic space under the guise of enforcing lockdown regulations.