Elected Officials Research Articles

The Role of Regional Bawaslu as a Supervisor in the Prevention and Hndling of Election Administration Violations in the City of Sukabumi

Background. General elections are held simultaneously, including the election of members of the House of Representatives, members of the Regional Representative Council, President and Vice President, and to elect members of the Regional People's Representative Council, where in each process towards general elections there are several stages that need to be carried out by election participants. Purpose. In the general election stages, there are often negligence committed by election participants, one of which is election administration violations, election administration violations are violations committed by election participants or election organizers during the election stages. Method. In this research, the author uses normative juridical research methods that are qualitative in nature. Results. Based on the findings made by the Sukabumi City Bawaslu, there were 19 findings of administrative violations in Sukabumi City committed by 2019 election participants, including 16 violations of campaign props and 3 violations of campaigns without notification letters to the police. From the findings by the Sukabumi City Bawaslu related to administrative violations, the Sukabumi City Bawaslu is authorized to receive, examine, review, decide reports from the public or findings by the Election Supervisor related to alleged election administration violations. From the alleged violation of election administration, the settlement uses a fast event in accordance with Article 40 of Perbawaslu No. 8 of 2022. From the many findings of alleged election administration violations, Bawaslu of Sukabumi City made several prevention efforts including appeals, Bawaslu of Sukabumi City delivered appeals to the community, election officials, and election officials. Conclusion. Socialization, namely the implementation of the initialization of election rules and regulations and coordination to the community, election participants, and local government agencies, as well as law enforcement agencies conducting cooperation with coordination with law enforcement agencies related to elections.

NJAMHAA mourns the death of Lt. Gov. Sheila Oliver

NJAMHAA mourns the death of Lt. Gov. Sheila Oliver

STATE OWNED ENTERPRISES: 05 YEARS OF THE NEW CORPORATE GOVERNANCE RULES

ABSTRACTObjective: This article intends to address the new Brazilian regulatory environment created by the SOEs Law (Law No. 13,303, of June 30, 2016) which created new corporate governance rules in state-owned enterprises for the election of directors, officers and fiscal council members, with the purpose of protecting the public companies, the mixed joint-stock corporation and its subsidiaries ("state-owned") against any possible (and unfortunately common) political-partisan interference in the appointment of the members of these top-level management positions in the SOEs. The article will also present cases of progress, setbacks, and the future of this new Brazilian legal norm.Methodology: Review of the bibliography and analysis of judicial and administrative precedents involving the application of new corporate governance rules for state-owned enterprises.Results: It is possible to conclude that the new corporate governance rules were created by Law No. 13,303, of June 30, 2016 with the purpose of protecting the state-owned enterprises (SOEs) against any possible (and unfortunately common) political-partisan interference in the appointment of the members of the top-level management positions in the SOEs.Contributions: From the results found, it is possible to verify: (a) One of the most relevant aspects of the Law No. 13,303, of June 30, 2016 was the creation of academic background, professional experience and professionalization for the top-level management of state-owned enterprises, as usual in the private sector. (b) that the Brazilian Securities and Exchange Commission (CVM) determined the application of the new corporate governance rules for state-owned enterprises; (c) the Judiciary, especially the Federal Supreme Court (STF), can make a relevant contribution if it decides to apply these new rules of governance corporate in order to mitigate political-partisan interference in the appointment of the members of these top-level management positions in the state-owned enterprises (SOEs).

MODERN PRACTICES OF COMBATING BUREAUCRACY IN WESTERN EUROPE

The article is devoted to the disclosure of modern practices of countering bureaucracy in Western Europe. Based on the results of the analysis of the scientific literature on this problem, it was proved that the mechanisms of countering bureaucracy began to form around the relevant legal field, the main of which are: ensuring the election of officials and the possibility of their recall; increasing the responsibility of officials; change of the remuneration system; reducing the field of application of "personal discretion"; conclusion of fixed-term contracts, contracts; control, revision and audit; expansion of opportunities to protect the rights and freedoms of citizens; reducing the limits for the use of personal discretion; professional education. The key areas of implementation of public sector reforms are highlighted: reducing the size and scope of public sector powers; improvement of the system of providing state (administrative) services; as short as possible terms of obtaining public services; change of the civil service management system; introduction of new mechanisms of relations with the public, ethical norms and standards for civil servants; changing the pay system for officials. It is proved that the opposition to bureaucracy in Western Europe had the character of improvement, rationalization of bureaucracy, subordination of its professional activities to the interests of citizens and civil society.

