Election Speeches Research Articles

The Constitution of Electoral Speech Law: The Supreme Court and Freedom of Expression in Campaigns and Elections. By Brian K. Pinaire. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2008. 368p. $60.00.

The Constitution of Electoral Speech Law: The Supreme Court and Freedom of Expression in Campaigns and Elections. By Brian K. Pinaire. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2008. 368p. $60.00.

The Constitution of Electoral Speech Law: The Supreme Court and Freedom of Expression in Campaigns and Elections by Brian Pinaire

The Constitution of Electoral Speech Law: The Supreme Court and Freedom of Expression in Campaigns and Elections <i>by Brian Pinaire</i>

Fair Opportunity to Participate: The Charter and the Regulation of Electoral Speech

In his 1999 article, Libman v. Quebec (A.G.) and the Administration of the Process of Democracy under the Charter: The Emerging Egalitarian Model, Colin Feasby suggests that the Supreme Court of Canada endorsed an egalitarian approach to democratic participation and the regulation of electoral speech. More specifically, Feasby argues that the Court has adopted a model that draws from the philosophy of John Rawls; in particular, his supposedly egalitarian idea of the fair value of the equal political liberties. In this article, I critically examine this egalitarian thesis in the context of the Court’s more recent 2004 decisions in Harper v. Canada (Attorney General). While I agree that the Court has adopted an approach similar to the philosophy of John Rawls, I nevertheless reject the conclusion that this is an egalitarian model of democratic participation. Instead, I argue that both Rawls and the Court may be more clearly understood as endorsing a liberal fair opportunity model of elections. This liberal model rejects the egalitarian ideal that all citizens are to enjoy equality of influence in political decision making. The focus, instead, is on the liberal ideal of procedural fairness, and ensuring that all citizens have an equal opportunity or chance to influence political outcomes.

The constitution of electoral speech law: the Supreme Court and freedom of expression in campaigns and elections

Bush v. Gore brought to the public's attention the significance of election law and the United States Supreme Court's role in structuring the rules that govern how campaigns and elections function in America. In this book, Brian K. Pinaire examines one expanding domain within this larger legal context: freedom of speech in the political process, or, what he terms, electoral speech law.Specifically, Pinaire examines the Court's evolving conceptions of free speech in the electoral process and then traces the consequences of various debates and determinations from the post-World War II era to the present. In his analysis of the broad range of cases from this period, supplemented by four recent case study investigations, Pinaire explores competing visions of electoral expression in the marketplace of ideas, various methods for analyzing speech dilemmas, the multiple influences that shape the justices' notions of both the potential for and privileged status of electoral communication, and the ultimate implications of these Court rulings for American democracy.

Pragmatics and Critical Discourse Analysis

This paper discusses important and fruitful links between (Critical) Discourse Analysis and Pragmatics. In a detailed analysis of three utterances of an election speech by the Austrian rightwing politician Jörg Haider, it is illustrated in which ways a discourse-analytical and pragmatic approach grasps the intricacy of anti-Semitic meanings, directed towards the President of the Viennese Jewish Community. The necessity of in-depth context-analysis in multiple layers (from the socio-political context up to the co-text of each utterance) moreover emphasizes the importance of interdisciplinary approaches when investigating such complex issues as racism and anti-Semitism as produced and reproduced in discourse. More specifically, the relevance of pragmatic devices such as insinuations, presuppositions and implicatures, is discussed when analyzing instances of ‘coded language’, i.e., utterances with indirect and latent racist and anti-Semitic meanings as common in official discourses in Western Europe.

Le discours rapporté - mode d’emploi par la presse française et bulgare

The typological analysis of reported speech modalities in the French and Bulgarian press highlights factors suggesting the newspapers’ interpretation of the reported words. Reported speech modalities are classified into two categories, namely quoted speech and reformulated speech. A statistic study of a large corpus of examples, reporting on the electoral speeches of Jacques Chirac and of the Bulgarian ex-President Petar Stoyanov during their last two presidential campaigns, shows the newspaper’s reporting preferences in the field of political discourse.

