Electoral Reform Research Articles

Re-Imagining Transformative Strategies to End Minority Marginalization in Ethiopia

Abstract Since 1991, Ethiopia embarked on a journey to create an ethnically egalitarian state, aiming to rectify historical injustices and protect minority rights. Ironically, what was meant to be a beacon of equality has turned into a pervasive experience of minority marginalization. This stark reality underscores the failures of the existing legal and institutional frameworks. This article, therefore, critically examine the transformative strategies to end marginalization of minorities in Ethiopia. The study employed a qualitative research approach blending both primary and secondary data sources. The findings revealed that the failures of existing constitutional promises and institutional frameworks regarding the protection of minority rights, necessitating re-imaginations of transformative strategies. The study advocates for the progression of national and local minority rights institutions, the implementation of transitional justice measures, the instigation of electoral reforms, and the decentralization of power. Furthermore, the establishment of minority autonomous governance and the augmentation of local government capacity are recommended. Additionally, the formation of national minority councils, accentuating parliamentary endorsement for legislative reforms by minority representatives and public service reform is suggested to enhance minority employment opportunities. Lastly, the study recommended equal media access to promote the political participation and freedom of expression of marginalized minority groups.

Knowledge, deception, and freedom of expression: a critical examination of Ireland’s approach to disinformation under the Electoral Reform Act 2022

ABSTRACT Ireland’s Electoral Reform Act introduces several key provisions under Parts 4 and 5 which are designed to curtail the spread of misleading electoral communications. This article’s focus is on how these provisions enable divergence from established EU standards surrounding intermediary liability for harmful online communications. Identifying how the application of these provisions may undermine the right to freedom of expression under EU law, this article further distils the applicable principles which should inform how online platforms limit access to misleading information in electoral settings. This article filters these principles from applicable case law of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) and the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR). Drawing from the analytical approaches of these courts to false electoral communications, this article not only assesses how Ireland’s Electoral Reform Act may undermine the right to freedom of expression but also provides a template for how EU and Member State legislation in the disinformation field can promote compatibility with human rights.

Zimbabwe opposition’s quest for electoral reforms in the post-GNU era: from Unity to action

Zimbabwe opposition’s quest for electoral reforms in the post-GNU era: from Unity to action

Electoral reform in Ukraine: main achievements and impact of the Russian-Ukrainian war

The article is devoted to the electoral reform in Ukraine in the context of European integration processes and the ongoing Russian-Ukrainian war, including after the full-scale invasion. The results of the electoral reform implementation in 2019-2021 are summarised. The author describes the achievements of the 2019 election campaigns in terms of adherence to the principles of transparency, competitiveness, and democracy, as well as recommendations for further improvement of the electoral legislation. The author emphasises the importance of codifying the regulatory framework for elections. It is noted that the adoption of the Electoral Code and its further implementation contributed to the stabilisation and integration ofelectoral legislation. The author identifies the key achievements of the electoral reform: the introduction of a proportional system with open regional party lists, ensuring the voting rights of internally displaced persons, the introduction of gender quotas, and the creation of conditions for voting by people with disabilities. The negative impact of the full-scale Russian aggression on the electoral reform, which largely concerns the system of election organisation, is investigated. The author identifies the factors that complicate the organisation and conduct of elections in wartime: the inability to guarantee the safety of electoral participants, significant financial costs, the difficulty of ensuring proper voting in the face of rocket attacks, etc. The author concludes that it is impossible to hold elections under the legal regime of martial law. The article reveals the content of the new tasks of reforming the electoral system caused by the full-scale war. The author emphasises the need to continue the electoral reform initiated before the full-scale war as a condition for the successful implementation of Ukraine's European integration aspirations.

Exploring the connection between electoral systems and personalized behaviour among politicians and voters

AbstractThe personalization of politics includes electoral reforms that give voters more opportunity to select individual representatives as well as behavioural personalization among voters and politicians. Institutional research suggests that the latter is a function of the former, but it remains unclear whether the association between the two types of personalization is actually causal. In order to get empirical leverage on this question, we analyze local elections in Denmark, which feature within‐district and within‐party variation in the openness of party lists. Using detailed information on the behaviour of politicians and voters, we find that, once we take differences between districts and parties into account, the personalization of electoral rules has a negligible effect on behavioural personalization.