Hambatan Keterwakilan Politik Perempuan Di Indonesia

This study identifies the factors that prevent women in Indonesia from achieving elected office in the provincial level in Indonesia. The results showed that lack of access to financial resources, internal party politics, and women's marital status can be barriers to women achieving elected office. However, access to social and political networks that provide women with key resources, belonging to the dominant religion in your region, and age lead women to greater political success. These findings are based on the interpretation of statistical correlations and content analysis results from in-depth interviews and focus group discussions. The aim of this research is to provide evidence-based findings and recommendations, which can be used to increase the electability of women political candidates in elections.

Prioritizing Career Management Activities on Youth Leaders’ Retention: A Spherical Fuzzy Analytic Hierarchy Process-Based Approach

As youth organizations play a vital role in nation-building, retaining elected officials is essential for organizations to maintain created value. Youth are distinct from previous generations in their attitudes, behaviors, and personalities, and retaining them requires a distinct management strategy. This study aims to provide decision-makers with a more effective and efficient instrument for evaluating the types of career management activities contributing to the retention of SK Chairpersons. This study uses a spherical fuzzy analytic hierarchy-based approach to examine factors and activities according to their importance. It was conducted at Talakag, Bukidnon, participated by the SK Federation with twenty-nine (29) SK Chairpersons. The results indicate that "leadership and Management" is the most important factor, that "supportive leadership" has a significant impact on their retention, and that "development-oriented career management activities" have the greatest influence on increasing the retention of SK Chairpersons. To accomplish more with youth programs and activities, the federation, under the supervision of the Barangay Council in each barangay, should prioritize Career Planning and Reflection, Performance Feedback, and Skill Development.

How Political Content in Us Weekly Can Reduce Polarized Affect Toward Elected Officials

ABSTRACTPoliticians invest a lot of energy into managing their image, with the hope that the public views them favorably. In sharing details about themselves, elected officials want to be seen as people, not just as politicians. Are these efforts successful? I explore this question using an experiment inspired by a column in the celebrity entertainment magazine Us Weekly. I find that politicians who share nonpolitical autobiographical details about themselves secure warmer evaluations from the public. Reading this type of personalizing information also can contribute to ratings of elected officials that are less polarized by partisanship. While personalizing information boosts favorability toward politicians across party lines, members of the opposing party are particularly likely to report warmer affect toward the politician about whom they read. This suggests that this type of soft news coverage has the potential to depolarize partisan evaluations of politicians.

Perceived racial efficacy and voter engagement among African Americans

ABSTRACT This paper seeks to provide clarity on the link between Black people’s perceptions of racism in American institutions and society and voter engagement. We hypothesize that Black people with high feelings of racial efficacy, or the belief that government and society operate in a racially equitable manner, the more likely they will be to vote. Conversely, Black people with low racial efficacy are discouraged from voting. However, confidence in in-group leaders and movements can counteract the demobilizing risk of low racial efficacy. Our analysis uses data from an African American Research Collaborative national survey of 1200 Black voters. Analysis of turnout in 2016 finds that Black people with low racial efficacy were significantly less likely to vote, all else being equal. However, we find that having highly favorable attitudes toward Barack Obama, Black Elected Officials, and Black Lives Matter recovers the propensity to vote for low racial efficacy Blacks back to levels comparable with their racially optimistic peers. Finally, we conclude with a survey experiment which demonstrates that priming Black people with a low racial efficacy environment results in reduced faith in government, in part corroborating the causal direction theorized in our study.

Can policy instruments shape the policy problems they aim to solve? How interest registers redefined conflicts of interest

By analysing the policy process leading to the introduction of interest registers in France and Sweden, this article argues that their use as a policy instrument was crucial for acknowledging and defining conflict of interest as a problem. It challenges rationalist approaches to public policy that focus on how the adoption of policy solutions follows the identification of policy problems, instead, favouring the acknowledgement of how problems and solutions can exist independently. To identify how interest registers became a preferred policy solution, the article traces how policies from the UK and US were integrated in the global anti-corruption toolkit in the 1990s and subsequently adopted in France and Sweden in the 2010s. It uncovers the sequencing of events, and, specifically, the evolution of public discourse on conflicts of interest around the adoption of public interest registers. It shows that interest registers contribute to (re)define the problem of conflict of interest in new contexts of adoption. The sequencing of events suggests that the problem of conflict of interest was rarely used before the instrument’s adoption and, what is important, did not have a clear ‘stabilised’ shared meaning. Interest registers thus give reality to the problem and modify its definition. By establishing which interests are to be declared in standardised forms, interest registers define new ‘risk areas’ for corruption. They also convey the idea that the problem relates to an asymmetry of information between elected officials and voters that can be corrected through transparency measures, shifting the locus of problem-solving responsibility to the public.