Party convergence reconsidered

That the major parties in Australia have converged is an idea of long standing. But proponents of the idea differ about when it happened, why it happened and what its consequences might be. In revisiting the party convergence thesis, this article does three things. First, it documents the recurrent nature of this thesis and its varying terms, arguing that claims of convergence: focus on some criteria while ignoring others; confuse movements in policy space with changes in party distance; and involve an implicit essentialism, so that any two parties that share an ideology are assumed to share policy positions that can be derived from that ideology. Second, it reviews studies of election speeches since the war, and studies of government expenditure patterns and tax schedules from Whitlam to Hawke, which cast doubt on, or heavily qualify, the idea that the parties have converged or lost their traditional distinctiveness. Third, it shows that on these matters the views of voters are closer to those of the policy analysts than to those of the pundits. Survey respondents continue to distinguish between the parties on particular policies and in Left–Right terms, they care who wins, and they think the party that wins matters.

Reexamining Femicide: Breaking the Silence and Crossing “Scientific” Borders

Femicide is cloaked in silence and has rarely been investigated. This article aims to break the silence by reexamining the definition of the crime. The current definition which deals only with the actual killing of the victim is quite narrow indicating that the phenomenon is still misunderstood. I will suggest how this definition can be expanded contextually grounded and improved. The current definition adequately describes the crime of killing a woman but it fails to cover the arduous process leading up to her death. In this context death needs redefining. Death in femicide is currently defined medicolegally as the inability to breathe. In the new definition that I propose death has already occurred by the time a female is put on "death row"--that is when she is effectively sentenced to death by murder and lives under the continual threat of being killed. Even at this point I consider her a victim of femicide and I thus redefine death as the inability to live. Although victims of femicide are technically alive they are in a mode of life that they never wanted and completely reject a mode that is perhaps best described as death-in-life. (excerpt)

Softly, Softly: How the Mothercraft Association of Queensland Co-existed with Government Policy, 1931-1961

land welcomed involvement in maternal-infant welfare by voluntary organisations and individuals from the earliest days, the picture was different in Queensland where all costs were borne by the government and community involvement was discouraged. The culture of belief that the government was the proper authority to provide for its citizens entered Queensland life with the election of the Ryan Labor government in 1915.1 In an election speech at Barcaldine in 1915, T. J. Ryan stated:

Speech and Democracy in Russia: Responses to Political Texts in Three Russian Cities

Theories ascribing democracy to inclusive contestation imply that the speech of authoritarian rulers will differ from the speech of electoral politicians. Authoritarian rulers will use an official language that insulates them from populations under their control. This official language insults subject populations by implying that the vernacular in which they formulate their thoughts is inadequate for the discussion of political ideas. Electoral politicians, praising the competence of citizens to decide political questions, take care to frame their ideas in ordinary language, as otherwise the politicians would contradict their message that bearers of ordinary language are politically competent. If rulers implicitly insult and politicians flatter, citizens should respond with disaffiliation to rulers' language and affiliation to the language of politicians, at least of those politicians whom the citizens favour. This hypothesis is tested using an experimental paradigm in three Russian cities at the end of 1993. The prediction that Russians will affiliate to the texts of some electoral politicians contrasts with the claim that Russians evaluate political ideas mainly by contemplating change in their standard of living, since Russia represents an unusual case in which authoritarian speech is associated with greater affluence, while electoral speech is associated with increasing impoverishment for most people.

A Chapter in the History of American Party Ideology: The Nineteenth-Century Democratic Party (1828-1892)

American political parties have been studied primarily as electoral organizations and as aggregations of particular constituencies. The subject of party ideology is commonly ignored or treated as a product of the aggregated views of the party-in-the-electorate. Consequently, we have a conception of American parties as vote-getting machines and an understanding of American political culture as the product of a hegemonic liberal tradition. This article, which focuses on the Democratic Party in the nineteenth century, challenges these views. Using party platforms and presidential election speeches, it reconstructs that party's core ideology from 1828 to 1892 and finds it remarkably consistent in its basic values.

The Idea of Party in the Writing of Later Stuart History

The most familiar view of party, and one held almost universally for a century and a half, sees a continuity in party history from the Whigs and Tories of Charles II's reign to the Liberals and Conservatives of Victoria's. This view received its classic expression at the hands of Macaulay, and with him it was a verdict arrived at before he even began The History of England and more than thirty years before he finished with it. In an election speech at Edinburgh in 1839 he proudly traced his Whig ancestry back to the Roundheads of the time of Charles I. In the opening section of the History he was more specific and selected a certain day in October of 1641 for the birth of the modern party system. “From that day,” he wrote, “dates the corporate existence of the two parties which have ever since alternately governed the country.”Macaulay was not the first historian to reach such a conclusion. Writing some twenty years earlier the Catholic John Lingard, in dealing with the 1678-1681 crisis over Exclusion of the Duke of York, wrote that “it was during this period that the appellations of Whig and Tory became permanently affixed to the two great political parties which for a century and a half [1680-1830] have divided the nation.” Even before the turn of the nineteenth century the same idea had been suggested by Thomas Somerville in his History of England which appeared in 1792.