An Analysis of Contextual Factors Influencing women's Candidacy in Local Elections: Insights From Italy

ABSTRACTExtensive research showed that the gender gap in electoral participation, both active and passive, is linked to cultural and socio‐economic aspects that can combine in diverse ways across different territories, leading to regional disparities. The present study analyzes how such heterogeneity in cultural and socio‐economic conditions interacts with the level of female participation in political competition in Italy, as measured by the proportion of female candidates in municipal elections from 2009 to 2016. Focusing on the gender dimension of candidacy in local elections, the study investigates its territorial determinants, particularly the role of the social and economic context. The research is innovative in two ways. First, it utilizes a large original panel dataset covering gender aspects of electoral candidatures at the municipal level as well as many socio‐economic contextual characteristics. Second, it employs a specification of the Correlated Random Effects Within‐Between model, which allows to disentangle the effect of both time‐variant and time‐invariant information within a panel data framework. Finally, the time period examined is of interest as it encompasses the Italian electoral reform known as Law 215/2012, which introduced a gender list quota at the municipal level. The results of the study suggest that policies to reduce the gender gap must aim not only at introducing quotas for women's representation but also at acting on all those economic and social factors that limit the presence of women in electoral candidacy.

Electoral Reforms in India in the form of Digitisation and its Future Potential

The research paper discusses the impact of digitalization on electoral reforms in India, focusing on its potential to enhance transparency, voter engagement, and efficiency in elections. It also identifies challenges like misinformation and digital literacy gaps while proposing measures to improve electoral processes, such as strengthening cybersecurity and promoting voter surveillance.

Does Proportionality Increase Turnout? A Study of Adaptation to Oscillating Electoral Systems

Does proportionality increase turnout? This article studies a national electoral reform in early twentieth-century Argentina that was implemented asymmetrically across districts, creating a natural laboratory in which some districts oscillated between electoral systems across elections. Leveraging this unusual variation in a difference-in-differences design, this article shows that a shift from multi-member plurality rules towards a slightly more proportional system—which removed one-third of the contested seats from the grasp of the dominant party—led to a four percentage point increase in turnout. An investigation into causal mechanisms indicates that more proportional rules, by increasing the odds that smaller parties obtain seats, promoted strategic party entry and intensified electoral competition, both between and within parties. These findings complement existing quasi-experimental results that focus exclusively on elections in European democracies, confirm that parties are able to adapt immediately to changes in electoral rules, and refute the belief that proportionality does not affect turnout in Latin America.

Electoral Systems and the Autocrat’s Trade-Off: Evidence from the Russian Duma

abstract: Legislative elections sustain authoritarian regimes, but distinct electoral systems simultaneously benefit and hurt the political prospects of those regimes. The author theorizes about a trade-off between electoral systems that facilitate information on local elite preferences, and systems that maintain legislative control. An electoral system can achieve either, but not at the same time. The author undertakes an empirical study of Russian federal deputies, half of whom are elected in single-member districts, the other half on a nationwide closed-party list. Candidates can register on both lists (N = 515), and district results determine final list affiliation. Electoral incentives change abruptly for deputies who are barely winning or losing their district, a fact that the author exploits to identify the effects of local representation on pro- and antiregime parliamentary behavior. The results support a trade-off: district-list deputies convey more information on local preferences in their speeches than party-list deputies do, but they oppose law proposals more frequently. How autocrats weigh this trade-off determines the electoral system and illuminates electoral reform in autocracies.

The multiple patterns of factional influence: Evidence from the 2021 LDP presidential election

AbstractTraditionally, factions and seniority determined who became President of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and, thus, Japan's Prime Minister. Since the electoral reform of 1994, however, some scholars have argued that the role of factions has declined, and this has led to ongoing debates over the extent to which factions and other factors have helped determine who will become the leader of Japan's LDP. Using data from the 2021 LDP Presidential election, we find that it is not policy but factional affiliations that matter for LDP members in selecting their leader. In addition to this finding, we disaggregate faction and show that the influence of this political institution in LDP Presidential elections varies across different factions. We also find that electorally weaker LDP incumbents are more likely to support a candidate who is more popular among Japanese voters in general.

