Elective Management Research Articles

Causes and Consequences of Post-Election Violence in Kenya

The election of leaders by the people is the aim of democratic procedures. An electoral system is intended to ensure that the outcomes reflect the preferences of the majority of voters, providing elected officials’ legitimacy, and that the results are unchallenged in any form. The aim of this study was to identify the causes of the post-election violence. Voting theory served as the foundation for this work. A descriptive study approach using both qualitative and quantitative methods was used by the researcher. The research was carried out from July 2022 to December 2022. Political parties, political analysts, IEBC members, legislators, and voters made up the study's target population. The researcher employed the stratified random sampling technique. The target population established the strata, and a random sample was taken from each stratum. The researcher used interview guide techniques to collect data, using items that were developed from the study objectives and research questions. Questionnaires and interviews were the two main ways that data were gathered. Voters were handed questionnaires, and interview guidelines were provided for political experts, electoral experts, and IEBC officials. The information gathered through the use of questionnaires was statistically analyzed using descriptive methods. According to the findings, disputed election results, tribalism, inadequate electoral conflict resolution mechanisms, the "winner-takes-it-all" election system, perceived bias of the electoral management body, and voter incitement by politicians are among the main causes of post-election violence in Kenya since 1963. Casualties, internally displaced people, the damage to private and public property, economic instability, and emotional and psychological suffering are only a few of the key effects of the post-election violence in Kenya. The report recommends, among other things, looking at alternative choices, including mixed-member and proportional representation models, since they are more inclusive and produce fair representation, as a remedy for the existing polarizing plurality voting system.

Analysis on Election Models: Examining the Indonesian Case

Objective: The upcoming concurrent general election in 2024 in Indonesia is one of very interesting issues of democracy to research. One of which is the idea of a model of electoral governance. This is surely a challenge for future democracy development, both currently underway in Indonesia and in the context of democratic dynamics in other countries. Therefore, to get a model of concurrent elections in Indonesia, a literature review is needed to analyze articles and documents posted on Scopus and Google Scholar which are available globally. This can help researchers particularly in Indonesia to evolve the theory of electoral governance. Method: This literature research aims to find gaps in election governance research that has been carried out and to describe the agenda of concurrent elections in Indonesia. This study found 120 documents from the Scopus database and 100 documents from Google Scholar that were most relevant with the election model keywords. Result: The research found that there are still a small number of Indonesian researchers who have published documents on this theme by which they become references globally. Conclusion: The relevant research themes can become theme issues, namely political accountability, political competition experience, electoral management design, organizing elections, voter management, and democratic election systems. The findings of this literature review research can be a reference for researchers who want to determine the novelty of relevant research in the future.

A Retrospective Study of Pediatric Posterior Fossa Tumors: Was the Outcome Different in Patients Undergoing Elective versus Emergency Surgery?

Abstract Background: Pediatric posterior fossa tumors (pPFTs) may present acutely with features of increased intracranial pressure that need urgent intervention or with stable symptoms requiring elective management. In this article, we have analyzed the outcomes of pPFTs managed under three arms: (1) emergency tumor resection (A), (2) elective tumor resection (B), and (3) pre-resection cerebrospinal spinal fluid (CSF) diversion followed by elective tumor resection (C). Materials and Methods: We retrospectively reviewed our database from July 2012 to March 2020 for pediatric patients (age ≤16 years) with PFTs. The patients were classified into three groups based on the timing and type of intervention. Their result was assessed as the primary (postoperative complications) and secondary outcomes (post-resection CSF diversion, CSF diversion failure, residual tumor, and survival). A P value < 0.05 was considered significant (SPSS version 22.0, IBM, New York). Results: A total of 154 patients (M:F = 2.42:1) were included with a mean age of 8.1 (SD ± 4.2)-years (range 1–16). Group B (n = 72/46.8%) had a significantly higher number of patients as compared to the group A (n = 40/26%) and group C (n = 42/27.3%) (χ2 test, P value = 0.02). The primary outcomes were comparable between group A and group B. A higher incidence of preoperative external ventricular drain insertion and post-resection CSF diversion failure was noted in group A as compared to group B (P value < 0.01). Group C had a significantly higher proportion of patients with residual tumor (n = 19/48.7%) as compared to group A (n = 11/29.7%, P value = 0.09) and group B (n = 20/ 29.4%,P value < 0.05). The post-resection CSF diversion failure rate was significantly higher in group C than in the other two groups (P value < 0.05). Conclusion: The pre-resection CSF diversion subgroup had a poorer outcome as compared to elective and emergency tumor resection. The outcomes of elective and emergency resection of pPFTs were comparable, except for the higher risk of shunt failure in the emergency cohort.

