Representative Democracy Research Articles

From ignorance to awareness: Quality of collaborative governance enhances public awareness of AMR

In representative democracies, the public administration plays a pivotal role in managing a myriad of public policies. While considerable knowledge exists regarding how public issue awareness influences political competition before policy enactment, its persistence in the administrative aftermath is characterized by much more uncertainty. This study addresses this puzzle within the challenging context of antimicrobial resistance (AMR) governance in Europe, posing the question: How does administrative governance shape public AMR awareness? Drawing on newly collected expert survey data from all EU member states and a recent Eurobarometer survey measuring behavioral aspects related to AMR (N = 26.502), the findings show that different aspects of administrative governance yield mixed results. Notably, there is a strong and positive relationship between the quality of collaborative governance and public awareness. These results underscore the critical role of administrative governance quality in understanding public behavior, particularly in the context of combating AMR.

Does Proportionality Increase Turnout? A Study of Adaptation to Oscillating Electoral Systems

Does proportionality increase turnout? This article studies a national electoral reform in early twentieth-century Argentina that was implemented asymmetrically across districts, creating a natural laboratory in which some districts oscillated between electoral systems across elections. Leveraging this unusual variation in a difference-in-differences design, this article shows that a shift from multi-member plurality rules towards a slightly more proportional system—which removed one-third of the contested seats from the grasp of the dominant party—led to a four percentage point increase in turnout. An investigation into causal mechanisms indicates that more proportional rules, by increasing the odds that smaller parties obtain seats, promoted strategic party entry and intensified electoral competition, both between and within parties. These findings complement existing quasi-experimental results that focus exclusively on elections in European democracies, confirm that parties are able to adapt immediately to changes in electoral rules, and refute the belief that proportionality does not affect turnout in Latin America.

A Global Campus Beyond the Cold War. Peace and Disarmament Among Spanish Academics during the Debate on Joining and Remaining in NATO (1981-1986)

Historiography has recently shown a special interest in assessing the cultural impact of the social engagement of academics during the Cold War through their advocacy of disarmament or human rights. This academic social activism became part of a complex “transnational civil society,” which was to influence international relations. In light of these considerations, this article aims to delve into the distinctive characteristics of the “nuclear culture” and “science diplomacy” of the Spanish academic world between 1981 and 1986. Spain’s experience of the final stage of the Cold War was somewhat unusual. The resurgence of nuclear tension between the two superpowers was mediated by the domestic political transition from a military dictatorship to a parliamentary democracy, but also by the democratisation of foreign policy and the accession of Spain to NATO. To understand how this took place and with what effects, this article will focus on three main points. Firstly, it will set out an analysis of the impact of historian E.P. Thompson’s critical thinking on the Cold War and the European Campaign for Disarmament among Spanish academics. Secondly, it will examine how certain academics, who played an active part in the debate either for or against joining and remaining in NATO, shaped the nuclear culture of the time through the daily press. Finally, it will argue the involvement, or lack thereof, of Spain’s scientific sector in transnational networks for peace and disarmament and how, through civil society itself, the foundations were laid for the first centres aimed at the dissemination and study of peace.

No Level Playing Field: Barriers to Disability Representation in Politics

AbstractWhile one in five people in the UK are disabled, their number among elected representatives remains disproportionately low. In ongoing efforts to make politics more inclusive and diverse, disabled people often remain sidelined. As a politically relevant identity, disability is associated with a shared set of experiences and policy interests which are often overlooked. This is at least in part owing to the under‐representation of disabled politicians, which is likely also contributing to a sense of political alienation. Thus, tackling the barriers that disabled people experience in the political recruitment process is not only a matter of democratic justice and equality, but also essential for ensuring that disabled people's needs and concerns are recognised and met. This article outlines the obstacles that disabled people experience in pursuing elected office—including inaccessibility, inadequate financial resources and ableist institutions and cultures—and offers recommendations to political parties, parliaments and governments on how to mitigate them.

