Electoral Mechanisms Research Articles

Citizen liabilities for state-perpetrated injustices in non-democracies: toward a new authorisation account

ABSTRACT When states perpetrate injustices, do their individual citizens develop liabilities to repair such wrongdoings? Most existing accounts of citizens’ liabilities for state-perpetrated injustices, whilst applicable across certain democratic contexts, struggle to provide robust accounts of the grounds and nature of liabilities for citizens in non-democratic contexts. This problematically leaves a lacuna when it comes to the responsibilities and appropriate responses of citizens in these states. This article advances a distinctive two-pronged authorisation-based account applicable to non-democracies. Objective authorisers are individuals who derive presumptive benefits, are comparably better-off under, and can reliably influence the decision-making processes over the injustice perpetrated by the state. Subjective authorisers are citizens who autonomously endorse their state as credible interpreters and upholders of their aims in relation to the injustices in question. Both objective and subjective authorisers of the state in relation to particular injustices perpetrated, are liable to compensate, actively oppose, and commemorate the victims of state-perpetrated injustices. This account will be shown to be empirically applicable to a large number of minimally decent non-democratic states, where the political elite enjoy moderate popular support over their incorporation and reflection of citizen interests and preferences in their governance, despite the absence of formal democratic electoral mechanisms. This authorisation-based view differs from existing accounts oriented around complicity and participatory intentions, in better accounting for non-participants who are nevertheless intuitively liable for the actions of their authorised state, as well as circumventing structural shortcomings affecting complicity-centric accounts.

Women's political participation in the United States after women's suffrage: women's representation in the legislature of the house of representatives and the senate

Historically, women have confronted formidable barriers to political participation, entrenched by patriarchal norms. Despite the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment in the United States, which granted women voting rights, substantive representation remains elusive. This study investigates the persistent gender gap in political representation, focusing on the 113th congressional elections. Employing liberal feminist theory and democratic principles, it aims to elucidate the urgency of addressing women's underrepresentation in legislative bodies. Through literature review and quantitative analysis of electoral data, this research seeks to uncover the impact of electoral systems on women's political engagement. Results reveal stark contrasts between countries like the US and Rwanda, emphasizing the critical role of electoral mechanisms in fostering gender parity. By illuminating these disparities, this study underscores the imperative for policy interventions to ensure equitable political participation for women, thereby advancing democratic ideals and societal progress.

A simple twist of fate. An experiment on election uncertainty and democratic institutions

In this paper we study electoral systems in an experimental governance game in which citizens contribute to a public good and policymakers decide how to distribute it. In the Voting condition, citizens receive information about the policymaker performance (how much she shared of the public good with individual participants), her skills and her altruism, and vote directly for a policymaker for the next election cycle. In the Referendum condition voters receive information about the policymaker's performance before deciding whether to remove her from office in a simpler binary choice (in or out). If they decide to remove the incumbent, a new policymaker is chosen randomly from the remaining group members, in the spirit of referendums like Brexit or the plebiscite about the peace agreements in Colombia. We compare these two electoral mechanisms with two baselines in which the policymaker is never replaced (Baseline) and another one (Random) in which the policymaker is always randomly replaced by another participant. Our results show that both electoral mechanisms are largely effective in improving citizens’ earnings by generating more equitable sharing rules. Citizens in Voting and Referendum extract greater surplus from policymakers than in the other conditions and voting against a candidate (Referendum) is more effective in increasing surplus than voting for a candidate (Voting). Contributions to the public good and conditional cooperation patterns remain strikingly similar in democratic (Referendum and Voting) and non-democratic (Baseline and Random) conditions. Empirical expectations about contributions of other citizens are similar as well. However, we show that policymakers distribute the public good differently in democratic institutions, and more effectively in Referendum than in Voting, as policymakers use clientelist transfers to avoid being replaced. Overall, both democratic institutions are effective in improving citizens’ payoffs by indirectly limiting policymakers’ surplus.

Direct election of education superintendents in Korea: dilemmas and improvement strategies

PurposeThis study analyzes the advantages and disadvantages of the electoral mechanism of local education superintendents in South Korea, draws conclusions and makes suggestions for future reforms.Design/methodology/approachThe research method of this study included document analysis and interviews. Document analysis was used to collect and analyze the relevant official documents of education superintendents across countries. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with four professors and two superintendents.FindingsThe results of the interviews indicate the following: 1) Korean stakeholders are getting more familiar with the direct election of superintendents, as the interviews indicate a more mature direct election system due to previous experience and public officials taking direct election into account; 2) The direct election of superintendents has advantages and disadvantages. The advantages include increasing the participation of the general public in education, and the disadvantages include conflict between the central government and local superintendents belonging to different political parties. However, the current system is likely to be retained; 3) The superintendent systems in various countries differ due to their respective traditions and social contexts. However, the authors can always learn lessons and implications from foreign countries if the authors compare their education systems with their foreign counterparts.Research limitations/implicationsAs far research limitations, although this was a small study, it shows the importance of collecting multiple stakeholders' views on the direct election of education superintendents as a basis for future reform of education management.Practical implicationsThe Korean system for electing superintendents provides a good model for other countries reflecting on the educational autonomy and accountabilities of their own systems.Social implicationsThe direct election of superintendents provides an example of professionalism, independence and political neutrality in education that other countries can learn from. The separation of general and educational administration in Korea through direct elections protects educational activities from political influence.Originality/valueIn terms of originality/value, this study adds a new perspective to the debate about whether the general public should directly elect education superintendents, as well as to the literature on local education management.

Floods and local incumbency disadvantage: a regression discontinuity design

ABSTRACT Do voters punish political leaders in the aftermath of a natural disaster? Using a Regression Discontinuity Design, this article explores how floods affect local electoral results in Chile. Taking data from polling stations, our estimations show that, floods reduce the likelihood of incumbent candidates’ chances of winning in affected polling stations in a range from 11.3% to 22%, depending on the bandwidth considered. It also follows from our results that the greater the electoral competition, the greater the probability of losing the next race. The paper explores the electoral mechanism and finds that turnout is significantly lower in affected areas, pointing to voter dissatisfaction as an explanatory factor.

Evolution of electoral mechanism in India: A historical perspective

Evolution of electoral mechanism in India: A historical perspective

Lottocracy Versus Democracy

AbstractThis paper critically compares a deliberative system based on parliamentary elections (an electoral system) and a deliberative system based on sortition (a lottocratic system). Both systems are analyzed in three dimensions. The epistemic dimension concerns the rational quality of the democratic process. The power dimension concerns the distribution of power and the extent to which citizens genuinely control all decisions. The motivational dimension, finally, concerns citizens’ identification with the decision-making process and their willingness to abide by its outcomes. We argue that an electoral system is, in all three dimensions, normatively superior to a sortition-based system. Most prominently, we claim that electoral mechanisms provide visibility to the decision-making process. This enables a form of interactive representation in which citizens and their representatives engage in a joint process of opinion and will formation. Sortition, in contrast, is characterized by a democratically much poorer form of descriptive representation. The selected citizens are a representative sample of the wider citizenry, but they deliberate in a forum that remains mostly disconnected from that wider citizenry and therefore cannot shoulder the process of collective self-government.

Volební reforma 2021 v ČR: Větší šance na úspěch pro menší strany?

The last electoral reform in the Czech Republic opened up space for new quantitative and qualitative analysis. The main objective of this case study is to determine whether the constitutional reform of the mechanism for converting electoral votes into parliamentary seats, which came into effect on 1 June 2021, met the requirements of the ruling of the Constitutional Court of the Czech Republic which requires, among other things, the provision of more proportional allocation of parliamentary seats among political entities. For this purpose were quantified and compared the effects of the old (original) and new (current) electoral systems in the two parliamentary elections held in 2017 and 2021. The core quantifier is a group of standardized indices to determine the degree of disproportionality of the election results. Results of the research suggested ambivalent behavior of the new voting mechanism. On the one hand, it strengthens the proportionality of the allocation of redistributed seats in the Chamber of Deputies and tends to increase mandate gains in favor of small parties. On the other hand, this phenomenon occurs only when a number of conditions, universality of which cannot be guaranteed in advance, is met. These conditions are then highly volatile, so in comparison to the older electoral mechanism, the new electoral system lacks the ability to generate lower values of disproportionality. This finding reinforces the controversy about the appropriateness of the configuration of the new electoral system and opens a discussion about the motives of the various actors involved in the process of electoral reform. The limits of the study can be seen primarily in the low number of analyzed parliamentary elections, but this fact does not reduce the relevance of the research conclusions.