감사원 직무감찰의 개선에 관한 연구

Recently, the Civil Rights Commission Collisions between the election management committee and auditors, and adverse effects due to duplicate audits with auditing organizations, With the enactment of the “Public Audit Law” and the “Special Law on Local Autonomy Decentralization and Regional Balanced Development”. Due to the rapid changes in the audit and administrative environment, the reform of the existing audit system can no longer be postponed. The Board of Audit and Inspection's job inspection establishes discipline in public office by eliminating control over state power and corruption. It plays an important role in national audit activities. In terms of job inspection, In addition to the legality audit, there is a suitability audit. “Special Act on Decentralization of Local Autonomy and Reorganization of Local Administrative System” With the enactment of, the administrative affairs of local governments have been abolished, and only the administrative affairs of local governments have been abolished.
 As for self-government affairs, there is a possibility of infringing the essence of autonomy, so a purposeful audit of the central administrative agency should be conducted. Denial is reasonable. Of job inspections, interpersonal inspections are used to ensure democratic control and responsibility.
 Expanding the scope of job inspections, the purpose of administrative affairs inspections will be closely related to auditing results of audits. Therefore, it is desirable to combine administrative audits with accounting audits.
 In order to ensure the effectiveness of the results, it is necessary to overcome the functional, political, ceremonial and scope limitations of the duty inspection.
 And financial application rights, indictment jury rights, investigative rights, etc. should be considered. Also includes self-audit, Auditing bodies ensure unrestricted access to information and audit findings and reports and audits to Congress and the general public.
 It is necessary to set up institutional devices such as checking the status of result disposition and audit monitoring.
 Meanwhile, while strengthening the position of the Audit & Supervisory Board Members as the highest auditing body, we will strengthen the self-audit system, which is an internal control system.
 Auditors are encouraged to switch to a guardianship audit. I would like to see the legislative reform so that the employees can discuss and coordinate as the highest auditing body. Inspection by Audit & Supervisory Board Members.
 but, If the independence of the Board of Audit and Supervisory Board is not guaranteed, the establishment and effectiveness of the guardianship audit system of the Board.
 It will not be able to secure it and will not be able to smoothly perform its functions of cooperation and coordination as the Supreme Oversight Body.

Role of Voter Education and Performance of Electoral Management Body: A Case of Independent Electoral and Boundary Commission Kenya

This paper focuses on the role of voter education on performance of electoral management body. The study is undertaken at Independent Electoral and Boundary Commission (IEBC) Kenya. The study was grounded on civic engagement theory. The study was a descriptive research design investigation. The target population involved 772 commission officers with a sample size of 264 based on the Cochran formula. The IEBC officers were selected through use of stratified random sampling technique. The data collection tools were the questionnaire and interview schedule. Data collected from the field was analysed using qualitative and inferential statistics. Qualitative data analysis involved categorising responses from interviews and open-ended questions into themes and sub themes while inferential statistics was analysed using the Regression Model to test the hypothesis. The study found out that one of the pre-electoral strategies that IEBC focused on was voter education to the members of the public on regular occasion. The respondents indicated that the EMB conducted regular mobilisation campaigns jointly with other stakeholders to inform members of the public on matters relating to commission mandate in elections and boundary delimitations. Correlation statistics revealed existence of significant positive effect of pre-electoral voter education strategy and IEBC Kenya performance. It was concluded that voter education strategy played a significant role in predicting IEBC performance in Kenya. The study recommends that voter education needs to be done on continuous basis rather than waiting one year to the general election by regularly seeking funds support from government and non-government sources to support voter education

