Egalitarian Gender Ideology Research Articles

Is Buddha a Couple? Gender-Unitary Perspectives from the Lahu of Southwest China

This article explores the dynamic processes by which the Lahu people negotiate Buddhist gender ideologies according to their cosmology of gender unity. It focuses on the contesting gender symbolism embedded in the local images of Buddha as a pair of indigenous supreme gods, a non-Lahu missionary who founded Lahu Buddhism, and three charismatic Lahu monks in history. This study contributes to scholarly inquiries into the complexities and diversity of women's religious status across cultures. (Buddhism, gender, ethnicity, religion, China) ********** In recent years, feminism has created a virtual paradigm shift in religious studies (Christ 1987; King 1995:2; Sharma 2000). Yet the issue of women's religious statuses and roles remains more ambiguous and controversial in Buddhism than it is for other world religions (e.g., Joy 1995; Mann and Cheng 2001; Saliba, Allen, and Howard 2002). While some suggest that the core of Buddhist tenets contains egalitarian (Tsomo 1999:35; Ueki 2001) and feminist (Gross 1993) tendencies, others point out the perpetuation of male dominance and patriarchy in Buddhist thought (Cabezon 1985) or even criticize the religion for playing a critical role in women's oppression (Hantrakul 1988; Thitsa 1980). Meanwhile, many scholars recognize the ambiguous and conflicting representations of women and femininity in Buddhist canons and monastic institutions alike, a phenomenon described by a variety of terms, including androgyny, androcentrism, ascetic misogyny, and soteriological inclusiveness (Sponberg 1985; van Esterik 2000). Beyond general assessments of Buddhist gender ideologies, research also demonstrates the great diversity of women's positions in different traditions within the religion. Elaborating on the association of women with immorality, defilement, seduction, falsehood, and desire in early Buddhist texts (Paul 1985 [1979]:308; Ueki 2001:4), Theravada tradition reserves the right to pursue enlightenment in monastic institutions exclusively for males (Keyes 1984; van Esterik 2000:75). In contrast, the Mahayana tradition (especially the Chan tradition) highlights the general Buddhist wisdom of nondiscrimination through the concept of emptiness, which perceives the state of perfection as transcending any distinctions, including the distinction between the sexes (Paul 1985 [1979]; Ueki 2001:112). Despite the relatively egalitarian gender ideology of Mahayana Buddhism and its institutional manifestation in female ordination, femaleness is still commonly considered an undesirable state, and transformation into men is often believed necessary for women to achieve ultimate enlightenment (Crane 2001; Paul 1985 [1979]:171; Sunim 1999). Departing from mainstream Buddhism, the marginal Tantric tradition is characterized by both positive feminine symbolism in texts (Simmer-Brown 2001) and balanced gender roles in practice, manifested dramatically by the emphasis on the blissful and contemplative yoga of sexual union in achieving enlightenment (Shaw 1994:142). Situating particular Buddhist traditions in specific sociocultural contexts, scholars have also explored the dynamics and complexity of gender ideologies and institutions resulting from the interactions between Buddhism and society, particularly in state-based societies marked by gender hierarchy (Kirsch 1985; Ueki 2001; Tsomo 1999:7). Mainstream Mahayana Buddhism as practiced in the dominant societies of East Asia serves as an example. On the one hand, while the male-dominant ideologies and institutions of these societies are noted for distorting the gender-egalitarian core of Gautama Buddha's teachings (Harris 1999:62; Ueki 2001), Buddhist practice is also considered to perpetuate local patriarchal traditions in different forms to varying degrees (Cabezon 1985; Lancaster 1984). For instance, reconciling the Confucian focus on the patrilineal family and the monastic requirement for celibacy, Han Chinese monks declared the superiority of their supernatural contributions to ancestors over the social responsibility of producing sons, while the Japanese drastically transformed Buddhist monasteries into patrilineal family enterprises run by married male priests (Lancaster 1984). …

The Intersection of Time in Activities and Perceived Unfairness in Relation to Psychological Distress and Marital Quality

This article investigates the perceived unfairness of paid work, household chores, and child care to self and spouse and its relation to psychological distress and marital quality We consider the effects of perceived unfairness on relations between time in role activities and distress and between time in activities and marital quality. The sample consists of mothers and fathers of children aged 10-17 years interviewed for the 1992-1994 National Survey of Families and Households (NSFH). The findings indicate that perceived unfairness to self is positively related to psychological distress .for mothers and negatively related to marital quality for mothers and fathers. However, perceived unfairness does not mediate relationships between time in activities and psychological distress and marital quality. Mothers' perceived unfairness of household chores to self exacerbates relationships between hours in household chores and psychological distress and marital disagreements, especially for mothers who are remarried or who hold an egalitarian gender ideology. Equity theory suggests that perceptions of inequity or unfairness are based on the lack of a desired outcome, unfavorable comparisons with referent others, and no acceptable justification for being deprived of a desired outcome (Major, 1987; