Emergence Of Women Research Articles

Women Who Emerge as Leaders in Temporarily Assigned Work Groups: Attractive and Socially Competent but Not Babyfaced or Naïve?

The underrepresentation of women in top positions has been in the spotlight of research for decades. Prejudice toward female leaders, which decreases women’s chances of emerging as leaders, has been discussed as a potential reason. Aiming to investigate the underlying mechanisms of this prejudice, we focused on the question of how facial characteristics might influence women’s leadership emergence. Because other research has related ascribed social competence and ascribed naïveté to attractiveness and babyfacedness, respectively, we hypothesized that ascribed social competence would mediate the impact of ascribed attractiveness on leadership emergence and that ascribed naïveté would mediate the impact of ascribed babyfacedness on leadership emergence. In a pilot study, we analyzed data from 101 participants of a women’s leadership contest held in 2015 in Germany. We then confirmed these results in a methodologically improved main study on other women who participated in the contest in one of two other years: 2016 and 2017 (N = 195). Women applied to participate in the contest by recording their answers to several questions in a video interview. In the contest, they were assigned to teams of about ten women each and worked on several assessment-center-like tasks. After each task, each member of each team nominated the three women they believed showed the best leadership potential in their group. We operationalized women’s leadership emergence as the number of nominations received. We measured participants’ facial attractiveness, babyfacedness, social competence, and naïveté by having raters follow a specifically developed rating manual to rate the answers the women gave in the video interviews. In both studies, the results indicated that women with higher ascribed facial attractiveness had higher ascribed social competence, which significantly predicted leadership emergence in the contest. Likewise, women with higher ascribed babyfacedness had higher ascribed naïveté, which significantly, albeit only slightly, negatively predicted leadership emergence. We discuss the implications of the results for personnel selection.

Perceptrón memoria de correlación multicapa para predecir la violencia sistemática contra la mujer por su pareja en la Sierra del Perú

Perceptrón memoria de correlación multicapa para predecir la violencia sistemática contra la mujer por su pareja en la Sierra del Perú Multilayer Perceptron correlation memory to predict systematic violence against woman by their partner in the Sierra of Peru María Estela Ponce Aruneri y Erwin Kraenau Espinal Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, Facultad de Ciencias Matemáticas. Lima 01 DOI: https://doi.org/10.33017/RevECIPeru2013.0008/ Resumen En este trabajo se muestra que el modelo perceptrón memoria de correlación multicapa permite predecir el tipo de violencia que sufren las mujeres mayores de 14 años unidas o alguna vez unidas, residentes habituales en las viviendas circundantes de los Centros de Emergencia Mujer ubicados en la sierra del Perú; así como asociaciones importantes entre algunos estilos de crianza, relaciones familiares y percepciones acerca de los roles de género, con el tipo de violencia que ejerce el esposo/ compañero. Utilizamos 1126 casos de la base de datos proporcionada por el Ministerio de la Mujer y Poblaciones Vulnerables (MIMP); para los que se construyeron catorce variables de entrada, una que se refieren a estilo de crianza recibido, tres a relaciones familiares, nueve sobre percepciones acerca de los roles de género y una referida al ámbito geográfico; siete variables de salida que se refieren al tipo de violencia contra la mujer por parte de su pareja o ex –pareja. Para la etapa de diseño del modelo perceptrón memoria de correlación y entrenamiento de la red aplicamos el algoritmo de retropropagación (backpropagation), la función de activación utilizada para este caso fue sigmoidal (logística), calculamos el error cuadrático para evaluar el error cometido por la red en cada patrón(observación); y finalmente regla delta generalizada para modificar pesos y umbrales. Se elaboraron dos programas en Matlab, para aplicar el modelo perceptrón memoria de correlación multicapa con una y dos capas ocultas. El modelo perceptrón memoria de correlación multicapa, con dos capas ocultas proporciono mejores resultados, 80.34% de predicciones correctas; y muestra que la violencia familiar y la percepción acerca del rol de género son factores importantes en la predicción del tipo de violencia que padece la mujer unida o alguna vez unida por su pareja, y que reside en la sierra del Perú. Descriptores: Memorias de Correlación, perceptrón multicapa, predicciones, violencia contra la mujer. Abstract In this research shows that the correlation model memory multilayer perceptron to predict the type of violence experienced by women over 14 have ever joined or united, ordinarily resident in the houses surrounding the Women's Emergency Centers located in the sierra del Peru, as well as significant associations between certain parenting styles, family relationships and perceptions about gender roles, with the kind of violence exercised by the husband / partner. We use 1126 cases of women from the database provided by the Ministry of Women and Vulnerable Populations (MIMP); for which fourteen input variables were built, one relating to parenting style received, three family relationships, nine out of perceptions about gender roles and one referring to the geographical, seven output variables relate to the type of violence against women by their partner or ex-partner. For the design stage memory model and correlation perceptron network training apply the backpropagation algorithm, the activation function used in this case was sigmoidal (logistic), we calculated the mean square error to evaluate the error committed by the network in each pattern (observation), and finally generalized delta rule to change weights and thresholds. Two programs were developed in Matlab to implement the memory mapping model multilayer perceptron with one and two hidden layers. The model multilayer perceptron correlation memory with two hidden layers I provide better results, 80.34% of correct predictions, and shows that family violence and perceptions about gender roles are important factors in predicting the type of violence that women have ever joined or united by their partner, and reside in the sierra of Peru. Keywords: Correlation memories, multilayer perceptron, predictions, violence against women