Explaining the length of party manifestos in gubernatorial elections in Ecuador

Party manifestos have been widely analysed in political science, with a particular focus on their content rather than on their format. This article focuses on one specific aspect of the format of party manifestos as it attempts to understand the variation of their length by digging into the Ecuadorian case. Using empirical data on the content of party manifestos drafted by candidates for the gubernatorial elections (2009-2023), this article concludes that time and party size matters when one wants to understand the production of party manifestos. Party manifestos drafted in more recent years tend to be longer while large political parties tend to produce longer manifestos. In a context where the electoral management bodies take into account party manifestos for the registration of candidates worldwide, the identification of the determinants their length proved to be increasingly relevant.

Staged abdominal wall reconstruction in the setting of complex gastrointestinal reconstruction.

Literature on one- versus two-staged abdominal wall reconstruction (AWR) with complex gastrointestinal reconstruction (GIR) is limited to single-arm case series with a focus on patients who complete all planned stages. Herein, we describe our experience with both one- and two-staged approaches to AWR/GIR, with attention to those who did not complete both intended stages. A retrospective review of prospectively collected data was conducted to identify patients who underwent a one- or two-stage approach to GIR/AWR from 2013 to 2020. The one-stage approach included GIR and definitive sublay mesh herniorrhaphy. The two-stage approach included Stage 1 (S1)-GIR and non-definitive herniorrhaphy and Stage 2 (S2)-definitive sublay mesh herniorrhaphy. Fifty-four patients underwent GIR/AWR: 20 (37.0%) underwent a planned 1-stage operation while 34 (63.0%) underwent S1 of a planned 2-stage approach. Patients assigned to the 2-stage approach were more likely to be smokers, have a history of mesh infection, have an enterocutaneous fistula, and a contaminated wound class (p<0.05). Of the 34 patients who underwent S1, 12 (35.3%) completed S2 during the mean follow-up period of 44 months while 22 (64.7%) did not complete S2. Of these, 10 (45.5%) developed hernia recurrence but did not undergo S2 secondary to elective nonoperative management (40%), pending preoperative optimization (30%), additional complex GIR (10%), hernia-related incarceration requiring emergent surgery (10%), or unrelated death (10%). No differences in outcome including SSI, SSO, readmission, and recurrence were noted between the 12 patients who completed the two-stage approach and the 20 patients who completed a one-stage approach, despite increased risk factors for complications in the 2-stage group (p>0.05). Planned two-stage operations for GIR/AWR may distribute operative complexity and post-operative morbidity into separate surgical interventions. However, many patients may never undergo the intended definitive S2 herniorrhaphy. Future evaluation of 1- versus 2-stage GIR/AWR is needed to clarify indications for each approach. This work must also consider the frequent deviations from intended clinical course demonstrated in this study.

Lymph Node Metastases from Non-Melanoma Skin Cancer of the Head and Neck.

Non-melanoma skin cancer (NMSC) represents the most common malignancy in the world, comprising exceedingly common lesions such as basal cell carcinoma (BCC) and cutaneous squamous cell carcinoma (cSCC) and rare lesions such as Merkel cell carcinoma. Risk factors are widely recognized and include ultraviolet (UV) light exposure, radiation exposure, immunosuppression, and many others. As a whole, survival and functional outcomes are favorable, but each histopathological subtype of NMSC behaves differently. Treatment regimens for the primary site usually include wide surgical excision and neck dissection in cases of clinically involved metastatic lymph nodes. The elective management of draining nodal basins, however, is a contested topic. Nearly all subtypes, excluding BCC, have a significant risk of lymphatic metastases, and have been studied with regard to sentinel lymph node biopsy (SLNB) and elective neck dissection. To date, no studies have definitively established a true single standard of care, as exists for melanoma, for any of the NMSCs. As a result, the authors have sought to summarize the current literature and identify indications and management options for the management of the cervical lymphatics for each major subtype of NMSC. Further research remains critically necessary in order to develop complete treatment algorithms.