Shadow Representation: Making Claims to Represent Better Than the Official Representative

ABSTRACT This article advances knowledge on the diverse ways contemporary political representation is being performed. It identifies a particular kind of claim-making, shadow representation, whereby an individual or group makes claims to represent better than the officially authorised spokesperson or group. Shadow representation is enacted outside or alongside authorised spaces of representation by diverse actors such as civil society groups, lobbyists, political challengers, and former incumbents. The article conceptualises shadow representation in broad terms, and then examines its enactment in the electoral realm. The empirical analysis centres on two Australian cases in which defeated electoral candidates continue to make representative claims post-election. In both instances the shadow representatives construct a neglected constituency, and make claims to rectify representative deficiencies in the elected official. Their claim-making occurs between elections, and draws legitimacy from their strong community and voter support – two features that set them apart from the traditional political challenger focused on ousting an incumbent in an election. The article reflects on the democratic implications of shadow representation in electoral democracy: it potentially boosts the public scrutiny and accountability of elected officials, but it can also be used to destabilise the legitimacy of electoral procedures and their outcomes.

Performing What Is Absent: The Making of Representative Claims in the 2020 Chilean Constitutional Convention

Amid a crisis of political representation, Chile ran an institutional experiment. After a month of riots, lootings and human rights violations, in November 2019, the Chilean Parliament proposed the creation of a fully elected convention with the one objective of writing a new Constitution. The 155 members were elected in October 2020 and 62% of them were non-professional politicians but environmental activists, members of indigenous communities or feminist leaders. Inspired by the ideas of representative claim proposed by Saward and performativity coined by Butler, we analysed their inauguration speeches to observe how they attempted to constitute themselves as political representatives. We found that they relied upon four types of speech appeal in their political claims-making. We refer to these as the Agonistic (whereby the claim-maker purported to speak for “us” as opposed to “them”); the Climactic (whereby the claim-maker offered themselves as an embodiment of a historical coming of age for a particular group); the Biographical (the claim-maker focuses upon their personal qualities of identity with empathy towards a group); and the Trustee (whereby, adhering to more conventional rhetoric of representation, a claim-maker sets out their qualification to acknowledge and look after the interests and values of a particular group).

Peran Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Kabupaten Aceh Singkil dalam Rencana Kebijakan Pembangunan Daerah Berdasarkan Peraturan Menteri dalam Negeri Nomor 86 Tahun 2017

The Regional People's Representative Council's Pokir is the result of absorbing community aspirations conveyed by members of the Regional People's Representative Council in official and informal forums. This Pokir aims to ensure that regional development policies reflect the needs and desires of the local community.To determine the role of the Aceh Singkil Regency People's Representative Council in formulating regional development policy plans through the Main Thoughts (Pokir) of the Regency People's Representative Council In legal research, there are two types of research, namely normative (doctrinal) research and empirical research. The type of research used in compiling this thesis is a combination of normative (doctrinal) research and empirical research. Data collection methods are techniques or methods that can be used by researchers to collect data. Techniques in designating an abstract word that is not manifested in objects, but can only be seen in its use through: questionnaires, interviews, observations, exams (tests), documentation, and others. The data analysis technique used in this legal research uses qualitative analysis methods Based on the results of the study, the Regency People's Representative Council also plays a role in determining the regional budget that will fund various development programs. In this process, the District People's Representative Council must ensure that the budget prepared reflects the development priorities that have been set based on community aspirations. Thus, the District People's Representative Council not only acts as a political representative, but also as a supervisor of budget use to ensure transparency and accountability in regional financial management. The results of the discussion regarding the role of the Aceh Singkil District People's Representative Council (DPRK) in preparing the main ideas (Pokir) show that the DPRK has a crucial role in regional development policy planning. In accordance with the Regulation of the Minister of Home Affairs Number 86 of 2017, the DPRK functions as a liaison between the community and the regional government by preparing Pokir that reflects the aspirations and needs of the community.So it can be concluded that according to the regulations, the District People's Representative Council is tasked with preparing the Main Ideas (Pokir) which are the results of absorbing community aspirations. This Pokir is then submitted to the regional government to be used as a basis for preparing development planning documents, such as the Regional Medium-Term Development Plan (RPJMD) and the Regional Government Work Plan (RKPD).

Impact of Manufacturing Process and Compounding on Properties and Quality of Follow-On GLP-1 Polypeptide Drugs.

The prevalence of follow-on and compounded products of glucagon-like peptide-1 analogs is increasing. We assessed glucagon-like peptide-1 analogs semaglutide and liraglutide for purity, potential immunogenicity, and expected stability, by comparing a representative selection of commercially available follow-on drug substances (DSs) and drug products (DPs) with their corresponding originators. Tests included several chromatography methods coupled with ultraviolet and mass spectrometry detectors, inductively coupled plasma optical emission spectroscopy, inductively coupled plasma mass spectrometry, nuclear magnetic resonance, dissolution analyses, in silico peptide/major histocompatibility complex II-binding prediction, and fibrillation assays. Overall, 16 injectable semaglutide, 8 oral semaglutide, and 2 injectable liraglutide follow-on products were analyzed alongside originator products. Compared with originator, follow-on injectable semaglutide DSs and DPs had new impurities and impurity patterns, including high molecular weight proteins, trace metals, anions, counterions, and residual solvents. Analyses showed that several commercialized follow-on oral semaglutide DPs had a markedly lower quantity of semaglutide than the label claim, while dissolution tests indicated different semaglutide and sodium N-(8-[2-hydroxybenzoyl] amino)caprylate (SNAC) release profiles, which may reduce bioavailability. Neoepitopes were identified in DS and DP semaglutide follow-ons, indicating potential immunogenicity. Fibrillation assays showed increased fibrillation tendency and reduced physical stability in liraglutide follow-on DP samples compared with originator. This study highlights that differences in the manufacturing processes of follow-on semaglutide and liraglutide (vs those used for originators) can result in several changes to the DSs and DPs. The impact of these changes on efficacy and safety outcomes remains unknown and should be investigated by clinical studies.

Large bore access for transcatheter aortic valve replacement, endovascular aortic repair, and thoracic endovascular aortic repair. A review of anatomic challenges and operative considerations.

Transcatheter aortic valve replacement (TAVR), endovascular aortic repair (EVAR), and thoracic endovascular aortic repair (TEVAR) are standard and prolific procedures in the modern cardiovascular world, and appropriate delivery of these endoprostheses requires adequate understanding of the requisite large bore access. Percutaneous large bore access is the preferred route but may be accompanied by complications like thrombosis, hemorrhage, or inability to deliver the device. Anatomic limitations such as vessel tortuosity, small size, and heavy calcification may require alternative approaches for successful large bore access. This study aimed to better define large bore access, as well as to elucidate optimal adjuncts and alternatives to enable successful delivery of large bore endoprostheses. A systematic review for "large bore access" in the cardiovascular literature was conducted on PubMed and the Cochrane Library Central according to PRISMA guidelines. Identified articles were filtered and sub-selected for TAVR, EVAR, and TEVAR; studies related to other large bore interventions were excluded. A representative selection of 39 full-text studies included both cardiac and vascular studies and was critically interpreted to identify a consensus definition for large bore access, challenging anatomy, and adjuncts or alternative approaches to the standard transfemoral approach. Transfemoral access remains the first-line approach but in the setting of unfavorable anatomy, adjunct maneuvers (e.g. intravascular lithotripsy, endoconduits) or alternative approaches (supra-aortic, transcaval) help decrease morbidity, mortality, length of procedure, and overall health care cost in large bore access.

Design and implementation of an electronic voting system for optimal electoral process

Electronic voting is a tool for increasing the credibility and efficiency of elections in several democracies around the world. In Nigeria, many elections have conducted sub-optimally due to the manual methods employed in voting and transmission of election results. In such cases, electoral officials have been accused of colluding with politicians to alter election results while the results are being transmitted from polling units to results collation centres. To address this problem, this paper proposes and presents a framework for electronic voting and transmission of election results. The proposed system is designed and implemented using a C++-based Visual Studio Integrated Development Environment (IDE) and a MATLAB/Simulink application. This setup allowed for the simulation of the voting process, encryption of voting data, transmission of voting results and decryption of election results. The simulation-based results obtained for the proposed system was compared with that of the existing system. The results indicate that for sample sizes ranging from 2,000 to 7,000 voters, the proposed system accurately accredited an average of 85% of voters, compared to 73% for the existing system. Specifically, for 2,500, 4,000, 5,500, and 7,000 accredited voters, the existing system had 684, 1,095, 1,505, and 1,916 failed voters respectively. In comparison, there was a significant reduction in the number of failed voters for the proposed system and this stood at 364, 582, 801, and 1,019 respectively. Additionally, the quality of verified feedback for 3,000, 4,500, 6,000, and 7,000 accredited voters showed that the proposed system had quality scores of 0.362, 0.138, 0.019, and 0.000, compared to 0.549, 0.197, 0.024, and 0.001 for the existing system. In conclusion, the proposed system has proven to be highly effective, credible, secure, and transparent in safeguarding the integrity of the electoral process and it is therefore recommended for hardware implementation in subsequent general elections.

