Election Of Government Research Articles

Analisis Kegagalan Strategi Kampanye Ridwan Kamil - Suswono dalam Pilkada 2024

The 2024 Jakarta Governor and Deputy Governor Election served as a critical stage for the Ridwan Kamil and Suswono duo, supported by major political parties through the Koalisi Indonesia Maju (KIM) Plus coalition. Despite broad political backing and leveraging communication strategies across social media, traditional media, and grassroots engagement, the pair failed to secure victory. This study examines their political communication strategies, including media utilization, public response, and challenges faced, such as negative perceptions due to past scandals, black campaigns, and local resistance to their identity. Using a qualitative descriptive approach based on desk reviews, the study finds that while Ridwan Kamil-Suswono managed to capture public attention with flagship programs like Kartu Jakarta Maju and Riverway, obstacles such as smear campaigns and misalignment with Jakarta's local culture were key factors in their defeat. The findings highlight the importance of synergy between political communication strategies, understanding local community characteristics, and effective image management in winning political contests.

Alternative Voting Methods in the Opinion of Polish Voters Abroad

The debate on alternative forms of participation in elections and referenda is conducted not only in the context of the time and situation in which they are used, but also, and most importantly, in the context of different groups of people who are eligible to vote, in particular the disabled and senior citizens. It is worth noting that Poles living abroad do not vote in all national elections (e.g. local government elections). However, in recent years the discussion on alternative forms of voting has begun to include this group of Polish citizens, especially in the context of postal and online voting (e-voting). The aim of this paper is to present and analyse the results of the research carried out on the opinions of Poles voting abroad in the 2023 parliamentary elections on their preferred method of voting. One of the aims of the research was to answer the question of which groups of voters (by gender, age, education) are most interested in certain forms of voting, and whether party preferences differentiate declarations of preferred voting methods.

The fragmentation of democratic and ‘adat’ institutions in Aceh’s political elite after Helsinki: The failure of the concept of institution of social cohesion

This article analyzes the modes of organizing the political realm of society in Aceh, especially after the signing of the Helsinki MoU in 2005 by representatives of the Indonesian government and GAM as the two parties most interested in the social organization of Acehnese society. The post-conflict social and political phenomenon in Aceh is the fragmentation between democratic and customary institutions that can be directly observed by the public through their competition in local government elections. Former GAM leaders have chosen to revive Majelis Wali Nanggroe and Gampong as customary and cultural institutions to help the government organize the lives of Acehnese people post-conflict. This paper contends that the various relationships and networks of relationships present in institutional formations are understood and explained through the different rules and frameworks that define and regulate them. Data sources were collected through in-depth interviews with several key informants, such as former GAM members, DPRA members, university rectors, local Aceh mass media editors, and socio-political observers, field observations for eighteen days (5–22 August 2018), and literature studies. This qualitative research uses a new institutionalism approach that focuses on the dynamics of the social structure of Acehnese society, which was largely controlled by GAM before the Helsinki MoU and began to loosen after the elections and even formed fragmentation among former combatants in the struggle for leadership in local government institutions. This article finds that GAM elite divisions and conflicts after the conflict for official government positions occurred due to the absence of imagination of modes of organizing society that was able to connect structurally and functionally formal and informal institutions. Pragmatically, GAM leaders and negotiators tend to maintain identity politics as a resistance movement against the central government and at the same time, they continue to run governance in a special autonomy model that gives them a lot of constitutional, institutional and symbolic freedom.

The parties of the parliamentary opposition in the elections to representative bodies of local self-government in 2024

The article is devoted to the analysis of the electoral results of opposition political parties in the local government elections, which took place in September 2024. Considering the opposition as the most important element of the modern political system, the author justifies the importance of the presence of opposition political parties at all levels of government. Based on the analysis of latest data of electoral statistics, it is shown that the possibilities of political competition at local elections are slightly higher than at the regional and federal levels. It can be explained by the lower interest of the regional political elite participating in municipal government, especially against the background of a decrease in the budget provision of local government and permanent reforms of the local government. Analyzing the reforms of local self-government the author comes to the conclusion about the gradual integration of local self-government bodies into the general vertical of power and to reproduce its dependence on federal and regional authorities. This, in turn, leads to a low level of trust in the LSG on the part of citizens. At the same time, parties at the local level are becoming important actors of civil society and the main participants in the electoral process, but less than half of the registered political parties are currently becoming participants. The author shows that the main beneficiary of the elections is the United Russia party, while the opposition parties are content to participate rather than win. A typology of opposition political parties is proposed, which is based on the activity of participation in election campaigns (the number of candidates nominated, the number of regions where parties participate, the number of mandates received after the distribution of votes).