Maternal Outcomes Following Active vs. Expectant Management of Previable Preterm Pre-Labor Rupture of Membranes: A Meta-Analysis.

The diagnosis of previable preterm pre-labor rupture of membranes (PROM) is known to be associated with poor outcomes for both the mother and the fetus. Following previable preterm PROM, patients are generally offered either active management through the termination of the pregnancy or expectant management to increase the chances of fetal survival. It is difficult to counsel patients because there is a lack of data directly comparing maternal outcomes following active vs. expectant management. Using the data in the current literature, the goal of the present meta-analysis was to determine if there were any differences in terms of maternal risks when active versus elective management was chosen. PubMed, Google Scholar, EMBASE, and Scopus were searched. We found four studies accounting for a total of 506 patients. The risk ratio (RR) of chorioamnionitis in active vs. expectant management was 0.30 (with a 95% confidence interval, CI, of 0.09-1.02). The heterogeneity of the study results was 81% (I2). A sub-analysis of two included studies revealed an RR of postpartum hemorrhage in active vs. expectant management of 0.75 (95% CI 0.27-2.07) and an RR of maternal sepsis of 0.23 (95% CI 0.04-1.28). The heterogeneity of the study results for this sub-analysis was 68% (I2) for postpartum hemorrhage and 0% (I2) for maternal sepsis. Overall, there was no statistically significant difference in the risk of chorioamnionitis, postpartum hemorrhage, or maternal sepsis when active management was chosen over expectant management in previable preterm PROM at <24 weeks. The scarcity and the high heterogeneity of the available data likely contributed to the lack of statistical significance and calls for further work directly comparing maternal outcomes following active vs. expectant management.

AI and core electoral processes: Mapping the horizons

AbstractIt is well documented that there has been significant enthusiasm across the globe in respect of using AI for all forms of social activity. However, the electoral process – the time, place, and manner of elections within democratic nations – is one of few sectors in which there has been limited penetration of AI. Electoral management bodies in many countries have recently started exploring and deliberating over the use of AI in the electoral process. In this paper, we consider five avenues within the core electoral process which have potential for AI usage, and map the challenges involved in using AI within them. These five avenues are: voter list maintenance, determining polling booth locations, polling booth protection processes, voter authentication, and video monitoring of elections. Within each avenue, we lay down the context, illustrate current or potential usage of AI, and discuss extant or potential ramifications of AI usage, as well as potential directions for mitigating risks when considering AI usage. We believe that the scant current usage of AI within electoral processes provides a very rare opportunity to deliberate on the risks and mitigation possibilities prior to actual and widespread AI deployment. This paper is an attempt to map the horizons of risks and opportunities in using AI within electoral processes and to help shape the debate around the topic.

Autocratic Electoral Management: Lessons From Thailand

How can we ensure quality elections when the key institutions responsible for the organisation of polls are openly partisan and anti-democratic? In their 2017 paper, Birch and van Ham suggest that partisan electoral management bodies (EMBs) do not matter for the quality of polls so long as effective alternative oversight institutions exist, are active and independent. These institutions can make up for the EMBs’ shortcomings and ensure that a relatively high-quality election is still achieved. I argue that the notion of active and independent alternative oversight institutions leaves us guessing under which conditions it works. Adopting James’s network-based approach to electoral management, I show on the example of the 2019 Thai election that electoral governance networks that are characterised by high levels of political polarisation, the presence of entrenched authoritarian elites and formally independent EMBs that are too powerful make substitution untenable.