Student protests at Boğaziçi University against Turkey’s authoritarian regime

Amidst the proliferation of authoritarian regimes globally, youth has been on the front lines against top-down politics, antidemocratic norms and values, exclusion from decision-making processes, the privatisation of higher education, the erosion of academic freedom, the stigmatisation of different lifestyles, precarity and environmental degradations. As part of the global authoritarian wave, Turkey has witnessed a comprehensive economic, social and political transformation under Justice and Development Party (AKP) governments. The governing party has deepened neoliberal transformation, plundered environmental commons, imposed a conservative lifestyle, eroded democratic values, attacked academic freedom and intensified polarisation, precarity and corruption in the country. One of the biggest challenges to the AKP government has come from student resistance against the appointed rector at Boğaziçi University (BU). In this research, I focus on how BU has become a space of contestation by students against authoritarianism in Turkey. Against the top-down appointment of the rector, Boğaziçi resistance started in demand of the democratic election of the rector, institutional autonomy and the defence of academic freedom. However, through naming the appointed rector as ‘trustee’, students at BU have unequivocally made a resounding declaration for democracy, not only echoing within the confines of their campus but reverberating throughout the country.

Is Democracy Possible? : Limits and Alternatives of Representative Democracy

Is Democracy Possible? : Limits and Alternatives of Representative Democracy

선거공영제 관련 규정의 형성과 전개 - 선거운동 방법에 관한 일본과 한국에서의 논의를 중심으로

Article 116 (2), and, in a broader sense, including Article 116 (1) of the Constitution, stipulate the Election Campaign Management and Funding System. This system aims to ensure equal opportunities for election campaigns among candidates, reduce the influence of money in the electoral process, and prevent corruption in elections. The Election Campaign Management and Funding System can be categorized into two types: one where certain election campaign methods are supported or subsidized by the state, and another where only the election campaign methods explicitly permitted by the state are allowed, while all other private methods are prohibited. However, within an Election Campaign Regulation system that comprehensively regulates campaign methods, the former type of public election system often operates similarly to the latter. This is because candidates, unable to freely choose their campaign methods, are de facto limited to using only those methods supported or subsidized under the Election Campaign Management and Funding System. Both the Japanese and Korean systems exemplify this phenomenon. In Japan, the 1934 revision of the House of Representatives Election Law established a structure of ‘extensive regulation and limited permission’ regarding election campaigns. Consequently, election campaigns in Japan became largely confined to methods permitted and subsidized by the state. Similarly, the 1958 Act on the Election of Members of the House of Commons in Korea established a framework of ‘comprehensive regulation and exceptional permission,’ akin to Japan's system. The framework created by the 1994 Act on the Election of Public Officials and the Prevention of Election Malpractices, enacted after the 1987 Constitution, is also similar. It is challenging to assert that the structure has fundamentally changed under the current Public Official Election Act in Korea. As a result, election campaigns by candidates de facto continue to be largely confined to the methods allowed under the Election Campaign Management and Funding System. Given the importance of the freedom to conduct election campaigns, it is necessary to eliminate the comprehensive regulation of campaign methods in the current Public Official Election Act. Such a change would better enable the Election Campaign Management and Funding System to achieve its objective of supporting and subsidizing election campaigns.

The economic impact of terrorism in South Asia

This study examines the economic impact of terrorism in South Asia. The region is currently home to 123 active terrorist/insurgent groups and is accountable for over 27 % of recorded global terrorist attacks. The annual data from the six most-terror-affected South Asian countries (Afghanistan, Bangladesh, India, Nepal, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka) during the US-led war on terror (2001 - 2022) is used. For econometric estimation, the five models: fixed-effect, generalized least squares (GLS), generalized estimating equation (GEE), quantile regression (QR), and panel-corrected standard errors (PCSE) are applied. Terror-related death (a proxy for human capital loss) and per capita income (a proxy for purchasing power) are considered to measure terrorism and its economic impact. In addition, four economic indicators (military expenditure, population, official development assistance (ODA), and USAID) and three institutional indicators (electoral democracy index, political violence index, and mobilization for autocracy index) are taken into account as control variables. The result suggests that every additional 886 terror-related human capital loss across the region significantly reduces the purchasing power of each South Asian person by at least 9.800 US dollars. Moreover, among the control variables, military expenditure, political violence, and mobilization for autocracy negatively affect per capita income, while electoral democracy, population, ODA, and USAID positively impact it. This study will also help understand the implications of the United Nations' Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) agenda and achieving specific targets such as SDG 8 (promoting economic growth) and SDG 16 (promoting just, peaceful, and inclusive societies) based on the most terror-affected region.