Examining Gender Diversity in Local Government Elections in Nepal: A Review

In Nepal, women's involvement in politics has historically been constrained by entrenched traditional gender roles. Despite these limitations, several remarkable women have managed to rise above these constraints and become influential leaders within their communities. These instances highlight that simply implementing laws is not enough to ensure women's participation; continuous monitoring is necessary to ensure the effective enforcement of these laws. This study employed a mixed research design, incorporating both liberal and representative political science theories, alongside a descriptive and analytical approach, which proved to be particularly effective under pragmatist philosophy. In 2017 local elections, women represented 40.95 percent of the elected officials. By 2022, this figure had seen a slight increase, with women comprising 41.21 percent of all elected representatives. This progress suggests that the 2022 elections offered a valuable opportunity to enhance women's representation in politics, building on the significant achievements of 2017. This progress not only benefits political parties but also supports social justice. Many women, particularly those who have served in local government over the past four years, are eager to advance their political careers. Increasing female representation in public life is an important step toward achieving gender equality. Despite the Election Commission's efforts to address concerns about women's electoral participation, their actions have been insufficient, and political parties have exploited existing loopholes.

Democracy by the “Other”: How Ethiopian Diaspora Communities in Virginia Engage in Political Participation

In November 2021, Glen Youngkin, a Republican candidate, won the election for governor of Virginia. For many Virginians, his win was a surprise, especially since President Donald Trump had endorsed him. For Ethiopian communities, the election results were the outcome of months of lobbying and organizing due to their dissatisfaction with the Democratic Party leadership. This development highlights the direct consequences of US foreign policy on its domestic political environment, especially regarding issues ethnic communities care about and how they can influence democratic processes. In this line, this study investigates the relationships between host and homeland political rhetoric and the importance of understanding the political power of diaspora-based conflict communities. Using narrative inquiry, I analyzed the reasons behind the 2020 voting trends among Ethiopian communities in Virginia. For Ethiopian Americans, the ongoing war in the Tigray region, as well as the mainstream media and US government's framing of who is the victim and who is the perpetrator, demonstrates an unwillingness to engage with Ethiopian scholars and practitioners as well as a lack of historical and political understanding coming from the US government. In this polarized time, Americans cannot ignore the direct impact of foreign policy on domestic institutions and how immigrants contribute, through voting, to the election of public servants, including presidents and states representatives.

Perception Electoral Integrity Index (PEI) Local Elections, May 14, 2023

Referring to the PEI2023 value = 53.33 points, the Local government elections that took place in Albania on May 14, 2023, are evaluated as a process, which in its entirety was classified at the "Moderate" level. Compared to the parliamentary elections of 2021, the value of the Index has decreased by about 4.4 points. Factors related to the financing of the election campaign (32.3 points against 40.3 points), legislation (45.6 points against 54.5 points), registration of electoral subjects (48.8 points versus 59.8 points) are perceived as factors with the greatest negative effects on the integrity of elections. Albania continues to be classified in the group of countries where the challenge of organizing and conducting democratic elections that must meet international standards and OSCE commitments is present. Received: 15 August 2024 / Accepted: 30 October 2024 / Published: 3 December 2024

Impermanence of the Visual Identity of Polish Local and Regional Governments

Abstract Research purpose. The literature on place branding lacks long-term and quantitative studies on the rebranding of territorial brands. Place branding consultants recommend that they should be reviewed and refreshed approximately every decade. However, it is emphasised that rebranding is demanding for the territorial organisation, and a place brand change should be undertaken in a methodical manner. Therefore, the objective of the study is to compare this process with the theoretical postulates summarised in the literature on the subject. Design / Methodology / Approach. The research method used was visual content analysis. The collected data were verified by individual interviews with representatives of local governments. The authors have been conducting a research project on Polish local and regional governments since 2011. Therefore, it is possible to summarise the changes, modifications, and rebranding of Polish territorial brands in the period 2011-2023. The queries were conducted regularly in the years 2011-2024 (the end date was the day of local government elections in Poland on April 7, 2024). Findings. More than 250 logos have been withdrawn or replaced, and approximately 100 have never been implemented. Research confirmed that the number of changes is large (more than 30% of logos have been replaced by new ones), but it is difficult to determine one or even the dominant cause of such serious organisational changes. Originality / Value / Practical implications. A review of the literature allows us to draw a conclusion about the lack of long-term research on the functioning and changes of the content of logos practised by places. Therefore, a 10-year study on the population of all local government units in Poland provides data that supports the development of territorial branding theory and allows analytical support for territorial rebranding processes. The research discussed is significant because it reveals, first, the frequency of changes and, second, the difficulty in defining the causes of these changes.