Montesquieu’s Theory of the Separation of Powers, Legislative Flexibility and Judicial Restraint in an Unwritten Constitution

A constitution is a body of laws that is composed of various branches which exist as the legal source of its powers. These are designed to regulate by defining the role of the executive, legislature and the judiciary, which are the three organs of government that Baron Montesquieu defined as necessary in a constitution. The constitutional government can be evaluated on its capacity (i) to maintain the rule of law, (ii) to preserve an electoral mechanism for political democracy and (iii) to protect a morally and legally acceptable set of substantive rights. The conventions are the source of unwritten constitutions which preserve the balance of powers by relying on the concept of judicial restraint and deference to the executive. The contemporary relevance of Baron Montesquieu’s theory is in the context of a fused system, and the question is the extent to which the executive can override the judicial powers in matters of state.
 Keywords: separation of powers; unwritten constitution; Westminster model; constitutionalism; juridical review; “one voice” principle; administrative deference.

A BRIEF OVERVIEW OF THE KOREAN NATIONAL ASSEMBLY

In this paper, the author considers the Republic of Korea’s legislative institution. In order to develop the parliamentary institution in the present social conditions of Mongolia, it is required to identify and describe the Parliament’s operation, functions, features, and its status in the state structure and conduct comparative study of the Parliament of Republic of Korea. In connection with the above, it is essential to emphasize theoretical and practical issues related to features of functions, electoral mechanisms, operation and status of the Republic of Korea’s parliament in the political system.

IMPLEMENTATION OF THE PROVISION OF SOUND LETTERS IN THE GENERAL ELECTION OF 2019 IN RIAU PROVINCE BASED ON LAW NUMBER 7 OF 2017 CONCERNING GENERAL ELECTIONS

General Election is a democratic party that involves all citizens to participate in the formation of leaders, but citizen involvement is limited by the electoral mechanism, Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections regulates the implementation of the 2019 elections, regulations governing the provision of ballots only 2 (two) % of Permanent Voter List (DPT) for each polling station. However, the large voter participation resulted in a shortage of ballots during the election. The research methodology used is in the form of sociological juridical research in this research area in Riau Province using primary data. The results of this study include: there is a shortage of ballots, due to the large number of voters participating in the election, but not registered in the DPT or DPTb, many voters who come only use electronic ID cards or other identities, these voters who have a shortage of ballots and cannot vote , and a solution that addresses the problem of increasing socialization so that voters participate in the election so that they do not lose their right to vote.

What is democratic backsliding?

What is democratic backsliding?

Elections with candidate filtering and two mechanisms of demobilization effect: the prologue to Hong Kong’s authoritarian turn

ABSTRACT Previous studies of electoral authoritarianism identified that manipulations demobilize opposition supporters. Yet, less is known about whether radicals are more prone to abstention than moderates in manipulated elections. To answer this question, we disentangle two mechanisms of demobilization effect—the efficacy mechanism and the electoral supply mechanism—that have different expectations on the turnout rate of radicals and moderates. Our research leverages the disqualification controversy in Hong Kong in 2016, after which radical candidates who advocate self-determination or independence were filtered out from the electoral market. Using both aggregate-level and individual-level data, our analysis shows that a substantive demobilization effect exists. Crucially, we find that radicals and moderates are demobilized to a similar extent, and the decreases in perceived electoral fairness and importance of voting are similar between the two factions. These findings suggest that the efficacy mechanism is a more plausible explanation of the demobilization effect. Overall, this study extends our understanding of voting behavior and political attitude of opposition supporters in face of autocratization.