The OBS UK Dashboard: an interactive tool for representative trial site selection to facilitate equality and diversity in maternity research

BackgroundObstetric Bleeding Study UK (OBS UK) (award ID: 152057) is a National Institute for Health and Care Research (NIHR)-funded stepped wedge cluster randomised controlled trial of a complex intervention for postpartum haemorrhage. This was developed in Wales and evaluated in a feasibility study, with improvements in maternal outcomes observed. Generalisability of the findings is limited by lack of control data and limited ethnic diversity in the Welsh obstetric patient population compared to the United Kingdom (UK): 94% of the Welsh population identifies as White, versus 82% in the UK. Non-White ethnicity and socioeconomic deprivation are linked to increased risk of adverse maternal outcomes. Traditionally, decisions regarding site selection are based on desire to complete trials on target in ‘tried and tested’ research active institutions. To ensure widespread applicability of the results and investigate the impact of ethnicity and social deprivation on trial outcomes, maternity units were recruited that represent the ethnic diversity and social deprivation profiles of the UK.MethodUsing routinely collected, publicly available data, an interactive dashboard was developed that demonstrates the demographics of the population served by each maternity unit in the UK, to inform site recruitment. Data on births per year, ethnic and socioeconomic group of the population for each maternity unit, across the UK, were integrated into the dashboard.ResultsThe dashboard demonstrates that OBS UK trial sites reflect the ethnic and socioeconomic diversity of the UK (study vs UK population ethnicity: White 79.2% vs 81.7%, Asian 10.5% vs 9.3%, Black 4.7% vs 4.0%, Mixed 2.5% vs 2.9%, Other 3.0% vs 2.1%) with variation in site demography, size and location. Missing data varied across sites and nations and is presented.ConclusionThe NIHR equality, diversity and inclusion strategy states studies must widen participation, facilitating individuals from all backgrounds to engage. The development of this novel interactive dashboard demonstrates an innovative way of achieving this. National Health Service (NHS) maternity researchers should consider using this tool to enhance diversity in research, address health disparities and improve generalisability of findings. This approach could be applied to healthcare settings beyond maternity care and across different global populations.Trial registrationISRCTN 17679951. Registered on August 30, 2023.

Geospatial Data Aggregation Methods for Novel Geographies: Validating Congressional District Life Expectancy Estimates.

Place is a critical determinant of health. Recent novel analyses have explored health outcome estimation for small geographies, such as census tracts, as well as health outcome aggregation to geopolitical geographies with accountable political representatives, such as congressional districts. In one such application, combining these approaches, researchers aggregated census tract estimates of life expectancy to the congressional district level to derive local estimates, but such an approach has not been validated. Here, we compared two sources and approaches to calculating life expectancy data for Pennsylvania congressional districts. We used 2010-2015 census tract life expectancy estimates from the US Small-area Life Expectancy Estimates Project (LEEP) and dasymetric methods to compute population-weighted life expectancy aggregated to the congressional district level. Using georeferenced Vital Statistics data, we aggregated age-specific census tract death and population counts to congressional districts and used abridged life tables to estimate life expectancy. To validate the dasymetric aggregated estimates we compared absolute differences, assessed the correlation, and created Bland-Altman plots to visualize the agreement between the two measures. We found strong agreement between congressional district estimates of life expectancy at birth derived using the dasymetric LEEP model-based approach and Vital Statistics direct estimates approach, though life expectancy at older ages (75 and older) showed weak correlations. This validation contributes to our understanding of geospatial aggregation methods for novel geographies including congressional districts. Health outcome data aggregated to the congressional district geography can support congressional policy making aimed at improving population health outcomes.

