Elections In Nigeria Research Articles

LOCAL GOVERNMENT ADMINISTRATION: THE STATE GOVERNORS AND DEFICIT OF DEMOCRACY IN GRASSROOTS NIGERIA

After twenty-three years of the fourth democratic republic in Nigeria, there is a strong temptation to presume that democracy has taken firm roots at the grassroots. However, the whimsical manner by which the state Governors have subverted and hijacked the Local Governments (LGs) structures in their respective states suggests the contrary. The 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (as amended) makes provisions for elected LG Councils, yet, the Governors having being in firm charge have rendered these provisions illusory. They toy with the autonomy and vitality of the LGs, interfering and removing elected LG officials at their fancies. This study assesses the role of the state Governors in the determination of representations at the LG level in Nigeria and its effects in providing credible leadership for rural development. Data were gathered through primary and secondary sources such as 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (as amended), books relevant to the present study, peer review journal articles, judicial precedents, internet materials and newspaper reports. The above data were subject to content analysis. The paper finds that the LG elections in Nigeria are not given premium position by many state governments which robs the nation of a structured leadership development avenue. It also finds that the Electoral Management Body in the states are not independent. The paper, therefore, proffers Constitutional reforms as the way out of the wood. This will not only stop the Governors from acting capriciously and as omnipotent emperors, it will also allow the LGs enhance their capacity for optimum utilization of local initiatives through democratic means.

The 2023 Cashless Election in Nigeria: The Politics of Withdrawing Money

The 2023 Cashless Election in Nigeria: The Politics of Withdrawing Money

Humanitarian Response to Electoral Violence in Nigeria – Focus On 2011 General Electio

The 2011 election is infamously hailed as the most brutal and violent election in Nigeria’s history. Scores were killed; more were displaced from their places of residence, and; most were deprived of the basic necessities of subsistence. The way and manner that the government handled or tackled the humanitarian issue of the 2011 electoral violence have not been adequately understood. Consequently, underpinned by the social inclusion and stakeholders’ theories, this paper sets out to ascertain the humanitarian role the government has played in addressing those affected by the electoral violence of 2011. The study thus interrogates the major stakeholder in the management of the largest internal displacement camp in Nigeria as a result of the 2011 elections. Hence, the study relies on a limited extent on primary sources of data and heavily on secondary sources of data for analysis. This study reveals that the measures being utilized by the Nigerian government in handling the humanitarian needs of the affected population, most especially internally displaced persons as a result of the aftermath of the 2011 election violence has been on an ad-hoc basis with no solid or structured modus operandi. As an illustration, some lessons learnt by the Kenyan government in addressing some of the humanitarian needs of the affected population were made reference to. In essence, this paper advocates that the government of Nigeria ensure strict, decisive and clear-cut policies on IDPs management in order to avoid ambiguity in boundaries and in the roles of agencies managing internally displaced persons.

Electoral Violence and Political Instability in Nigeria: Implication for National Cohesion

Nigeria had her first election in 1922 under the Clifford’s Constitution. Since then, under different dispensations, elections are held to fill various positions in both the legislative and executive arms of government. Elections in Nigeria are largely characterized with violence leading to loss of lives and wanton destruction of properties. Also, political parties are adorned with ethnic and regional colouration. Consequently, voters are largely ethnically and regionally biased in an attempt to put into office “one of their own.” This is the principal basis for the widespread electoral violence witnessed since independence in 1960. Successive governments have made frantic efforts to de-ethnicize and de-regionalize political contests and consequently achieve violence free and credible elections, particularly since the commencement of the Fourth Republic. These efforts have not achieved much in terms of stemming the occurrence of electoral violence. The corollary is fragmentation of the polity along ethno-religious and regional lines, thereby creating political instability and attendant inhibition of national cohesion since independence, six decades ago. Thus, the main objective of this paper is to show that electoral violence and the resultant political instability negatively affect national cohesion. The study adopted the State Compromise Paradigm to explain the need for sincerity among the political leaders of the different ethnic groups in the discharge of their duties and responsibilities in order to achieve national cohesion. The study relied mainly on secondary data focusing on political instability and weak national cohesion in the country. The study revealed that efforts at de-ethnicizing and de-regionalizing political contests as well as discouragement of violence in political contestation with ethno-religious bias had not yielded much positive results in the country. The paper concludes that unless and until electoral contestation in Nigeria is violence free, enduring political stability and national cohesion may remain unattainable. The study recommends, among other things, that state institutions should function for the benefit of all citizens, political leaders should avoid fanning the embers of ethnicity during elections and government should put in motion a sincere policy and programme for national cohesion.