The Impact of the 2022 Electoral Reform on the Credibility of the 2023 General Elections in Nigeria

Over the years, Nigeria has faced serious election fraud, leading many Nigerians to lose confidence in the electoral process. In 2022, the new Electoral Act was introduced, creating more opportunities for the integration of technologies like BVAS and IREV to improve voter accreditation, result transmission, and real-time election viewership for all stakeholders. This development was welcomed by many Nigerians who hoped the Act would restore voter confidence in the country. However, the outcome of the elections, particularly the presidential elections, indicated that the Act failed to meet the expectations of Nigerians. This study therefore examined the Electoral Act 2022 and the election credibility of the 2023 elections. It explored why the Act failed to mitigate insecurity and ensure effective transmission and viewing of election results, which are key to free and fair elections. Using a mixed research approach to data collection and analysis, the study drew on direct responses from voters and stakeholders, scholarly literature, media reports, and findings from election observer groups. The results indicate that while the Act provides a legal framework for stronger elections in Nigeria, it has not sufficiently ensured a free and fair election in the presidential polls. The study concludes that the Act alone cannot guarantee transparent elections due to poor implementation by stakeholders and certain grey areas in the Act that were exploited for election manipulation. The researcher recommends revisiting or strengthening these grey areas to prevent manipulation by elites and ensuring effective implementation by all stakeholders. Specifically, the study suggests the integration of technological advancements, such as blockchain for secure voting, electronic voting systems to enhance accessibility, geospatial technology for better logistics management, and secure mobile applications for real-time results transmission, to further bolster election credibility and transparency in Nigeria.

Unveiling the Apathy: Understanding the Causes of Student Disengagement in Student Governance

This study delved into the causes of student disengagement in any form of student-based governance of the University of Cebu College of Arts and Sciences Department's Student Body Organization (CAS-SBO) during the academic year 2023-2024. A descriptive phenomenological research design was employed, exploring participants' experiences in student governance, how these experiences influence their lack of total disengagement and the strategies that could revitalize their engagement and active participation in the said area. Data were gathered through in-depth interviews with twelve students selected via linear snowball sampling, focusing on those with prior governance experience who did not participate in recent CAS-SBO activities. Thematic content analysis revealed nine emergent themes: (1) Lack of Connection, Inequality in Representation, and Faculty Intervention as essential experiences in student governance; (2) Student Unfamiliarity, Feeling Unrepresented, and Unmet Expectations as reasons for disengagement; and (3) Inclusive Activities, Addressing Electoral Disparity, and Empowered Leadership as potential strategies to increase engagement. Based on these findings, the study recommends regular CAS-SBO general assemblies, teambuilding exercises, leadership seminars, and the election of representatives for each degree program to foster more vital student involvement and improve representation. The study also suggests future research topics, including electoral system reforms and former CAS-SBO presidents' experiences.

Toward Digital Election in Indonesia: Cost Effectiveness Analysis of IVORI (Internet-Voting Republik Indonesia) as an e-Voting System

The election in 2019 was held simultaneously, where people directly elected the DPR, DPD, Provincial/Regency/City DPRD, President and Vice President on April 17, 2019. All the changes in the implementation of elections in Indonesia since 1999, all of them are still carried out using paper. The history of the simultaneous elections in Indonesia in 2019, which were quite expensive, is a consideration for a more sustainable election process. Since the beginning of this century, internet voting has become the most straightforward and prevalent electoral reform adopted by many countries, with the goal of lowering voting expenses by enhancing convenience. This study aims to compare the Cost-Effectiveness Analysis (CEA) of conventional elections using paper ballots with digital-based elections using internet voting (I-voting) and we also developed a prototype of a digital election system called IVORI (I-Voting Republik Indonesia). The results show that elections using the I-voting system are proven to be 71% more cost-effective than conventional systems. IVORI is an internet-based digital election web application that offers two features, namely "VOTING" which will only be active on election day for voters who are eligible to vote and have been previously registered so that they can log in to the application using their ID number and voting station code and the "INFORMASI KANDIDAT" feature which can be accessed by voters during the candidate's campaign period which contains information about the background and work program plans of each candidate.

Electoral vulnerability and localism under two electoral regimes: the case of Chile

ABSTRACT This article seeks to test empirically to what extent localist behavior by legislators is influenced by electoral vulnerability in Chile, following a recent electoral reform. Our results show that such a relationship exists in the case of non-legislative speeches delivered in the Chamber of Deputies, but not in the case of personal meetings held by parliamentarians with constituents. Furthermore, we found that the relationship between electoral vulnerability and a focus on local issues depends on district magnitude. By examining pre- and post-reform periods, after district magnitude was increased while preserving proportional rules, we also show that incentives to cultivate personal votes are more nuanced under the reformed system.