The impact of democracy on peace in Africa: Empirical evidence

AbstractThe nexus between democracy and peace in Africa is examined by applying data to 42 sub‐Saharan African (SSA) countries between 2008 and 2020. The study used panel regression techniques that include Ordinary Least Squares, the Tobit regression to account for the limited range of the dependent variable, and the System Generalized Method of Moments to account for endogeneity bias. Using seven indicators of democracy, which include electoral democracy, liberal democracy, participatory democracy, deliberative democracy, egalitarian democracy, a total democracy index derived from principal component analysis, and the Polity2 score, and using the global peace index as a proxy for peace, our findings show that all the indicators of democracy, irrespective of the model, have a positive and significant influence on peace in SSA. The result has underscored the importance of advancing democratic practices and values to promote sustainable peace and stability in the region.Related ArticlesAntwi‐Boateng, Osman. 2015. “No Spring in Africa: How Sub‐Saharan Africa Has Avoided the Arab Spring Phenomenon.” Politics & Policy 43(5): 754–84. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12129.Asongu, Simplice A., Cheikh T. Ndour, and Judith C. M. Ngoungou. 2024. “The Effects of Gender Political Inclusion and Democracy on Environmental Performance: Evidence from the Method of Moments by Quantile Regression.” Politics & Policy, 52(1), 118–39. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12576.Ryan, Susannah. 2015. “White Gold and Troubled Waters in Southern Africa: Hydropolitical Policy's Effect on Peace in Lesotho and South Africa.” Politics & Policy 4(2): 239–55. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12114.

Contrasting Democratic Trajectories: A Comparative Analysis of Costa Rica and Nicaragua

The main focus of this paper is the democracy process in Central America. It is a case study focuses on Costa Rica and Nicaragua and its respective trajectories towards democracy. Despite their shared historical backgrounds, culture, similar size, and geographical location, Costa Rica has one of the most peaceful and enduring democracies, while Nicaragua has been a tumultuous country with internal conflicts that have directly impacted its democratization. The historical context of colonial exploitation, socio-economic disparities, and political unrest has significantly shaped the contemporary political landscape of the region. This research uses Costa Rica and Nicaragua as examples to highlight the diverse paths of democratic development in Central America. Since 1948, Costa Rica has been a democratic country, while Nicaragua has undergone a dual transition, one through revolution (1984) and the other through democratic elections in 1990. By emphasizing the unique historical peculiarities of the region, valuable insights into the democratization processes are provided. The study uses a historical method to analyze the democratization processes in Costa Rica and Nicaragua. It examines the impact of the conquest period, the role of key factors such as landed oligarchies and military forces, the influence of international economic crises, and the current democratic quality in both countries. The study shows that historical legacies have lasting effects on democracy.

Sinergi KPU, BAWASLU, dan DKPP: Pilar Penegakan Demokrasi dalam Pemilu Indonesia

General elections (elections) in Indonesia are a major pillar of democracy that require strict supervision and management to ensure fairness and transparency. Independent institutions such as the General Election Commission (KPU), the Election Supervisory Body (BAWASLU), and the Election Organizer Honorary Council (DKPP) play a key role in maintaining election integrity. The KPU is responsible for organizing elections at all levels of government, including planning, implementing, and supervising election stages, with a focus on transparency and public participation. BAWASLU functions as a supervisor to prevent and prosecute election violations, while the DKPP is tasked with handling violations of the election organizer's code of ethics. The research of this paper aims to understand the meaning and main tasks or authorities and functions of each of these institutions. The method used in this study is Library Research and Internet Searching, a literature review of literature in the form of books and articles from relevant internet sources. The results of the analysis show that the synergy between the KPU, BAWASLU, and DKPP is very important in creating democratic and integrity-based elections, with each institution having a role or authority, responsibility, and complementary functions. A deep understanding of the duties and functions of these three institutions is expected to improve the quality of election implementation in Indonesia.

Artikel 48 der Weimarer Verfassung: Hugo Preuß und Carl Schmitt im Streit über den „Diktaturartikel“

The abuse of Article 48 of the Weimar Constitution during the late presidency of Hindenburg has been criticized in many previous studies as one of the key factors of the collapse of the Weimar Republic that led to the establishment of the Third Reich, resulting from the lack of understanding of the parliamentary democracy. Whereas those criticisms have arisen primarily from the analysis of the consequences, this paper analyzes the issue of the executed presidential emergency powers with an integrative approach by comparing the arguments by Preuß, the drafter of Article 48, and Schmitt, taking into account the perspectives of members of the constitutional assembly as well as their contemporaneous intellectuals. While Preuß and Schmitt may appear generally contrastive in their beliefs and theories, some implicit logical agreements are observed, such as those on their interpretations of the relation between the first and the second sentences in Article 48, paragraph 2, and their thoughts regarding the handling of the law of the Reich that should be in Article 48, paragraph 5. With the findings of their commonalities and others in their theories, this paper attempts to contribute to refining the current systems of law and democracy for emergency situations in various contexts.