Foreign Policy Issues in Japan's 1958 Elections

THE GENERAL ELECTIONS for the Lower House of the Diet, which were held in May I958, provide useful material for a study of Japanese attitudes to foreign policy and to the related questions of rearmament and war. There have been no detailed public opinion polls in these fields for a considerable time and an examination of election issues offers one of the few available statistical methods (albeit a very indirect and inexact one) for judging what Japanese people are thinking in i958 about such crucial problems as their country's alignment with the Western powers, the need to rearm and the use of nuclear weapons. It is generally agreed that foreign policy issues played an unusually important part in the I958 elections. The left-wing opposition (Socialists and Communists) gave more stress than ever to the field of foreign relations; at the same time, the leader of the conservative Liberal-Democratic Party, Mr. Kishi, has, since he first became Prime Minister in February I957, attached the greatest importance to foreign affairs, and his government has done its best to popularize the active policy of economic diplomacy advocated by the Foreign Minister, Mr. Fujiyama. Among the factors that helped to focus attention on foreign policy was the crisis in Japan's relations with China, which came to a head shortly before the elections. As we shall see, the two major parties and the Communists all devoted considerable attention to Sino-Japanese trade and to the vexed problem of policy towards Communist China. Even more important was the fact that both the conservatives and the Socialists tended to avoid controversial domestic issues. There was an extraordinary wide measure of agreement on almost all questions of internal policy that were prominent in the election platforms and speeches. On many of the main domestic issues (including social insurance, help for small and medium business enterprises, tax reduction, government aid to agriculture and fisheries, and the improvement of educational facilities), the two major parties spoke with one voice. At the same time, such moot points as support for constitutional revision or for the control of large business combines were largely avoided. It is significant that in analyzing the election results Mr. Suzuki, the chairman of the Socialist Party, should have mentioned his party's failure to emphasize the differences

Conservation Policy and Capital Theory

Conservation is a word which occurs more and more frequently in politics. The “conservation of natural resources” appears both in the government accounts and in election speeches as a phrase which covers public spending on forests, waters, minerals, and fisheries, regardless of the ultimate purpose of that expenditure. Payments to American farmers, which enable them to achieve higher output and receive larger incomes, are blithely described as “conservation” without reference to whether or not the transaction has increased the nation's stock of natural resources.Conservation is a field of study for many of the sciences. Originally, I think I may say, the child of the forestry profession (indeed in the United States the profession of forestry might almost be described as the child of the conservation movement), it has received increasing attention from many other fields. In the 1920's, conservation of oil resources became the slogan of the petroleum companies, swamped by new discoveries. They lost interest when demand increased relative to the newly controlled supply. In the 1930's, low demand for farm output, grave drought conditions, and allegedly increasing soil erosion made “conservation” a good cry for those who would give aid to agriculture. During the last war, farm specialists pushing soil conservation continued to hold the stage, but since then the public has heard increasingly from scientists and business men connected with fisheries, petroleum, water power, forestry, and even minerals. The current approach is to discuss the interrelation of the use of all the natural resources and to stress the necessity of conserving such resources simultaneously.

Western Europe—The Challenge of Unity, The Challenge of Human Rights, Gateway to Human Freedom: a Study of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in the light of Rotary principles and resources, South-West Africa and the International Court, The Future of Industry in South Africa, Point Four and the World Economy, Liberty: a Path to its Recovery, Signatures, Ratifications, Acceptances, Accessions,

