Election-related Violence Research Articles

Unveiling the Underlying Factors and Ripple Effects of Electoral Violence in the Tamale Metropolis

This study reveals the underlying factors promoting electoral-related violence and its effects in the Tamale metropolis. The case study design guided the research, with a mixed-methods approach used for the data collection. Two hundred and fifty closed and open-ended questionnaires were administered to respondents, while five key informant in-depth interviews were conducted. Quantitative data was analysed using the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS), and a thematic approach was used to analyse the qualitative data obtained from the study. It was revealed that electoral violence is engendered by multifaceted root causes, encompassing political, social, and economic dimensions. However, poverty was noted as the leading cause of electoral violence in the Tamale metropolis, representing 34.8%. The research found that election-related violence has significant effects on the socio-economic development of Tamale metropolis. These include the maiming of people, deaths, and destruction of public and private properties. These findings confirm the conceptual framework on which this study is anchored. Drawn from identity and interest-group theories, the conceptual framework posited that election-related violence leads to loss of lives, loss of property, harassment of citizens, displacement of citizens, disruption of public order, and maiming of citizens. It was further established that addressing the problem of electoral violence in the Tamale metropolis requires a comprehensive and multi-faceted approach that involves various stakeholders, including government agencies, civil society organisations, political parties, and the local community. Therefore, it is recommended that the government work in collaboration with non-governmental and civil society organisations and community stakeholders to address poverty among youth by creating employment opportunities. This has the potential and significant tendency to reduce the influence of politicians in inciting the youth to indulge in electoral violence-related activities.

The Socio-Economic Impacts of Election-Related Violence in Nairobi from 1992 to 2022

The Socio-Economic Impacts of Election-Related Violence in Nairobi from 1992 to 2022

Preventing Tech-Fueled Political Violence: What online platforms can do to ensure they do not contribute to election-related violence

Preventing Tech-Fueled Political Violence: What online platforms can do to ensure they do not contribute to election-related violence

Foreign Aid, Violence, and Electoral Support in Developing Countries: Experimental Evidence From the Philippines

Election-related violence is rampant in many developing countries that receive foreign aid. However, it is not well understood why voters often elect representatives who are associated with such violence. In this article, I investigate why voters might support politicians who resort to violence. I argue that the poor tend to vote for candidates who deliver tangible local benefits through foreign aid projects even when those candidates use violence during election periods. To support this argument, I conducted a nationwide survey in the Philippines that included an experiment about the effects of foreign aid and violence on voters’ electoral support for a candidate. I find that poor voters who reside in a region where basic public goods and services are deficient are more likely to support a candidate whose district has received foreign aid, regardless of her alleged electoral violence. This research sheds light on a mechanism that links poverty to electoral violence in less developed countries. It also reveals an unintended consequence of foreign aid: increasing the likelihood of electoral violence.

The Effects of Electoral Violence on Women’s Legislative Representation

Despite the global expansion in women’s access to political leadership in recent decades, female parliamentarians remain a distinct minority in most national legislatures. Previous studies have linked variations in women’s descriptive representation to international and domestic security threats, such as interstate war and transnational terrorist campaigns. However, existing research has thus far overlooked how the turbulence, unrest, and violence often associated with the election process itself may produce gendered electoral outcomes. I argue that violent contention in the period immediately preceding elections introduces gendered distortions to the political recruitment process that determines the gender composition of legislatures. The cumulative effect of these distortions is a reduction in the proportion of legislative seats subsequently held by women. To evaluate my hypothesis, I analyze data from 620 nominally competitive legislative elections in 128 countries between 1990 and 2012. Consistent with expectations, the results suggest that higher levels of election-related violence are associated with lower rates of women's descriptive representation.

Electoral Violence in Kenya and Some Mitigating Initiatives

In Kenya, election-related violence, involving the youth, has been prominent since 1992. This research article examines the initiatives employed in order to respond to electoral violence in Kenya, as it samples Kawangware informal settlement in the capital city of Nairobi. It utilizes a mixed method research design in its endeavor to unveil the problem statement. In its data collection, it has relied heavily on the youth of Kawangware, key informants from the police, NGOs and youth groups, the local administration, village elders, and community leaders. To identify the respondents, stratified and purposive sampling procedures were used. Questionnaires, interviews, and focus group discussions were used to collect data. CAQDAS was used to analyze qualitative data, whereas IBM SPSS - 25 was used to analyses quantitative data. According to the findings, youth in Kawangware are considerably disenfranchised in all aspects of social life except voting. Politicians were also identified as the primary perpetrators of political mobilization that resulted in electoral violence. The study recommended that providing several options for youth advancement in life, as well as keeping politicians accountable, will minimize youth participation in electoral violence in Kawangware.