Stakeholders Mapping in Election Management in West Nusa Tenggara Province

Purpose: This study aims to analyze stakeholder mapping as a model for strengthening the role of stakeholders in election management. This model explores the success of election management using a collaborative approach between election management bodies, namely the General Election Commission, the Election Supervisory Body, and election stakeholders. Method: The object of study is limited to the 2019 elections in West Nusa Tenggara (NTB) Province. This study uses a qualitative method with a case study approach. The findings of the research show that the stakeholders collaborating in election management are mapped using the hepta-helix model, namely the collaboration model of seven stakeholders: (1) the election management body; (2) the government; (3) the business world; (4) NGOs; (5) mass media; (6) universities; and (7) political parties. Results and Conclusions: This finding proves that election management has implemented the concept of collaborative governance. Nonetheless, collaborative governance in election management does not place all collaborative actors in decision-making. Specifically for the decision-making stage, this is the function of the election management body, while other actors function as a support system in the management of election management. The weakness of collaborative election management practices is that the categories and functions of each actor as a stakeholder have not been mapped. Research implications: This study recommends that the application of the collaborative governance model in election management should be preceded by the preparation of stakeholder mapping into the main, key, and secondary stakeholder categories with their respective functional roles. Originality/value: The findings of stakeholder mapping in election management emphasize that the application of the concept of collaborative governance from Anssel and Gash which is well established in the science of public administration will only be successful if it is supported by stakeholder mapping initiated by Grimble and Wellard, as well as the election stakeholder model initiated by Allen Wall.

Electoral Violence in Nigeria: Insights From Off-Cycle Subnational Elections

There is a popular assumption that off-cycle subnational elections should be better governed and more peaceful than general elections. This position is premised on the notion that limited geographical and demographical scope of such elections offers the national electoral body, security agencies and other key actors in electoral governance the opportunities to concentrate resources and energies in a given jurisdiction for maximum efficiencies. These have encouraged advocacy to unbundle the Electoral Management Body, namely the Independent National Electoral Commission by decentralising electoral governance. However, this assumption has not been subjected to adequate academic scrutiny. This study, therefore, examines comparatively, records of violence in off-cycle subnational elections conducted in Edo, Kogi and Ondo States between 2019 and 2020, and those of Nigeria’s 2019 general elections. The study is descriptive by design, with data largely extracted from Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project and analysed using mixed method.

Are polarised elections the hardest to deliver? Explaining global variations in electoral management body performance

ABSTRACT Electoral management, understood as the application and implementation of electoral rules, is a critical part of democratic governance. But there are often concerns about the quality of electoral management and the performance of electoral management bodies around the world. Despite recent advances, there remains a need for new systematic evidence on the quality of electoral management and analysis of the factors that lead to poorly- or well- run elections. This article therefore maps out global variations in the quality of the public management of elections using a new cross-national dataset and measure. It then explains variations by evaluating the relative importance of bureaucratic culture, the autonomy of electoral authorities, political polarisation in the electorate and the capacity of electoral management bodies. The results provide support for the importance of each of these factors. The effect of political polarisation is an important finding as it is a new threat to elections.

Election staff training: Tracing global patterns of institutionalisation

ABSTRACT The safe delivery of elections is a pivotal international issue in an era of widespread concerns about global democratic backsliding. Despite this, there remains little research on the training provided to electoral officials – those responsible for delivering elections and democracy on the front line. This article introduces the concept of electoral training institutionalisation, which refers to the extent to which training is embedded into electoral processes by electoral management bodies. It then presents original data from a survey of electoral management bodies to give an overview of the global provision of training. An original index of training institutionalisation is developed from the dataset. These data are analysed to identify the patterns of training. The results suggest that training institutionalisation tends to be associated with the overall quality of democracy and economic development. Deepening the embeddedness of electoral training is recommended as a step towards the strengthening of electoral democracy.

Reconstructing elections in a digital world

ABSTRACT The nature of elections has been transformed by the rise of digital technologies in the last few years, in large part due to the rise of social media platforms and their impact on election campaigning, dissemination of information and opinion formation. Furthermore, digital technologies have been employed in the administration of elections, and are being adopted by electoral management bodies. This article seeks to understand these transformations in light of ongoing debates regarding the regulation of elections and digital technologies by positing an approach focused on international human rights frameworks.