Начало нового электорального цикла: перспективы и первые итоги

The article is devoted to assessing the impact of innovations in electoral competitive processes in the regions of the Far Eastern Federal District. The purpose of the study is to identify electoral techniques and mechanisms that increase the manageability of regional political processes. The authors draw attention to changes in electoral turnout indicators, for example, the proportion of people who voted "outside". Highlighting against this background the overestimated indicators of the Transbaikal Territory and the Jewish Autonomous Region, which indicates the high importance of the administrative resource in the elections. The elections to the State Duma in 2021 became the second in a row after changes were made to the mechanism for its formation, which gives grounds for studying the dynamics of electoral indicators of the correspondence between the results of elections in the majoritarian and proportional parts. Based on the "correspondence index", the authors assess how "stable" the regional party system is in the subjects of the Far Eastern Federal District. On a single voting day in the fall of 2021, elections to the regional parliaments of the subjects of the Far Eastern Federal District were held: Primorsky and Kamchatka Territories, the Amur Region, the Jewish Autonomous Region and the Chukotka Autonomous Okrug. Against this background, it should be noted the changes made to the scheme for the formation of the parliaments of the Primorsky Territory and the Amur Region. In these subjects of the Far Eastern Federal District, the proportion of parliamentarians elected by the proportional part of the electoral system was reduced. According to the authors, this fact made it possible to increase the controllability of the parliament, since it depoliticized it, in addition, due to this, the proportion of people belonging to the faction of the party in power increases, which is largely confirmed by the data on their quantitative composition. Of particular interest in the fall of 2021 was the election of the governor of the Khabarovsk region, at which Acting M.V. Degtyarev had to justify the trust of the federal government. The intrigue of the elections largely consisted in the fact that the main candidates for the post of head did not represent the interests of the party in power and both were “Varangians” in relation to the region. Under such conditions, the federal center, according to the authors, was ready to go to great lengths to stabilize the political regime. A new electoral cycle begins in difficult foreign policy conditions, which, as the authors note, can radically change the situation in the regions of Russia

The 2000 Romanian Presidential Elections – between Populism and Europeanism

"In November 2000, ten years after the fall of the communist regime and the organization of the first free elections, the Romanian population was called to decide on the future president of the country. This was the first poll that took place after the transition between power and opposition, which took place in 1996, but also in the context of a serious economic crisis with considerable effects on living conditions, which marked the activity and political destiny of PNŢCD. The elections, especially the second round, proved to be representative not so much from the perspective of political options, but especially regarding the future of the country: open to Euro-Atlantic structures or isolated, oriented towards the former Soviet space. These visions were personalized by the two candidates, Ion Iliescu and Corneliu Vadim Tudor, and the present article analyses the electoral mechanisms the two tried to use in order to promote their platforms within a Romanian society marked by the economic recession, but also by a major moral and identity crisis. Keywords: Elections, Electorate, Presidentialism, Europeanism, Populism, Crisis "

HUNGARY ON THE EVE OF THE ELECTIONS 2022

In the article, the author analyzes the «pre-elections» that took place in Hungary in September – October 2021, in other words, the «primaries» of the opposition. Such an attempt of being elected to the Parliament in Central European countries was applied for the first time since the change of the system and its result, judging by the subsequent emotions of the participants, cannot yet be considered unambiguous. There is no such norm in the Constitution of the country, however, instead of creating an electoral coalition, as, for example, in the neighboring Czech Republic, Hungarian opposition politicians decided to go further, in a certain sense, binding themselves to the model of the American electoral system. The essence of the vote, as it was explained by the participants of the event, was not to disperse the opposition forces, but to gather them into one fist in order to defeat the FIDESZ / KDNP coalition that had already won three times subsequently before the spring of 2022. The outcome of first primaries in history of Hungary is interesting by the fact that in the end, the victory was by a politician of a new generation who took part in this event, but did not bind himself to signing program documents, and who only recently created his own political movement. The question of how consistent his former candidates for the post of prime Minister from the opposition will be in the remaining six months is also interesting. One way or another, Hungary’s political system is being tested by a new electoral mechanism, which is designed to consolidate the main political forces of this country. No less interesting in this regard is the line of conduct of the ruling party and Prime Minister Viktor Orban, who did not interfere in the new political process taking place in full view of the whole country.