2023 Nominees for election of IUPAC Officers, Executive and Science Boards

Abstract During the 52nd IUPAC General Assembly to be held in The Hague in August 2023, the Council will be asked to elect a Vice President, a Secretary General, and members of the newly established Executive Board and Science Board. IUPAC National Adhering Organizations have been invited to submit nominations. (see News posted 17 January December 2022, https://iupac.org/iupac-elections-for-the-2024-2025-term-call-for-nominations/)

LOCAL GOVERNMENT ADMINISTRATION: THE STATE GOVERNORS AND DEFICIT OF DEMOCRACY IN GRASSROOTS NIGERIA

After twenty-three years of the fourth democratic republic in Nigeria, there is a strong temptation to presume that democracy has taken firm roots at the grassroots. However, the whimsical manner by which the state Governors have subverted and hijacked the Local Governments (LGs) structures in their respective states suggests the contrary. The 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (as amended) makes provisions for elected LG Councils, yet, the Governors having being in firm charge have rendered these provisions illusory. They toy with the autonomy and vitality of the LGs, interfering and removing elected LG officials at their fancies. This study assesses the role of the state Governors in the determination of representations at the LG level in Nigeria and its effects in providing credible leadership for rural development. Data were gathered through primary and secondary sources such as 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (as amended), books relevant to the present study, peer review journal articles, judicial precedents, internet materials and newspaper reports. The above data were subject to content analysis. The paper finds that the LG elections in Nigeria are not given premium position by many state governments which robs the nation of a structured leadership development avenue. It also finds that the Electoral Management Body in the states are not independent. The paper, therefore, proffers Constitutional reforms as the way out of the wood. This will not only stop the Governors from acting capriciously and as omnipotent emperors, it will also allow the LGs enhance their capacity for optimum utilization of local initiatives through democratic means.

Women Representation in the Electoral Office: Progress and Challenges.

Over the past three decades, there has been a rise in efforts to increase the percentage of women in decision-making bodies across the globe including representation of women into electoral office. This was done through quotas, constituency elections, regulations, and party lists. Yet, women's representation in the electoral office globally is still low. There are different contributory factors to the aforementioned progress and challenges. The challenges are caused in the main by cultural and religious conditions. There are countries that are globally recognised for achieving parity in the election of women into parliaments, The Nordic states and Rwanda in Africa have done well in this regard. Yet, the achievement of equal representation does not translate into gender equality within their society and institutions. This study evaluates women's representation in the electoral office in selected countries.

선거운동에 관한 내용 중립적 규제의 위헌심사강도 세분화 가능성

Regulation of speech can be categorized into content-based regulation and content-neutral regulation. This classification is widely accepted by both the Constitutional Court of Korea and the U.S. Supreme Court. However, distinguishing between the two types is not always clear in actual legislation. Therefore, a flexible approach is necessary when conducting constitutional review. In particular, regarding content-neutral regulation - even if a certain regulation is deemed to be content-neutral on its face -, it is necessary to consider the legislative purpose and the secondary effects caused by the legislation in order to determine whether the regulation functions as a form of censorship that prohibits expression itself or its content. Prior to such a discussion, it should be determined whether the regulation focuses on restricting actions rather than the expression itself, which may require a relaxed intensity of constitutional review. Based on the above, the Restriction on Use of Loudspeaker Systems clause in Public Official Election Act can be considered as a form of conduct-regulation rather than speech-regulation. The Prohibition of Installing of Facilities and Prohibition of Unlawful Distribution or Posting of Documents and Pictures in Public Official Election Act require alternative measures to minimize the restriction of political speech. The Restriction on Various Assemblies in Public Official Election Act is considered unconstitutional. In this regard, the recent decisions of the Constitutional Court of Korea are considered justifiable.