Safeguarding election management bodies in the age of democratic recession

ABSTRACT There is strong evidence that we have entered into a democratic recession – where the quality of democracy is being reversed around the world. As the organisations responsible for running elections, election management bodies (EMBs) are at the fulcrum of the challenge of protecting democracy. This article introduces the special issue on ‘Safeguarding Election Management Bodies in the Age of Democratic Recession’ which aims to consider the emerging challenges that EMBs are facing, and how they can be best equipped to respond to them. It begins by defining some characteristics of a democratic recession and mapping global trends in democratic quality. It charts global trends in election quality and maps variation in the quality of electoral management worldwide. The article then considers the implications of a democratic recession for EMBs and how international and regional organisations have sought to address these problems. Finally, it introduces articles in the special issue.

Electoral management for a maturing democracy: A look at the contribution of the South African Electoral Commission

ABSTRACT This article seeks to provide a reliable indication of the contribution of the Electoral Commission of South Africa as an example of an election management body (EMB) in cultivating a mature democracy in South Africa. The measure of a maturing democracy is operationalised by applying the concept of the quality of democracy combined with the ideal role of elections in democracies. The discussion then focused on the EMB’s institutional framework (constitutional and legislative), as well as on perceptions of its performance and on its reputation as a democratic agent, approached from a social constructionist perspective. The main conclusion is that the commission has and continues to make a significant contribution to South Africa’s maturing democracy, but that its contribution is tempered by a decline in the public’s trust – possibly a reflection of the decline in South Africans’ trust in democracy in general.

African election management bodies in the era of democratic backsliding

ABSTRACT Although democratisation has evolved unevenly across Africa since the 1990s, there has been progress in the establishment and strengthening of independent election management bodies (EMBs). Since the mid-2000s, scholars and analysts have identified a global trend toward democratic backsliding, characterised in part by the erosion of democratic institutions. Such a trend might be expected to pose significant threats to EMBs. This article contributes new insights through a review of data from the Perceptions of Electoral Integrity and Varieties of Democracy projects. While it finds wide variation in EMB performance and autonomy, there is no overall pattern of decline that might be associated with democratic backsliding in Africa. Case analysis of Ghana and Zambia further demonstrates that the challenges EMBs face are multifaceted and not only driven by anti-democratic leaders. Co-ordinated efforts are therefore needed to strengthen EMB autonomy and capacity to (re)build trust and deliver elections with integrity.

LOCAL GOVERNMENT ADMINISTRATION: THE STATE GOVERNORS AND DEFICIT OF DEMOCRACY IN GRASSROOTS NIGERIA

After twenty-three years of the fourth democratic republic in Nigeria, there is a strong temptation to presume that democracy has taken firm roots at the grassroots. However, the whimsical manner by which the state Governors have subverted and hijacked the Local Governments (LGs) structures in their respective states suggests the contrary. The 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (as amended) makes provisions for elected LG Councils, yet, the Governors having being in firm charge have rendered these provisions illusory. They toy with the autonomy and vitality of the LGs, interfering and removing elected LG officials at their fancies. This study assesses the role of the state Governors in the determination of representations at the LG level in Nigeria and its effects in providing credible leadership for rural development. Data were gathered through primary and secondary sources such as 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (as amended), books relevant to the present study, peer review journal articles, judicial precedents, internet materials and newspaper reports. The above data were subject to content analysis. The paper finds that the LG elections in Nigeria are not given premium position by many state governments which robs the nation of a structured leadership development avenue. It also finds that the Electoral Management Body in the states are not independent. The paper, therefore, proffers Constitutional reforms as the way out of the wood. This will not only stop the Governors from acting capriciously and as omnipotent emperors, it will also allow the LGs enhance their capacity for optimum utilization of local initiatives through democratic means.