National Influences on Election Outcomes for State Executive Offices

Abstract Many argue that American elections at all levels of government are now national affairs. Yet to what extent are state executive election outcomes influenced by national factors? Individual election outcomes are used to test the relative influences of national, state, and individual factors in elections for governor and secondary executive offices. The results reinforce the federalist nature of American elections by indicating that individual and state factors exert greater influence than national factors on state executive elections, especially for high-profile offices and, to a somewhat lesser degree for other, lesser-profile offices. Similar outcomes in national and state elections appear to result from the partisan composition of the electorate rather than top-down influences. The analysis supports the view that American federalism is alive and well in the electoral arena.

Horizon problem and capital expenditures: evidence from the public sector in Indonesia

PurposeThis study investigates whether horizon problems affect the allocation of capital budgets and their implementation in a government setting.Design/methodology/approachWe use data from 2005 to 2020 for local governments in Indonesia, which apply a limit of two five-year terms for mayors. We use regression analyses for panel data with total observations of 4,541 local government years from 448 unique local governments. We also use graphical analyses and t-tests to provide robustness to our results.FindingsMayors allocated lower capital expenditures in the second term than in the first. Capital budget allocation is lower for local governments whose mayors are older than 60. Our additional analysis shows that incumbents seeking re-election allocate more capital expenditure than those not seeking re-election.Research limitations/implicationsThis study contributes to the literature on the behavioral effect of term limits on local government's allocation and implementation of capital budgets. Limiting elected government officials to a certain number of terms will prevent the monopoly of power. However, it may negatively affect budget allocation on capital programs in their last term. Our findings should interest public policymakers in discerning the costs and benefits of term limits for elected offices.Originality/valueMost studies on horizon problems have focused on the corporate setting. This study provides evidence of the effects of horizon problems in the government setting, especially in Asia.

A decolonial approach to Brazilian environmental policy since 1972

The aim of this article is to discuss the neoliberal project as a colonial determinant of the environmental policy in Brazil since 1972. The 1972 Stockholm Conference is used as a milestone for analysis. The results show that, since the military regime in the 1970s and through successive elected governments, whether right- or left-wing, federal policies have consistently aimed to boost the country’s economic growth. Even the few socio-environmental advances identified during the first administrations of the Labour Party (2003–2010) resulted from processes focused on the ‘deterritorialisation’ of Indigenous peoples and traditional communities. The ultra-liberal project adopted by the Bolsonaro administration (2019–2022) accelerated these processes and promoted an aggressive denialist, anti-environmental and anti-Indigenous agenda. Given the current political scenario (Lula administration 2023–2026), this study makes the following main contributions: it offers a new orientation for the environmental and Indigenous agendas developed by the progressive sector in Brazil and advocates for a science orientated towards contributing to a new environmental and Indigenous agenda in the country.

Paradoxical oddities in two multiwinner elections from Scotland

If you were a candidate in an election, would you prefer more support from voters or less? Put another way: would you prefer that your campaign staff persuade more voters to vote for you, or fewer? These questions seem silly, because of course you would want more support from voters. Surprisingly, when using certain voting methods it is actually possible for more voter support to produce a worse result for a candidate; such an outcome is a type of monotonicity paradox. In [1], we searched for various types of monotonicity paradoxes in 1079 single-transferable vote (STV) elections from a database of Scottish local government elections. The purpose of this article is to present in detail two of the most interesting elections revealed by our search. These two elections are arguably the most paradox-riddled real-world political ranked choice elections ever documented, perhaps rivalled only by four single-winner examples from the United States: the 2009 mayoral election in Burlington, Vermont ([2, 3]); a 2021 city council race in Minneapolis, Minnesota [4]; the 2022 Special Election for US House in Alaska [5]; and the 2022 District 4 School Director election in Oakland, California [6]. The first election we present is the 2017 council election in the Buckie Ward of the Moray Council Area, which demonstrated the most extreme instance of a committee size monotonicity paradox ever observed in an actual election. The second election is the 2012 council election in the Steòrnabhagh a Tuath Ward of the Nah-Eileanan Siar Council Area, which demonstrated upward and downward monotonicity paradoxes, as well as a no-show paradox. To contextualise these elections, as part of our discussion we indicate how often these kinds of paradoxes occur in Scottish local government elections.