NİJERYA'DA SEÇİMLERİN ASKERİLEŞTİRİLMESİ: DEMOKRATİK BÜYÜME İÇİN BİR BANE

Since the return to democracy in 1999, elections in Nigeria have been an integral component of the democratization process and a necessary exercise for good governance. However, in successive elections, the procedures and periods of electioneering have often been fraught with threats and risks of electoral violence, which has significantly contributed to undoing long and hard-fought democratic gains. Furthermore, incumbent leaders have been accused of using state power to intimidate opposition candidates and their support base, with election processes being abused by some African governments to impose undemocratic practices. 
 
 This paper focuses on the role of the military in influencing elections in Nigeria. It uses the 2019 and 2023 general elections in Nigeria as case studies. This paper argues that using the military in elections not only lacks a constitutional basis but contributes to electoral violence, deaths and destruction of property.

Perspectives on the Participation of Civil/Public Servants in Partisan Politics in Nigeria: A Call for Rethinking and Revision of the Public Service Rules

Towards the 2023 general elections in Nigeria, the debate on the validity and application of the principle of absolute political neutrality of civil servants resurfaced. This principle requires civil servants to abstain from political activities including campaigning and joining political parties. The Federal Civil Service Commission and the Attorney General of the Federation contend that the Public Service Rules prohibit civil servants from political activities. However, the Nigeria Labour Congress and other labour unions disagree and argue that the Public Service Rules contravene the constitution and violate civil servants' fundamental rights to freely associate and belong to a political party. This study interrogates the legality and desirability of the principle of absolute political neutrality in the Nigerian Civil Service. It draws upon the extant statutory framework, relevant jurisprudence, scholarly literature and contemporary practices in other jurisdictions. The finding of this study shows that the Public Service Rules as presently constituted violate constitutional provisions and civil servants' rights to hold and join political parties of their choice. The central argument is that constitutionalism principles in Nigeria and practices in other jurisdictions increasingly invalidate an approach that anchored civil servant loyalty and effectiveness on the principle of absolute political neutrality. The study concludes by recommending that in line with practices in the United Kingdom and Canada, the Civil Service Rules should be revised to permit differentiated prohibitions. This will permit civil servants that hold non-sensitive positions to hold political opinions and join political parties of their respective choice.

Social Media, Post-Election Violence and 2011 Elections in Nigeria

Social Media, Post-Election Violence and 2011 Elections in Nigeria

Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and The Conduct of 2023 Presidential and National Assembly Elections in Nigeria: A Paradigm Shift

It is an established fact that Nigeria’s electoral process has always been marred with irregularities over the years. The 2023 Presidential and National Assembly elections are a paradigm shift in the history of electioneering in the country. Though some challenges were encountered in the conduct of the elections, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) was given a pass mark by many local and international observers and thus made the general election a watershed. This makes it imperative in this paper to examine the conduct of the 2023 Presidential and National Assembly elections in Nigeria. The paper infers that if the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) can continue to discharge its functions out of political influence and move away from the status quo where a political party dominates the constitution of drivers of INEC, there is every tendency that there will be continuous better conduct of election in the future. The paper taps various means of getting relevant materials to put this study together for onward academic utilisation and to reshape the conduct of Nigeria’s subsequent general elections like the maintenance of established punishment for electoral offenders, strengthened voter education, and establishment of training institutes for prospective politicians.