Electoral Violence in Africa: An Analysis of Factors, Dimensions, Effects and Mitigating Factors

Elections are key elements of democratic processes. This article aims at providing reasons for election-related violence in Africa, their dimensions, effects, and mitigating factors. Elections are supposed to provide for a transparent and peaceful change of government, the distribution of power, and the promotion of democracy, but most elections in Africa are characterized by violence at various stages of the process. In war-torn countries and even in some stable African countries, incumbents are often manipulating or believed to be tampering with the electoral processes. The opposition parties also have incentives to further their strength through the use of violence. Such violence is potentially damaging democratic processes and undermining progress towards democratization. Electoral violence has varied causes, as highlighted in this article. Beyond direct effects such as hindering people from casting their vote and preventing candidates from participating in the electoral process, electoral violence can have long-term effects. Thus, managing election-related violence would build a strong, democratic, and peaceful society based on the rule of law, accountability, and transparency. Various strategies are used by different actors to achieve this. This article uses a qualitative research design. Information on the research is gathered purely from the review of scholarly articles and reports on the topic. The information presented is based on a synthesis of findings from these sources. From the synthesis of information from other reviews, we have in this article gathered and presented the main causes, effects, dimensions, and some mitigating factors of electoral violence in Africa.

Analysing election-related violence in the 2011 national elections in the Democratic Republic of Congo

ABSTRACT This study seeks to explore the triggers, perpetrators and consequences of electoral violence in the 2011 national elections in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). From the perspective of different domestic and international electoral observers, the 2011 elections in the DRC were marred by violence. A qualitative approach based on secondary resources was employed to achieve the purpose of the study. Following the content analysis of various documents related to electoral violence during the 2011 elections in the DRC, the findings of the study indicated that members of law enforcement and state agencies (police, the national intelligence agency, the Republican Guard and administrative authorities) including supporters of political parties were identified as the main perpetrators of election-related violence in the DRC. In addition, the paper showed that structural causes such as weak institutionalisation of democracy together with lack of national sense of cohesion were the potential triggers of the 2011 election-related violence in the DRC.

COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF ELECTORAL VIOLENCE IN THE 2015 AND 2019 GENERAL ELECTIONS IN NIGERIA AND THE ROLE OF SECURITY AGENCIES: PROSPECTS FOR FUTURE ELECTIONS

Democratic political system is one which makes the government responsive and accountable to the people. Election on the other hand is the fulcrum of democracy hence; election related violence cannot be discussed without the role of security agencies and various non-state actors in the elections. This is a prerequisite for maintenance of law and order that brings about stability and enhances national security. Nigerian democracy since inception has been a subject of controversy with periodic elections consistently marred with issues of violent crises and insecurity. The 2015 and 2019 general elections in Nigeria were no different, the two elections recorded the height of ethno-religious tension in the history of Nigerian election as well as ethno-religious violence that threatened the indivisibility of the entire country. While the 2015 was relatively peaceful despite the violence tension it created in the pre-election campaigning, the 2019 elections were marred with violence. More so, the elections were held in the most insecure atmosphere with the Boko Haram conflict and the herders/farmers conflict going in the northeast and north central zones simultaneously. In addition, security during elections was a source of concern. The Police and other security agencies were often accused of partiality during electoral processes. The paper carries out a comparative analysis of electoral violence during 2015 and 2019 general elections. Drawing data from both primary and secondary sources such as in-depth interviews, key informant interviews (KII), questionnaires and extant literatures

‘I have opened the land for you’: pastoralist politics and election-related violence in Kenya’s arid north

ABSTRACT The shadow of election violence has hung over Kenyan politics since 2008, when post-election violence erupted across the country. These events paved the way for major national reforms, including the devolution of central government, designed to counteract tendencies of ethnic patronage and violence. Kenya’s subsequent election cycles have not seen the same explosion of nationwide violence, and therefore little has been written about election violence in Kenya in the post-devolution years. However, this article draws attention to the arid, pastoralist-dominated north, where there have in fact been significant episodes of violence that are election-related. Drawing on ethnographic research, it explores the case of Samburu, Isiolo and Laikipia counties during the 2017 and 2022 election cycles, when mass movements of armed pastoralists and herds forced their way, often violently, into targeted areas of land, resulting in widespread clashes, killings and displacement. The article investigates the endogenous elites and machinations within nomadic Samburu communities involved in and affected by this violence, using a ‘public authority lens’. It argues that ongoing governance changes in this region have created opportunities for political elites to mobilise territorial violence for strategic, political ends in advance of elections, including through a previously undocumented practice of “vote shipping”.