Political Leadership Transmission Practices by The Political Parties from 2006: A Study of Democracy in Bangladesh

The researcher aimed to study the democratic process of the practices of the political parties of Bangladesh on Power Transmission since 2006. The study applied the qualitative descriptive method. This article aimed to measure the democratic process, power transmission, and the systematic crisis of the political parties with their wings. The investigation found that the practices of the parties are not purely democratic since the independence of the country. The government is mostly entitled by the two significant parties though there is a showcase of democratic elections. The election commission is responsible for the fair election, but unfortunately, that is not independent at all. Moreover, the most significant issue is the distrust amongst authorities. That is why there are constitutional changes usually happen due to dishonesty under the dominant party. The Study refers to the amendment of the 15th constitutional practice, making the election system unfair because the election was happening while the current government still controls the systems. It makes the opposition not to trust in the election commission. Thus, the country needs to have a non-dominant electoral mechanism and back to the amendment of the 13th old practices to make sure the democracy and transparency of the leadership in the country by the fair election. Furthermore, it will ensure the stability and the commitment of all bureaucrats to fulfill their services properly without any kind of influence.

Sub-Saharan Africa’s desire for liberal democracy: civil society to the rescue?

In the context of the global recession of democracy, this article engages with sub-Saharan Africa’s so-called ‘democratic’ deficit. Three arguments are presented. First, sub-Saharan Africa’s challenge is less a democratic deficit than it is a liberal deficit. The political elite are content to use the electoral mechanism to gain access to power but are thereafter resistant to restraints on that power. Second, organised civil society can contribute to addressing this deficit by contending for civil liberties and holding political authority accountable. Third, sub-Saharan Africa’s deeply religious society can contribute towards the development of such a civil society. The study engages with secondary data analysis using survey data from Afrobarometer to determine sub-Saharan Africa’s ‘deficit’ and whether religion can contribute to the development of civil society in the region. From the survey data it was found that citizens of sub-Saharan African countries understand democracy in its liberal form – ensuring civil liberties and personal freedoms. Furthermore, it was noted that those who are religious are more likely to be civically engaged than those who are unaffiliated, and in time, this can contribute to addressing the liberal deficit.

Setting The Principles of Democracy in The Appointment of A Single Candidate Spouse of Regional Heads

This research aims to analyzethe regulation of democratic principles in filling the position of regional head in single candidatepai. This study uses normative juridical research by conducting legal analysis of legislation related to the filling of local government positions and legal issues related to the Decision of the Constitutional Court No. 100/PUU-XIII/2015 on the constitutional requirements of regional head elections (candidates' spouses). The results showed the regulation of democratic principles in filling the position of regional head in the case of a single candidate pair can use two mechanisms, namely using the electoral mechanism (Basedon Law No. 10 of 2016 as a follow-up to the Decision of Mk No. 100/PUU-XIII/2015) or the mechanism of appointment, as long as the appointment is done by officials who have been directly elected. Furthermore, the arrangement of the mechanism of appointing a single candidate of regional head in Indonesia can follow what has been implemented in the United States that implements uncontested elections if after the nomination period ends still produces only one candidate, then the candidate's spouse is immediately considered valid as the spouse of the elected candidate and can be legally appointed as the head of the new period. Filling the position of regional head that there is only 1 (one) candidate pair is using the mechanism of appointment, while if there are 2 (two) pairs of candidates or more still use the election mechanism.

مقاصد الانتخابات في دول ما بعد النزاعات الاثنية

Elections in post-ethnic conflict countries have goals that they seek to achieve and limit the effects of violent extremism against an ethnically different one. Establishing the foundations for peaceful coexistence between social components, achieving political stability, and the peaceful rotation of power are the purposes of the electoral mechanism in countries that suffer from conflicts on ethnic grounds. The post-conflict phase needs new mechanisms to remove all causes of conflict or limit their effects, and in this case we need fair elections, independent administration and transparent mechanisms that limit the conflict of ethnic identities, sectarian polarizations and atonement. From all this the research aims to analyze the purposes of the elections and determine the most important ones to reach to the peaceful coexistence of social components to build sustainable peace in Iraq