Deceitful autocratization: Subverting democracy through electoral reform in Mexico

AbstractAntipluralist incumbents often resort to opaque and deceptive strategies to subvert democracy. One such strategy involves devising formal institutions that pretend to promote and deepen democracy while enforcing authoritarian rule instead. This study labels such a strategy as “deceitful autocratization” and argues that a case that illustrates how antipluralist presidents promote it is the electoral reform launched by Andrés Manuel López Obrador in Mexico. The analysis shows that López Obrador is a populist leader who also features prominent illiberal and antipluralist attributes. The article examines the political process that led to the legal modifications he introduced, which aimed at an overhaul of the country's system of electoral governance, one of the crucial foundations of Mexican democracy. The reform was supposed to democratize the regime, eliminate electoral fraud, and reduce the cost of elections. In fact, it represented a step forward in establishing competitive authoritarianism.

Evaluating electoral reforms and its consequences in Indonesia and Thailand (2000–2023)

Evaluating electoral reforms and its consequences in Indonesia and Thailand (2000–2023)

A Racial Model of Electoral Reform: The Relationship between Restrictive Voting Policies and Voter Confidence for Black and White Voters

Abstract In Crawford v. Marion County (2008), the Supreme Court ruled that voter identification requirements are lawful on the grounds that, even if they do not prevent fraud, they can instill confidence in voting. However, this reasoning ignores the historical and contemporary racial biases in the enactment and administration of restrictive voting policies in the United States. This legacy likely colors the extent to which Black and white voters see reforms as deterring fraud versus increasing suppression, and as such, how confident they are in election outcomes. We examine how increasing voter restrictions affects voter fraud beliefs and voter confidence among Black and white voters. We find that the enactment of restrictive policies decreases fraud beliefs among white voters but has no effect on fraud beliefs for Black voters; however, Black voters are less confident in elections when conducted with more restrictive policies while white voters are not. Finally, we find suggestive evidence that the racial gap in the effects of restrictive voting policies on voter confidence is partially undergirded by racial elite signaling.

Measuring the Extent to Which Voter Fraud Beliefs Link Election Reforms to Voter Confidence in the United States

Abstract Proponents of restrictive voting policies argue that they are necessary to reduce fraud beliefs and instill confidence in elections. However, recent scholarship examining this dynamic in the United States finds that the effects of voting restrictions on fraud beliefs and voter confidence differ by party, suggesting the extent to which fraud beliefs undergird this relationship may also differ by party. Whether voter fraud beliefs tie voter restrictions to voter confidence is inherently important given the assumed role of voter fraud beliefs and voter restrictions in increasing voter confidence, an issue well highlighted in the 2020 election. This study contributes to this literature by measuring the extent to which voter fraud beliefs undergird the relationship between restrictive election policies and voter confidence among Republicans and Democrats. Findings suggest that voter fraud beliefs play a significant and substantive mediating role for Republicans but not Democrats, in line with prominent theories arguing that partisan elite signaling colors electoral reform perceptions.

Electoral reform and fragmented polarization: New evidence from Taiwan legislative roll calls

AbstractThis paper investigates how legislators respond to an electoral reform by adjusting their positions with respect to co‐partisans and rivals. Using cross‐sectional legislative roll calls over 20 years, we study how the dynamics of blue‐green confrontation are influenced by Taiwan's electoral reform from Single Non‐Transferable Votes (the SNTV) to Single‐Member Districts (SMD). Contrary to existing literature, our empirical evidence shows that the reform significantly fragmented legislator positions within their party and in relation to members from opposing parties, leading to an increase in contentious legislation and higher levels of both inter‐ and intra‐party distance. In the years following the reform, the political confrontation between the Kuomintang and the Democratic Progressive Party gradually diminished, eventually returning to levels seen before the reform. Moreover, our analysis reveals that the 2008 reform had heterogeneous effects on different parties, with each party displaying varying levels of resilience in response. This finding contributes to electoral system literature, providing policy implications for democratic countries contemplating electoral reforms.

A Study on Electoral Reforms and Their Effectiveness in Enhancing Democratic Participation in Indian Context

A Study on Electoral Reforms and Their Effectiveness in Enhancing Democratic Participation in Indian Context