2022년 헌법 주요 판례 평석

The Constitutional Court received a total of 2,829 cases in 2022 alone. Among the decisions made by the Constitutional Court in 2022, this paper reviews major decisions centered on unconstitutionality (including decisions on modification, such as decisions on inconsistency) or decisions confirming the constitutionality, but also briefly introduces important precedents related to the constitution among Supreme Court precedents. The Constitutional Court already decided in 1997 that Article 68, Paragraph 1 of the Constitutional Court Act, which prohibits a constitutional complaint against trial, does not violate the Constitution in principle. However, the Constitutional Court held that “Even when the court violates the people's fundamental rights by applying a law that the Constitutional Court has determined to be unconstitutional, if Article 68, Paragraph 1 of the Constitutional Court Act is interpreted as not allowing a constitutional complaint against trial, it is unconstitutional to that extent” and has continued to maintain this decision. Although Article 68 Paragraph 1 of the Constitutional Court Act, which had already prohibited the constitutional complaint in 1997, does not violate the Constitution in principle, the Constitutional Court said, “If the court decides that the Constitutional Court is unconstitutional, it loses its effect in whole or in part, or is unconstitutional. If it is interpreted as not allowing a constitutional complaint against a court decision even if the basic rights of the people are violated by applying the law confirmed as has been maintained. In the above case, the Constitutional Court revoked the Supreme Court decision that applied the 'statutory provision that had already partially lost its effect by declaring the limited unconstitutional decision', and cited the original administrative disposition request for constitutional complaint as an exception. After making the first decision to cancel the trial in 1997, on 30. 6. 2022. the Constitutional Court made a second decision to cancel the trial. In order to fundamentally resolve the conflict between the court and the Constitutional Court over the binding force of the limited unconstitutional decision, it is necessary to explicitly recognize the binding force of the modified decision through legislation. Among the decisions of the Constitutional Court in 2022, the law with the most unconstitutional decisions is the Public Official Election Act, which excessively restricts freedom of political expression. The Constitutional Court ruled that the prohibition of 'election campaigns in which individual face-to-face and verbal appeals for support', the prohibition of installation of facilities, the prohibition of holding assemblies and the prohibition of posting documents and drawings were unconstitutional or constitutional inconsistent on the grounds that they excessively violated the freedom of political expression. The Supreme Court sometimes made decisions that were more friendly to basic rights than the Constitutional Court. For example, the Supreme Court changed the precedent and determined that the state's responsibility for compensation was recognized for victims arrested under Emergency Measures No. 9 in 1975. In addition, unlike the precedents and decisions of the Constitutional Court, the Supreme Court ruled that sexual intercourse between soldiers of the same sex can be punished only when “there is another circumstance that violates the right to sexual self-determination against the will of one party or directly and specifically violates military discipline”

The Implementation of a Prehospital Whole Blood Transfusion Program and Early Results.

In far-forward combat situations, the military challenged dogma by using whole blood transfusions (WBTs) rather than component-based therapy. More recently, some trauma centers have initiated WBT programs with reported success. There are a few Emergency Medical Service (EMS) systems that are using WBTs, but the vast majority are not. Given the increasing data supporting the use of WBTs in the prehospital setting, more EMS systems are likely to consider or begin WBT programs in the future. A prehospital WBT program was recently implemented in Palm Beach County, Florida (USA). This report will discuss how the program was implemented, the obstacles faced, and the initial results. This report describes the process by which a prehospital WBT program was implemented by Palm Beach County Fire Rescue and the outcomes of the initial case series of patients who received WBTs in this system. Efforts to initiate the prehospital WBT program for this system began in 2018. The program had several obstacles to overcome, with one of the major obstacles being the legal team's perception of potential liability that might occur with a new prehospital blood transfusion program. This obstacle was overcome through education of local elected officials regarding the latest scientific evidence in favor of prehospital WBTs with potential life-saving benefits to the community. After moving past this hurdle, the program went live on July 6, 2022. The initial indications for transfusion of cold-stored, low titer, leukoreduced O+ whole blood in the prehospital setting included traumatic injuries with systolic blood pressure (SBP) < 70mmHg or SBP < 90mmHg plus heart rate (HR) > 110 beats per minute. From the date of onset through December 31, 2022, Palm Beach County Fire Rescue transported a total of 881 trauma activation patients, with 20 (2.3%) receiving WBT. Overall, nine (45%) of the patients who had received WBTs so far remain alive. No adverse events related to transfusion were identified following WBT administration. A total of 18 units of whole blood reached expiration of the unit's shelf life prior to transfusion. Despite a number of logistical and legal obstacles, Palm Beach County Fire Rescue successfully implemented a prehospital WBT program. Other EMS systems that are considering a prehospital WBT program should review the included protocol and the barriers to implementation that were faced.