The limits of leaning in: ambition, recruitment, and candidate training in comparative perspective

ABSTRACTThe conventional wisdom suggests that women have less political ambition than men. The notion that women can solve the problem of their political underrepresentation by just “leaning in” also informs candidate training programs. This article links scholarship on women's candidate emergence to new research on women's candidate training programs, reaching three conclusions about the gender ambition gap. First, institutional, organizational, and structural barriers limit women's access to elected office more than their psychological predispositions. Second, most candidate training programs cannot address these systemic barriers. Third, the “lean in” frame reinforces notions that men are inherently capable, while women must overcome deficiencies in confidence or skills or both.

Improving Obstetric Hypertensive Emergency Treatment in a Tertiary Care Women's Emergency Department.

To assess treatment outcomes associated with an obstetric hypertensive emergency quality improvement intervention instituted in a tertiary care women's emergency department. We conducted a cohort study of pregnant (20 weeks of gestation or greater) and postpartum (6 weeks of gestation or less) women treated for hypertensive emergency (systolic blood pressure [BP] 160 mm Hg or greater, diastolic 110 mm Hg or greater, or both) before and after a quality improvement intervention. A multidisciplinary task force revised clinical guidelines and nursing policy, updated electronic order sets, and provided staff education and clinical management aids. Data were collected by electronic chart review. The primary outcome was achieving goal BP (systolic 150 mm Hg or less and diastolic 100 mm Hg or less) within an hour of initial therapy. Secondary outcomes included time from first severe BP to 1) first antihypertensive treatment and 2) goal BP. There were no significant differences in baseline characteristics in the preintervention (n=173; September 2014 to September 2015) and postintervention (n=173; December 2015 to November 2016) groups, including gestational age, days postpartum, maternal age, race-ethnicity, or comorbidities. We found no significant difference in primary outcome frequency: 41% achieved goal BP within 60 minutes preintervention vs 47% postintervention (P=.28). Median time from first severe BP to first treatment was unchanged (30 minutes preintervention vs 29 minutes postintervention, P=.058); however, median time from first severe BP to goal BP decreased significantly (122 vs 95 minutes, P=.04). Confirmation of hypertensive emergency within 15 minutes (recommended) was only achieved in approximately 20% of women in either group. More women initially received intravenous antihypertensive treatment after the intervention (52% preintervention vs 80% postintervention, P<.001). A quality improvement initiative was not associated with more women achieving BP control within an hour of obstetric hypertensive emergency treatment, but was associated with decreased time to achieve control. This suggests improved clinical practice after the intervention.