IMPACT OF POLITICAL APATHY ON THE DEMOCRATIC PROCESS AND GOVERNANCE IN NIGERIA

This study investigates the multifaceted impact of political apathy on the democratic process and governance in Nigeria, with a focus on local government elections in Ogun State. Through a descriptive research design, data was collected from 230 male and female adults in Ogun State, employing stratified and simple random sampling methods. Statistical analysis, including means and correlation analysis, was utilized to examine factors contributing to political apathy, manifestations of apathy, and its consequences on governance. The findings revealed widespread agreement among respondents regarding factors contributing to political apathy, including corruption, ethnic and religious divisions, and socio-economic disparities. Moreover, low voter turnout, limited civic engagement, and elite capture of political institutions are identified as manifestations of political apathy, undermining democratic principles such as representation and accountability. The consequences of political apathy on governance are profound, exacerbating socio-economic inequalities and eroding democratic legitimacy and accountability. Recommendations are provided to address these challenges, including comprehensive governance reforms, promotion of civic engagement, and initiatives to address socio-economic inequalities. These findings underscore the urgent need for proactive measures to combat political apathy and revitalize democratic governance in Nigeria, emphasizing the importance of transparency, inclusivity, and accountability in political processes.

Bringing the state back in: Populism and economic nationalism in Europe

AbstractObjectiveEconomic nationalism has been on the rise for the past two decades. Scholars have also noted the shift away from globalization and deregulation toward a more prominent role of the state in the economy. I explore the role played by populist governments in the increased adoption of economic nationalism and in this return of the state. I argue that the populist worldview lends itself naturally to a consolidation of power—not just political, but also economic. This consolidation of economic power results in a more prominent state even in countries where the populist regime is a right‐leaning one.MethodsI test this argument quantitatively by analyzing governments in 30 European countries since 1990, levels of state ownership in the economy, and a battery of economic and political controls.ResultsThe election of a populist government is associated with a strengthening of state ownership in the economy.ConclusionI conclude with a discussion of the prospects for the future study of this populist economic agenda both domestically and internationally.

Gender Differences in Climbing up the Ladder: Why Experience Closes the Ambition Gender Gap

Women are unequally represented in the highest positions in society. Beyond discrimination and bias, women are missing from the top because they are less likely to pursue high-ranking opportunities. We propose that experience is a critical moderator of gender differences in pursuing leadership opportunities, with low-experience women being particularly unlikely to seek higher level positions. We used field analyses of 96 years of U.S. senator and governor elections to examine male and female politicians’ propensity to run for higher political offices. As predicted, among those with little political experience, women were less likely than men to run for higher office, but experience closed this gender gap. A preregistered experiment among U.S.-based adults replicated the field findings and revealed that it was the increased self-confidence of experienced women that reduced the gender gap. The findings suggest experience, and the self-confidence that comes with it, is one lever for closing the gender gap in seeking to climb professional hierarchies.

Political Preferences Of Young Generation (Gen Y And Gen Z) Ahead Of The Contestation Of The 2024 West Java Governor And Vice Governor Elections

Gen Y (millennials) and Z are predicted to have a vital role in the conduct of General Elections, this cannot be separated from quantitative data-based considerations, specifically their very large proportion of the total number of Voters. Within the context of the 2024 West Java Governor and Vice Governor Elections, such figure is realized to reach 54 percent. Given such background, it is not surprising that all components of interest, in this case the electoral committees, electoral candidates, and including academics are competing in making a more detailed map of the political preferences and voting behavior of gen Y and Z. This study uses a qualitative method and critical discourse analysis approach. This study seeks to show a number of factors in relation to the political preferences of gen Y and Z in the implementation of democratic mechanisms, specifically General Elections. These political preferences of gen Y and Z are mapped out through survey data, those survey data are analyzed in depth through the theory of voting behavior. This study is expected to be a reference for electoral committees and electoral candidates in the formulation of strategic policies to improve gen Y and Z's participation and involvement in electoral politics.