English

Voters are essential to democracy, as they wield the authority to select government leaders through their choices during elections. Election in Nigeria is usually marred by issues that hinder the smoothness of the electoral and voting process, constituting a cause of dissatisfaction and anguish for voters. Relying on an extensive review of literature and secondary sources of data, this article exposes problems that frustrate Nigerian voters in making their political choices during elections and the implications of such challenges for democratic growth. The findings reveal that ecological factors, such as religion and ethnicity, institutional factors, such as electoral body, election logistics, the courts, and others, like electoral violence, political intimidation, etc., impede voters from making their preferred choices at the polls. It concludes that there is utmost need to sanitize the political space, through the appropriation of substantial political and economic issues, as against ethnic and religious sentiments that disadvantage some sections of voters, adequate preparation by the electoral regulatory body, impartiality of the court, the provision of sufficient security apparatus, to curb disenfranchisement and encourage voters to make their preferred choices at the polls.   Key words: Elections, Nigeria, electoral turnout, political choice, sustainable democracy, voter frustration.&nbsp

An Introspection into the Emergence of ‘Inconclusive Elections’ from the Electoral Act 2022 and Its Implication on the Nigeria Politics

The incidence of inconclusive elections in Nigeria has attracted diverse perspectives in recent times. The significance of this discourse to the consolidation of Nigeria’s democracy cannot be ignored considering its consequential effects on the country’s electoral process. In what seems to be an unusual jurisprudential and political development was the case of John Faleke v Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) & Anor which posed a peculiar scenario that was unprecedented to the evolution of electoral disputes in Nigeria. In line with the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (CFRN), the Independent National Electoral Commission is empowered to organize or undertake and to supervise all elections to key offices including those of the President and Vice President, Governor, and Deputy Governor among others. It is in the exercise of this power that the INEC developed the Electoral Act and Election Manual used for all general elections which authorized the INEC to declare elections inconclusive or to schedule a rerun election where appropriate. Several arguments have arisen as to the constitutionality of the declaration by INEC. The first notorious case was the Kogi State Gubernatorial Election held on November 21, 2015, as an inconclusive election. It is against this background that the paper examines the decision of the Supreme Court in the case of James Faleke v INEC, the provision of the Electoral Act 2022 and Election Manual which affirms the legality of the INEC’s power and the correctness of the declaration of inconclusive election. It argues that the declaration of election as inconclusive is in line with the Electoral Act and the Constitution. The paper further posits the fundamental grounds or conditions upon which an election can be declared as ‘inconclusive.’ However, it suggests that there is a need to carefully thread the path of application of the provisions on inconclusive election in order to avoid a situation where it is being deployed as a manipulative tool for the benefit of the ruling party.

Voter Apathy in Nigeria as Political Protest: A Critical Overview of People’s Participation in Elections in Nigeria

This study explained that since the return to civil rule in 1999 after decades of military interregnum, Nigeria was involved in series of elections in the country. It has been observed that in each of these elections low turnout of voters used to be recorded. Several efforts were made with a view to assuage this malaise but, the citizens’ full participations always fell below expectations. The paper uses qualitative method which involves key informant interview as well as Aristotle’s theory of politics and thus argues that, until the elected officials in Nigeria recourse to fulfilling their campaign promises, and elections superintendents live up to expectation by making the electorates votes count during elections, above all, entrenchment of good governance, the menace of voter apathy will continue to be experienced in the Nigeria’s political space.

Why do Voters Accept Bribes? Evidence from Edo State in Nigeria

ABSTRACT Vote buying remains one of the main flaws of elections in many parts of the world. As most other forms of corruption, it is sticky and unlikely to vanish in the short and medium run. In this article, we look at the demand side of vote buying using the case of the Edo State governorship elections in Nigeria. Through original survey research using the in-person interview format, we try to detect how widespread this practice is, as well as establish the profile of the voter, who morally condones vote buying, and accepts such bribes on Election Day. Generally, we find that vote buying has high acceptance and most voters who receive an offer accept it. We further detect that party members, politically interested people, as well as young citizens are more likely to condone the practice; these groups are also more likely to accept such a bribe. The two main motifs for accepting bribes are (1) citizens feel a sense of reciprocity, or the need to reciprocate the favor that parties bestow upon them through the payment of the election money, (2) our respondents also feel entitled to receive some money on Election Day.