Tempering agency with communion increases women's leadership emergence in all-women groups: Evidence for role congruity theory in a field setting

Which characteristics predict leadership emergence in women after they work on group tasks in all-women groups? Role congruity theory suggests that women need to temper their agency with communion in order to emerge as leaders. We investigated how ascriptions of agentic and communal characteristics were related to leadership emergence by analyzing data collected from women's leadership contests in 2 consecutive years. Participants worked in groups on assessment-center-like tasks (Study 1: N = 184). After each task, they identified individuals with leadership potential and described these individuals' characteristics. Raters categorized these characteristics as agentic or communal. Response surface analyses showed curvilinear effects of perceived agency and perceived communion on leadership emergence, indicating that women who tempered their agency with communion were most likely to emerge as leaders. Analyses were replicated in a second data set (Study 2: N = 185) with similar results.

Prominent Role Models: High‐Profile Female Politicians and the Emergence of Women as Candidates for Public Office

AbstractCan prominent female politicians inspire other women to enter politics? A woman occupying a high‐profile office directly impacts women's substantive representation through her policy actions. Here, we consider whether these female leaders also facilitate a mobilization effect by motivating other women to run for office. We posit that prominent women in politics serve as role models for other women interested in political careers, causing an increase in female candidates. We test this theory with data from the American states, which exhibit considerable variation in the sex of state legislative candidates and the high‐profile offices of governor and U.S. senator. Using a weighting method and data spanning 1978–2012, we demonstrate that high‐profile women exert substantively large positive effects on female candidates. We conclude that women in major offices are crucial for women's representation. Beyond their direct policy impact, they amplify women's political voice by motivating more women to enter politics.

Subsidizing Equality: Female Candidate Emergence and Clean Elections

A lack of gender parity amongst candidates for public office is of perpetual concern to political reformers. One reform that is suggested as a partial solution is the full public subsidy of election costs. In theory, “clean election” laws should dramatically lower the perceived costs of campaigns to potential candidates outside of traditional fundraising networks. If the perceived costs are lowered to a significant enough degree, public subsidies could encourage more women to run for office. Using panel data of potential candidates from Connecticut and Massachusetts, this article finds that the Citizens' Election Program may have led to some progress towards that goal. However, women's emergence decisions and attitudes concerning fundraising are more dependent upon active recruitment by civil society organizations and political parties, factors well beyond the reach of clean election laws.

In Crisis or Decline? Selecting Women to Lead Provincial Parties in Government

AbstractThe majority of Canada's women premiers were selected to that office while their parties held government. This is uncommon, both in the comparative literature and among premiers who are men. What explains this gendered selection pattern to Canada's provincial premiers’ offices? This paper explores the most common explanation found in the comparative literature for women's emergence as leaders of electorally competitive parties and as chief political executives: women are more likely to be selected when that party is in crisis or decline. Using the population of women provincial premiers in Canada as case studies, evidence suggests three of eight women premiers were selected to lead parties in government that were in crisis or decline; a fourth was selected to lead a small, left-leaning party as predicted by the literature. However, for half of the women premiers, evidence of their party's decline is partial or inconclusive. As a result of this exploration, more research is required to draw generalizations about the gendered opportunity structures that shape how women enter (and exit) the premier's office in Canada.

How the strategic context affects women's emergence and success in local legislative elections

While much scholarly attention has focused on the determinants of women's presence in state and national political offices, relatively little is known about women's descriptive representation at the local level. This study seeks to address the continuing gap in inquiry by examining where women run for and win seats on local legislative bodies throughout Louisiana. We develop hypotheses about the effects of the local strategic context on women's representation and expand on existing research by examining both place and county offices over a period of nearly three decades. Modeling candidate emergence and success endogenously, we find that more women run in localities where the strategic context is favorable to them and confirm that more women win when they have the resources necessary to propel their campaigns. The results suggest that the gender gap in local political representation can be lessened by building more robust networks of female leaders, enhancing partisan competition, and stimulating women in the electorate to support women's candidacies.

Women's Political Participation in the Information Age; Emergence of Women who Commit an Act?