Journalists’ Level of Safety at Election Seasons in Southwest Nigeria

The study used survey-style descriptive research. All of southwest Nigeria’s media outlets made up the population. 200 respondents made up the study’s sample, using a multi-stage sampling approach that included stratified random and simple random sampling techniques. A questionnaire titled “Level of Safety of Journalists Questionnaire” was used to gather data (LSJQ). The instrument’s reliability was assessed using the Cronbach Alpha technique, and a reliability co-efficient of 0.81 was found. The validity of the instrument was proven through the face and content validity. Both descriptive and inferential statistics were used to examine the data acquired; more specifically, descriptive statistics were utilized for the research question and t-tests were employed for the research hypothesis. The study found a modest level of safety for journalists covering elections, and there is no discernible difference between male and female journalists' perceptions of this safety. Considering the results of this investigation, it was suggested that media organizations step up their efforts by offering the required protective gear to reporters during election seasons. Government and non-governmental organizations should work together to protect journalists during election seasons. There should be public awareness campaigns and programs against election-related violence against journalists.

The nature of political alienation and electoral violence in Nigeria: A critical analysis of the 2019 general elections

The Nigerian political system has experienced a high level of election-related violence at various epochs of its development. The incidences of violence during elections in Nigeria have resulted in the loss of lives and posed a threat to electoral participation and political stability. The study surveyed the perceptions of Nigerians on the effect of violence on the participation of eligible voters in the Nigerian electoral process. It attempts to ascertain the cause of the low turnout of voters in the 2019 general elections. The study adopted the survey research design and used data from 1,200 respondents selected from six local government areas representing the six geo-political zones. Simple percentages and Chi-Square statistical techniques were employed to test and determine the degree of association intrinsic to the stated hypotheses. The findings from the study show a positive relationship between violence and alienation. Thus, political violence perpetrated by political opponents and parties (among others) during elections results in the alienation of voters from the electoral process. Consequently, it is opined that the federal and state governments should put on modalities to mitigate the incidence of violence during elections. Also, perpetrators of electoral violence should be prosecuted and sanctioned accordingly.

The Role of the African Union in Addressing Election-Related Violence

The Role of the African Union in Addressing Election-Related Violence

A Quantitative Analysis of the Health, Education and Security Perspectives of Election-Related Violence in Nigeria

Election Related Violence (ERV) constitutes one of the major challenges facing democracies around the world and is mostly common among developing countries with young democracies, these countries are often left with debilitating effects from ERV. While there are many dimensions of ERV, this quantitative study explores the health, education and security perspectives of ERV. A total of 500 questionnaires were administered and 287 questionnaires were received, female participants constituted the minority (32%) while participants within the age bracket of 31-40 made up over a third (38%) of the respondents, furthermore, majority (38%) of the respondents possessed a Bachelor’s degree while a strong majority of the respondents (76%) were senior civil servants between the grade levels of seven to fourteen. Over a third (40%) of the respondents agreed that various types of trauma were the most common health challenges of those who experienced ERV. Another majority (60%) of the respondents believe that the absence of viable political education among the masses was largely responsible for ERV. Over a third (40%) of the respondents opined that the security lapses from security agents was one of the key factors responsible for ERV. The results drawn from the study indicated that ERV in Nigeria may have been amplified by poor voter education among the masses and shortfalls in the provision of adequate security structure employed for the purpose of the peaceful conduct of elections, the study also showed that there was a dearth of adequate health policies that would have helped address the attendant health related aftereffects of ERV. This study provides insights on the health, education and security perspectives of ERV. This could help in creating a deeper understanding of the ERV phenomenon as well as the development of strategies and policies that could lead to the effective control of ERV in areas where it is prevalent.

Election Related Violence in Nigeria: The Health, Education and Security Perspectives. A Qualitative Study

Democracy as a system of government is commonly practised in most countries of the world. While it is popular mostly due to its unique attribute of selecting leaders through elections, it is characterized by various levels of violence in some regions especially among developing countries. The violence that is perpetrated before, during and after elections is mostly referred to as Election Related Violence (ERV). ERV tends to affect most areas of a country’s development thereby leading to poor governance, insecurity, corruption among other effects. This study seeks to investigate the health, educational and security perspectives of ERV. The methodology employed for the gathering of data for this study was the qualitative research method. Thirteen purposively selected participants were interviewed; these participants were staff of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) who may have experienced ERV in the course of their jobs. The interviews and questionnaires were designed to elicit responses on the respondents’ views on the health, education and security perspectives of ERV. The responses obtained from the respondents were grouped thematically; some of the themes that emerged from the study include the negative actions of political parties and candidates, lack of adequate political education among the masses and the inadequate welfare packages for electoral workers, etc. This research suggests that for peaceful elections to be achievable in Nigeria and other countries with similar challenges, the relevant laws dissuading ERV have to be enforced, mass political education for the masses will need to be properly designed and implemented, adequate welfare and training for electoral workers and an improved security system for elections will have to be developed among other measures recommended by this study.