Investigating Engagement Strategies in the Presidential Media Debate of the 2023 General Election in Nigeria

This study examines the engagement strategies used by the three leading Presidential candidates during the media debate of the 2023 general election in Nigeria. Drawing on appraisal theory, the study analyses the language used by the candidates in negotiating their interpersonal positioning and convincing the listeners. The data was obtained from the interviews conducted by the Nigerian Economy Summit Group (NESG) titled ‘Dialogue with Presidential Candidates on Nigerian Economy’ on January 13th and 16th, 2023. The study employs a descriptive survey to identify the engagement strategies used by the candidates to evaluate the economic situation and other issues in Nigeria. The findings reveal that the candidates deployed various engagement strategies including proclaiming, denying, and describing objects of appraisal. The study highlights the importance of politicians using appropriate language and communication strategies to engage the public effectively during media discourse. The study’s outcomes will contribute to the existing literature on political communication and engagement strategies, and provide useful insights for political candidates and campaign terms.

Presidential elections and stock return volatility: evidence from selected sub-Saharan African stock markets

PurposeThis paper aims to investigate the effect of presidential elections on stock return volatility in five leading stock markets in sub-Saharan Africa.Design/methodology/approachThis paper uses various criteria to select an appropriate generalized autoregressive conditional heteroscedasticity model to estimate the second moment of the return distribution with the inclusion of pre- and post-presidential election dummy variables that capture the effect of presidential elections on stock market volatility.FindingsThe empirical results show that high pre-election uncertainty increases volatility in the Nairobi Stock Exchange, Stock Exchange of Mauritius and the Nigeria Stock Exchange. Furthermore, the results show that volatility in stock return is reduced 90 days after an election in Nigeria and South Africa but increases 90 days after elections in Ghana.Originality/valueContrary to the previous studies that are conducted in a single country with focus on specific elections, this paper provides a comparative analysis of presidential elections and stock return volatility in five leading stock markets in sub-Saharan Africa.

Voting System and Electoral Malpractices in Nigeria: A Case Study of the Fourth Republic of Nigeria

This paper examines the effect of voting system and electoral malpractices in Nigeria with the fourth republic as the case study (1999 - 2023). In carrying out this work, two theories will be used: game theory will be used as the first context in the area of study, to explain reasons for why electoral malpractices is inherent in Nigeria voting system while the theory of E-Democracy will be used as the way forward for electoral malpractices and violence in Nigerian voting system. Game theory is a theoretical framework used in the explanation of many phenomena in political science, politics, economics, psychology etc, and game theory is simply a systematic study of strategic interactions among rational individuals. A popular example of game theory in politics is the sum zero game, the sum zero has to do with which one player winning all and others losing all. In the context of election in Nigeria with reference to “to first win the post” as the dominant type of electoral system in Nigeria, two things are usually involved which is; the winner wins all and the looser loses all, as the result of this, political actors device all forms of strategy to win an election in the political actors often take advantage of the lapses inherent in the traditional paper voting system in Nigeria to advance their interest. This is through rigging, electoral violence, ballot box stuffing, falsification of electoral result multiple voting etc. the exercise of franchise is the fulcrum on which democracy revolves. Unfortunately, anti-democratic practices such as underage voting, snatching of ballot boxes, denial of voting rights to qualified physically challenges and deliberate falsification of vote figures to favour a particular candidate have greatly bastardized the democratic procedure. This scenario has simply placed a question on the Nigerian democracy. Keywords: Elections, Electoral Process, Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), E-voting (Electoral Voting), Electoral Malpractices, E-democracy theory. DOI: 10.7176/PPAR/13-4-04 Publication date: May 31 st 2023

Humanitarian response to electoral violence in Nigeria-focus on 2011 general election