Women's Political Participation in the Information Age; Emergence of Women who Commit an Act?

Reflecting on the Politics of Piety

This essay reflects on Saba Mahmood's book, The Politics of Piety, The Islamic Revival and the Feminist Subject, which analyzes conceptions of self, agency, and politics among the female practitioners of Da'wa in Egypt. Mahmood draws upon Judith Butler and Michel Foucault to demonstrate that the manner by which practitioners inhabit the norms governing their lives, is the source of their agency and influence in Islamic society. I provide a feminist analysis of the Da'wa conceptions of agency by drawing parallels with two distinct North American phenomena: the emergence of Women‘s Clubs in the 19th Century as purveyors of social and moral reform, and the Christian Patriarchy movement promoting the doctrines of complementarianism and pronatalism.

Emergency Contraceptive Knowledge and Use among Urban Women in Nigeria and Kenya

Rates of emergency contraceptive (EC) use in sub-Saharan Africa are highest in Kenya and Nigeria, although little is known about user characteristics and use dynamics in these countries. To better meet women's emergency contraceptive needs and to contribute to the limited knowledge base regarding this method in Africa, this study examines data from a sample of EC users drawn from a large, representative household survey that included sexually experienced women in urban Kenya and Nigeria. Bivariate and multivariate analyses reveal greater knowledge of EC among these urban women than was reported in other nationally representative surveys. Recent users of EC were more likely to be in their 20s, unmarried, and more highly educated than never users or ever users of EC in both countries. Results contradict public perceptions of EC users as young adolescents and indicate the importance of strengthening EC provision in Africa, including targeting information and services to unmarried women and supporting private pharmacies in delivering quality services.

The Emergence of Women's Orange Lodges in Scotland: gender, ethnicity and women's activism, 1909–1940

This article explores the emergence of female Orange lodges in Scotland during the first half of the twentieth century. It uses rare Orange archival records and newspaper sources to establish Orangewomen's working-class background and to analyse their public activism, from fundraising for maternal and child welfare, to political campaigns against Home Rule and in Education Authority elections. While anti-Home Rule politics before the Great War and anti-Catholic politics during the 1920s influenced women's engagement with the Orange Order to an extent, this article argues that the timing and conditions in which female lodges emerged were determined more by broader debate about women's role in public life. Orangewomen did not participate in Edwardian or interwar feminist campaigns but these, together with women's economic and social gains during the First World War, did create the conditions in which women could gain numbers and status within the Orange Order. Moreover, women played a key role in shaping the shifting ethnic identification of the Orange Order during the interwar period, demonstrating the durable, malleable and gendered nature of Irish Protestant ethnic identity in twentieth-century Scotland.

A maiden over: a socio-historical analysis of the Women's Ashes

This paper explores the development of the Women's Ashes, focusing on the emergence of Women's Cricket in Australia and England. Despite the importance of the Women's Ashes to the players, it does not have a recognizable public profile. Utilizing data from the England Women's Cricket Association (WCA), published literature on Women's Cricket and media reports on the Women's Ashes, this paper offers a critical sociological discussion of the development of the Women's Ashes and Women's Cricket more generally drawing on wider issues of gender relations in the respective countries that have impacted on the development the women's game.

Battling pornography: the American feminist anti-pornography movement, 1976-1986

Introduction 1. Seeds of discontent: the failed promise of the sexual revolution for women 2. Male violence and the critique of heterosexuality: the influence of radical feminism on the anti-pornography movement 3. Have you seen Deep Throat yet?: the growth of the commercial sex industry in 1970s America 4. 'I'm black and blue from the Rolling Stones and I love it!': WAVAW and the campaign against media violence 5. Something inside me just went 'click': women against violence in pornography and media and the transition to an anti-pornography movement 6. Growing pains: the emergence of Women Against Pornography and new directions for the feminist anti-pornography movement 7. Porn tours: tensions and triumphs for WAP 8. The new lay of the land: WAP assumes leadership of the movement and faces challenges from within and without 9. Anti-pornography comes undone: the rise of the feminist pro-sex countermovement Conclusion: porn is here to stay: the feminist anti-pornography movement in the 1980s and beyond.