Western Europe—The Challenge of Unity, The Challenge of Human Rights, Gateway to Human Freedom: a Study of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in the light of Rotary principles and resources, South-West Africa and the International Court, The Future of Industry in South Africa, Point Four and the World Economy, Liberty: a Path to its Recovery, Signatures, Ratifications, Acceptances, Accessions, etc., concerning the Multilateral Conventions and Agreements in respect of which the Secretary-General acts as Depository, Commonwealth Handbook: a Guide to Departments, Organisations and Societies in the United Kingdom concerned with the British Empire, A Christian Year Book: a Popular Reference Book of Places, People and Events, Societies and Churches—including those concerned with the Ecumenical Christian Movement, ‘Pravda’ Articles on the Occasion of the 70th Birthday of Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin, 21 December 1949, Fulfilment of the State Plan for 1949: Communiqué of the Central Statistical Administration of the U.S.S.R. Council of Ministers, Soviet Union at the Polls: Election Speeches by V. M. Molotov and others and L'Histoire Du Parti Bolchevik et ses Enseignements Actuels Western Europe—The Challenge of Unity. By Denis Healey. Pamphlet, Toronto, Canadian Institute of International Affairs, 1950. 24 pp. (Behind the Headlines, vol. IX, no. 7.) 8″×s″. 15 cents.The Challenge of Human Rights. By Charles Malik. Pamphlet. Toronto, Canadian Institute of International Affairs, 1949. 16 pp. (Behind the Headlines, vol. IX, no. 6.) 8″ × 5″. 15 cents.Gateway to Human Freedom: a Study of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in the light of Rotary principles and resources. Pamphlet, London, International Service Committee of the Rotary Club of London, [1947]. 16 pp. 812′​′× 512′​′⁠. 6d.South-West Africa and the International Court. By Julian Mockford. Pamphlet. London, Diplomatic Press, 1950. 16 pp. Map. 8″×5″. 1s.The Future of Industry in South Africa. By Harry Oppenheimer. Johannesburg, South African Institute of Race Relations [1950]. 8′​′×514′​′⁠. 3d.Point Four and the World Economy. By J. B. Condliffe. Pamphlet. New York, Foreign Policy Association, 1950. 62 pp. Illus. (Headline Series, no. 79.) 734′​′×514′​′ 35 cents.Liberty: a Path to its Recovery. By F. A. Harper. New York, Foundation for Economic Education, 1949. 159 pp. Index. 9″×6″. $1.Signatures, Ratifications, Acceptances, Accessions, etc., concerning the Multilateral Conventions and Agreements in respect of which the Secretary-General acts as Depository. London, H.M.S.O. for United Nations, 1949. vii+139PP. 11′​′×812′​′ 9s.Commonwealth Handbook: a Guide to Departments, Organisations and Societies in the United Kingdom concerned with the British Empire. London, Royal Empire Society, 1949. 56 pp. Index. 812′​′×512′​′ 1s. 6d.A Christian Year Book: a Popular Reference Book of Places, People and Events, Societies and Churches—including those concerned with the Ecumenical Christian Movement. 1950 ed. London, S.C.M. and Lutterworth, 1950. 304 pp. Index. 714′​′×5′​′⁠.‘Pravda’ Articles on the Occasion of the 70th Birthday of Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin, 21 December 1949. Pamphlet. London, Soviet News, 1950. 73PP 714′​′×434′​′⁠. 3d.Fulfilment of the State Plan for 1949: Communique of the Central Statistical Administration of the U.S.S.R. Council of Ministers. Pamphlet. London, Soviet News, 1950. 22 pp. 714′​′×5′​′⁠. 1d.Soviet Union at the Polls: Election Speeches by V. M. Molotov and others. Pamphlet. London, Soviet News, 1950. 83 pp. 714′​′×434′​′⁠. 3d.L’Histoire Du Parti Bolchevik et ses Enseignements Actuels. By Georges Cogniot. Paris, Editions Sociales [1949]. 47 pp. 714′​′×5′​′ 48frs. International Affairs, Volume 26, Issue 3, July 1950, Pages 454–455, https://doi.org/10.1093/ia/26.3.454 Published: 01 July 1950

The Library World Volume 23 Issue 7

Economy is resurgent in the land, and in characteristically English fashion it applies its attention to health and education. In election speeches one gets such expressions as: “We have been promised an era of universal happiness, but those who made the promise had never considered what it would cost!” The typical speaker we have quoted regarded the whole situation from the point of view of the pocket. The fact that happiness might be worth any cost, if only it were universal, seems not to have occurred to him. This loose thinking is affecting public libraries. We are now busy estimating, and most of us have received hints to retrench. This we are bound to do within reason, as no librarian wants to see the totality of rates increased; but wo hope that all librarians will do their utmost to see that economy is not carried to an evil excess.