The 2011 election is infamously hailed as the most brutal and violent election in Nigeria’s history. Scores were killed; more were displaced from their places of residence, and; most were deprived of the basic necessities of subsistence. The way and manner that the government handled or tackled the humanitarian issue of the 2011 electoral violence have not been adequately understood. Consequently, underpinned by the social inclusion and stakeholders’ theories, this paper sets out to ascertain the humanitarian role the government has played in addressing those affected by the electoral violence of 2011. This study thus, interrogates the major stakeholder in the management of the largest internal displacement camp in Nigeria as a result of the 2011 elections. Hence, the study relies on a limited extent on primary sources of data and heavily on secondary sources of data for analysis. This study reveals that the measures being utilized by the Nigerian government in handling the humanitarian needs of the affected population, most especially internally displaced persons as a result of the aftermath of the 2011 election violence has been on an ad-hoc basis with no solid or structured modus operandi. As an illustration, some lessons learnt by the Kenyan government in addressing some of the humanitarian needs of the affected population were made reference to. In essence, this paper advocates that the government of Nigeria ensure strict, decisive and clear-cut policies on IDPs management in order to avoid ambiguity in boundaries and in the roles of agencies managing internally displaced persons.

Political digital advertising: implications and way forward for Nigeria’s 2023 general elections

This study looked at the Digital Political Advertising: Implications and Way forward for Nigeria's 2023 General Elections. The objectives of the study were to examine the extent of digital media advertising in the 2023 general election; find out the effectiveness of digital media political advertising on Benin City residents’ choice of 2023 presidential candidates in Nigeria; find out the factors (if any), which hinder the effective use of the digital media advertising for the 2023 presidential election and x-ray the ways forward to the impediments of digital advertising usage in the 2023 Nigerian presidential election. The theoretical framework was Cultivation theory and survey served as research instrument. The study found that digital advertising has come to stay and that amidst it is being extensively used by political stakeholders in projecting the agenda and ideologies of the political contenders in the 2023 general elections in Nigeria. As such, political digital advertising cannot be jettisoned by any political party or stakeholders who wish to effectively sell their ideologies irrespective of the presence of traditional and media advertising. It was recommended that political parties and stakeholders who are yet to adopt digital advertising should do so as it has various higher imperatives over traditional political advertising. It was also recommended that political parties and stakeholders who are using digital advertising as their only advertising method should complement their efforts using traditional media in order to get a higher reach especially from political stakeholders who do not have digital advertising reception gadgets.

Resurging Prebendalism, Clientelism and Candidate Endorsement Syndrome: A Critique of the 2019 Presidential Election in Nigeria

Resurging Prebendalism, Clientelism and Candidate Endorsement Syndrome: A Critique of the 2019 Presidential Election in Nigeria

The Effects of Electoral violence on Human Rights violation: An overview of the 2015 General elections in Nigeria

The Effects of Electoral violence on Human Rights violation: An overview of the 2015 General elections in Nigeria

Television News Coverage of the 2019 Presidential Election in Nigeria: A Content Analysis Approach

In the Nigerian context, the broadcast media have continued to participate as active stakeholders in the electoral process. They produce various adverts, jingles, programmes and shows that aim at encouraging people to exercise their voting rights, reject electoral violence, and advocate peaceful elections. They also play important roles in social sensitization and mobilization ahead of the elections with many broadcast stations hosting debates for political aspirants. Therefore, this study investigated the impact of the programme's contents of NTA’s Political Update on voters’ participation and voting patterns in the 2019 general elections in Nigeria. The study adopted mixed methods design of the exploratory type. Sample comprised 185 respondents, including key stakeholders drawn from six geopolitical zones in Nigeria. Data were collected using three instruments; NTA and FRCN Network Programme Contents Analysis Checklist (NFNProCAC); Voters’ Electoral Participation Questionnaire (VEPQ) and Key Electioneering Personalities Interview Schedule (KEPIS). Content analysis data were analyzed quantitatively, while survey data were analyzed using SPSS V25, descriptive and inferential statistics. Findings revealed that NTA’s Political Update adequately featured voter education contents prior to the 2019 General Election in Nigeria; also, majority of the respondents were regular viewers and listeners and were adequately exposed to the station contents of NTA, featuring more of voters’ education contents. Further, findings revealed that there was an overall significant relationship in the electorates’ perception of featuring voters’ education contents on NTA programmes. Lastly, more voters participated during the last general elections as a result of their exposure to NTA network programmes prior to the 2019 general elections in Nigeria. The study recommended that tv stations should increase the strength of nationwide programmes for effective voters’ education.