Aleksander Łappa (1802-1869) – ostatni marszałek szlachty guberni mińskiej z wyboru. Część I: Rodowód i działalność powiatowa (1823-1859)

A large number of archival and printed sources, as well as scientific literature analyzed by the author of the article, allows to reconstruct the genealogy and family networks of one of the key figures of the noble self-government of the westernmost parts of the Russian Empire of the 1850-1860s – Marshal of the Nobility of Bobruisk County, then Minsk Governorate Alexander Łappa. Due to successful careers, marriages and land deals, the Belarusian-Lithuanian minor landed noble family of Łappa, represented by a retired officer of the Russian troops Dominik Łappa and his son Alexander, were among the most progressive and respected Belarusian landowners in the first half of the 19th century. This opened the way for them to the highest elective offices in the local apparatus of noble self-government.

Urgensi Penerapan Constitutent Recall

Abstract: So far, the concept of a recall occurring in Indonesia is fully controlled by political parties and is seen as injuring the spirit of people's sovereignty. Yet according to the constitution, the people have sovereignty. In the end, equality is realized only in the process of selecting political officials. But the people are not given the right to recall elected political officials. Precisely political parties have this right so that the sovereignty of the people shifts to the sovereignty of political parties. As a result, political officials will be more submissive and obedient to political parties than their voters. Purpose: This research aims to open updated insights regarding the concept of constituent recall or referendum recall in an effort to strengthen people's sovereignty. Design/Methodology/Approach: In this research uses the type of normative legal research. Using a statutory approach and a conceptual approach. In other words, this research aims to solve a problem over existing legal issues, of course, supported by a statute approach related to the issue raised, as well as raising cases that have permanent legal force, and using a conceptual framework that is guided by views and doctrines. legal in law. Findings: Political parties are seen as hampering the process of channeling people's aspirations within the legislature, often carrying out recalls without asking for the approval of the people and giving the main delegation to members of the DPR and DPRD. As stated in the 1945 Constitution regarding the sovereignty of the people, therefore, in the recall process, members of the legislature must include the people. This writing aims to change the process of replacing members of the legislature with the constituent recall process to involve the people dirctly in the withdrawal or replacement of members of the legislature, especially members of the DPR and DPRD in a democratic manner by prioritizing people's sovereignty so that the process becomes transparent and democratic. Originality/Value: Several research have raised the issue of recall, but what is novel in this research is the construction of recall constitutions which involves the people in order to realize people's sovereignty.

Electoral Crisis Communications: Combatting Disinformation &amp; the Contest for Electoral Legitimacy

In the age of weaponized disinformation, the question for democracies is not merely who will win an election, but whether the outcome will be accepted as legitimate. To assess the challenge faced by U.S. electoral officials in convincing the public of the security of election procedure we conducted a survey experiment on a national sample of 4987 U.S. adults in the lead-up to the 2020 election. Subjects were exposed to claims about voter fraud as well as crisis communication counter-messaging attributed to election officials. We find that regardless of the messaging strategy, subjects were unmoved by the counter-messaging with partisanship being a clear predictor of increased skepticism towards election security. Our findings illustrate the difficulties election officials face in convincing the publics about election legitimacy and highlight the systemic dangers posed by electoral disinformation.

Small Governing Coalition in Hong Kong and its Impact on Political Freedom

Small Governing Coalition in Hong Kong and its Impact on Political Freedom

What Happens When the President Calls You an “Enemy of the People?” Election Officials and Public Sentiment

False information about the legitimacy of recent American elections has prompted a barrage of harsh rhetoric against the officials who administer them. This spike in negativity, largely occurring through social media, is driving people out of these essential jobs. This article measures the extent of this negativity, how it has trended over time, which state administrations are targeted by it most, and what sorts of accounts are sending it. By collecting every reply to any Twitter account managed by the agency or person officially responsible for administering a state's elections, we show that the usage of keywords related to election fraud has spiked in recent years, while the sentiments of the replies have grown almost universally harsher. While left-leaning repliers are usually negative towards Republican officials, and vice versa, some officials have begun to receive negative replies from both the left and right, with sustained pile-ons led almost entirely by right-leaning repliers.