Election-Related Violence in the Philippines: Trends, Targets, and Perpetrators

Election-Related Violence in the Philippines: Trends, Targets, and Perpetrators

Gunshot Injuries in Port Harcourt, Nigeria: The University Teaching Hospitals’ Experience

Background: Gunshot injuries constitute significant contributor to morbidity and mortality of the healthcare in most societies. The global burden of gunshot injuries seems to be on the rise with the increase in violent crimes and unrest across the world.
 Aim: The aim of this study was to determine the pattern of gunshot injuries seen in the surgery departments of the two Teaching Hospitals in Port Harcourt from January 2010 to January 2019.
 Materials and Methods: A descriptive retrospective study was carried out using data obtained from registers for patients who had gunshot injuries from January 2010 to January 2019 in two government-owned tertiary healthcare facilities in Port Harcourt.
 Results: A total of 1138 cases of gunshot injuries was recorded within the ten-year study period, with relatively higher number of cases seen during the 2011/2012 (122/116), 2015 (134), and 2019 (138). The age range 20 - 44 years are more involved in these injuries, and abdominal injuries (205 cases) top the record followed by lower limb injuries (132 cases).
 Conclusion: Gunshot injury is a significant contributor to morbidity and mortality among patients in Port Harcourt, with a total of 1138 cases seen within the ten-year study period. Males were six times affected than females. There is need to equip these reference hospitals for trauma care, and reduce election-related violence in Port Harcourt as this appears to be taking a toll on the citizens.

‘The Men Watching Our Borders’: The Evolution, Identity, and Tenacity of Chinkororo in Gusii, Kenya

Non-state armed groups have been the subject of research in Kenya for a long time. Many of them emerge in response to social, political, and economic inequalities and the dissatisfactions they engender. Kenyan society is marked by unemployment, a huge gap between the rich and the poor, and marginalization due to ethnic-based politics. As a result, almost every region in Kenya has registered at least one instance of activity by a non-state armed group. These groups have posed a continuous threat to the social and political spheres of Kenya and were banned under the Kenyan Prevention of Organized Crime Act of 2010. However, many of them are still active. The author focuses here on the Chinkororo movement in Kisii county. There exist competing perspectives on the role of Chinkororo: it is viewed as a group of traditional warriors from Abagusii, a criminal gang, a vigilante for economic and political hire by the highest bidder, or even a security provider filling the government’s security gaps. The author outlines the history and activities of Chinkororo and the reasons for its continuing vibrancy despite a government ban through the enactment of the Prevention of Organized crime Act. The paper argues that Chinkororo is, in fact, a vigilante that transitioned from being a simple neighbourhood formation to a political and economic instrument for violent post-election score-settling. Its activities come more into the limelight during electioneering periods. Accordingly, it is hard to extinguish Chinkororo’s activities because of constant election-related violence in Kenya.

Political party elite and election-related violence in Nigeria: The nexus and implications for democracy and governance

Failure to conduct violence-free elections in Nigeria has frequently reflected in the writings of local and foreign election observers and monitoring groups. Previous studies have devoted much attention to the consequences of electoral violence on sustenance and consolidation of democracy but less attention has been paid to the role political party elite play in this violence. This study examined the role of political party elite in election-related violence in Nigeria, 2011-2019. It equally assessed its nexus and implications for democracy and governance. The study utilized documentary research method using qualitative documentary analysis to analyze the data obtained from secondary sources following four-step approach. Findings revealed that political party elite exerted greater influence on politically-sponsored thugs, who were utilized to perpetrate election-related violence due to zerosum game, winners-takes-all syndrome, and non-punishment of electoral offenders with far-reaching implications for popular participation, free, fair and credible election, party politics, leadership legitimacy and stable polity. The study submitted that curbing party elite-sponsored electoral violence requires that the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and the National Assembly wake up to their responsibility of ensuring strict enforcement of laws for electoral offences as this would deter both sponsors and perpetrators from engaging in violence during election.

Introducing the Deadly Electoral Conflict Dataset (DECO)

This article introduces the Deadly Electoral Conflict dataset (DECO): a global, georeferenced event dataset on electoral violence with lethal outcomes from 1989 to 2017. DECO allows for empirical evaluation of theories relating to the timing, location, and dynamics of deadly electoral violence. By clearly distinguishing electoral violence from related (and sometimes concurrent) instances of organized violence, DECO is particularly suitable for investigating how election-related violence is connected to other forms of violent political contention. In the article, we present the theoretical and methodological underpinnings of the data collection and discuss empirical patterns that emerge in DECO. We also demonstrate one potential use of DECO by examining the association between United Nations peacekeeping forces and the prevalence of deadly electoral violence in conflict-affected countries.