Developing a Geo-Spatial Database and Standard Queries for Election Management by Stakeholders within Jos South, Nigeria

One of the major set-backs of the 2023 general elections in Nigeria as highlighted by YIAGA Africa (2024) was the failure of the body saddled with election management which is Independent Electoral Commission (INEC), to deploy Geo-spatial Database (GSDB) as a repository in the efficient management processes which enable all election stakeholder participate seamlessly and interactively. The modus of oparandy for the geo-spatial database was hierarchical by dis-aggregating GSDB to the lowest geographical unit. The recent court verdict on re-delineation of electoral wards in Rivers State did not go down well with the political pundits prior to the forth coming local government election in the state. It surffices to say that, INEC from the on-set never had a geo-spatial database from which delineation and update of electoral wards, polling units can be carried out This will further build confidence and integrity, then reducing litigations that characterized the 2023 elections. The GSDB used was predicated on file geo-database of ArcGIS, where both spatial and attribute data of the study were stored; and standard query languages that are pertinent to elections were issued at prompt which generated maps and texts for decision making by all stakeholders.

Political party building in populist style

This article assesses the local organisation of the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) in its first participation in South Africa’s local government elections in 2016. Drawing on original interviews with local party activists, it explains how the EFF’s brand of populism mobilised at the grassroots level during its formative years. The study argues that the party’s populist style was effective because it helped appropriate existing diverse networks of political activists by positioning itself as the voice of ‘ordinary black people’ against business and government ‘elites’. This orientation of the EFF appealed to youth, activists, and mineworkers who felt excluded from the African National Congress (ANC); while the protests and regalia of its populist style nurtured feelings of collective identity and efficacy among local party organisers. The article indicates how a populist style can be effective in exploiting generational cleavages to build a viable opposition party within the constraints of a dominant party system.

Voter management devices in South Africa’s elections, 2021-2024

This paper tracks the performance of Voter Management Devices (VMDs) in South Africa from their piloting in the 2021 local government election to their adoption in the 2024 general elections. It seeks to unpack what this performance means for further modernising electoral processes in the country, and especially for the introduction of e-voting. The Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) argues that hand-held touch-screen electronic devices ushered in a new era for election management in South Africa. Procured for millions of rand, VMDs replaced the old Zip-Zip barcode machines used since 1998 which could not capture real-time information. They were introduced at a time when the COVID-19 pandemic posed a threat to electoral participation in the democratic world. While the IEC and some observers argue that VMDs strengthened tough health controls in the voting process during their piloting, as with most new technology they still experienced several challenges and technical glitches. Nevertheless, the IEC resolved to deploy the new devices in the 2024 general elections. Following further glitches in the general elections, two main research questions have emerged: is South Africa technologically ready to handle e-voting based on the performance of VMDs? and what can other African countries learn from South Africa regarding modernising their voting systems? Data for this study was collected using qualitative methods. This study found that political will alone is insufficient for the modernisation of voting systems. The performance of VMDs requires further scrutiny before e-voting can be successfully implemented in South Africa.

LOCAL GOVERNMENT ISSUES AFTER THE ENACTMENT OF LAW 11 OF 2020 ON JOB CREATION

With the enactment of Law Number 23 of 2014 concerning Regional Government, it provides new regulations regarding the division of authority between levels of government. There are several administrations of government affairs which were previously part of the authority of the Regency/City and later became the authority of the State. The administration of government consists of the implementation of mandatory government and the implementation of elective government which is divided between the central government, provincial regions and regency/municipal regions. Mandatory Government Affairs are divided into Mandatory Government Affairs relating to Basic Services and Mandatory Government Affairs which are not related to Basic Services. The relationship of authority between the Central Government and Regional Governments in the system of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia gave rise to the concepts of centralization and decentralization. The implementation of Regional Autonomy after the existence of Law Number 11 of 2020 concerning Job Creation took over the authority of the regional government, the authority of the Regional Government carried out by the Central Government can affect the existing government system in the region. Adjusted to the administration of government in the implementation of regional autonomy, this can affect local revenue which can have a negative impact on the area.