Women Writers of the Provincetown Players: A Collection of Short Works. Edited by Judith E. Barlow. Albany: State University of New York Press, 2009; pp. 361. $75 cloth, $29.95 paper. - From Winning the Vote to Directing on Broadway: The Emergence of Women on the New York Stage, 1880–1927. By Pamela Cobrin. Newark: University of Delaware Press (Cranbury, NJ: AUP),

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From Winning the Vote to Directing on Broadway: The Emergence of Women on the New York Stage, 1880-1927 (review)

From Winning the Vote to Directing on Broadway: The Emergence of Women on the New York Stage, 1880-1927 (review)

It still takes a candidate: why women don't run for office

1. Electoral politics: still a man's world? 2. Explaining women's emergence in the political arena 3. The gender gap in political ambition 4. Barefoot, pregnant, and holding a law degree: family dynamics and running for office 5. Gender, party, and political recruitment 6. 'I'm just not qualified': gendered self-perceptions of candidate viability 7. Taking the plunge: deciding to run for office 8. Gender and the future of electoral politics Appendix A. The Citizen Political Ambition Panel Study sample design and data collection Appendix B. The first wave survey (2001) Appendix C. The second wave survey (2008) Appendix D. The interview questionnaire Appendix E. Variable coding.

Interventions to support victims of domestic violence: health service responses and a multi-agency model

Historically healthcare has lagged other sectors in responding effectively to domestic violence, despite its significant public health impact and the view of survivors that they want support from doctors. As...

Revolutionary Backlash: Women and Politics in the Early American Republic (review)

Revolutionary Backlash: Women and Politics in the Early American Republic. By Rosemarie Zagarri. (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2007. Pp. 233. Cloth, $39.95; Paper, $22.50.)Reviewed by Simon P. NewmanFrom quite different vantage points, historians such as Susan Branson and Catherine Allgor have done a great deal to illuminate women's political activities in the early republic. Branson showed elite and some middling women participating in the cauldron of popular political activity in the excited revolutionary ferment of the 1790s, while Allgor demonstrated how leading women politicized the domestic sphere in early national Washington, creating a new and highly significant political arena.1 Their work has informed our understanding of women and politics by broadening our definitions and understanding of just what comprised political activity, from wearing pro-French Revolutionary bonnets and cockades to leading Washington women's salons. Perhaps because of this, what might be termed traditional political history continues to pay little attention to the work produced by Allgor, Branson, and others in the wake of the ground-breaking books published by Linda Kerber and Mary Beth Norton in 1980.2 Many historians chronicling the political history of revolutionary and early national America continue to regard women as wholly separate from the actual business of politics, and thus conclude that women can justly be excluded from their histories of political parties and the processes of local and national politics.Rosemarie Zagarri's Revolutionary Backlash furnishes a powerful and successful challenge to such conclusions, by reuniting the concerns of political and women's historians. Primarily concerned with exploring why the revolution changed so little for women, and why so many women were - by the late 1820s and the early 1830s - apparently willing to accept their exclusion from the public political sphere, Zagarri's answer provides the book's title and its compelling theme. It is her contention that men and their political parties orchestrated a severe, sustained, and successful counterrevolutionary backlash against women's political activities and identities, a backlash that succeeded in justifying women's exclusion from public political roles to such a degree that many women accepted without question private and domestic roles for themselves and their daughters. Perhaps what is most exciting in this book is Zagarri's strong sense of the revolutionary possibilities of the 1790s and early 1800s, and the ways that women were challenging the very assumptions and practices of politics. Progress ended only when political parties moved to restrict political activity to white men, slamming the door on women and effectively delegitimating a generation of female political activity.This argument places Zagarri at odds with Whiggish interpretations of American women's history that have assumed a revolutionary-inspired progression from women's public activities in support of resistance and independence through to Republican Motherhood, a feminized domestic sphere that supported the separate, male public political sphere, the advent of female moral reform, and women's eventual emergence into public politics embodied in the Seneca Falls Convention of 1848. …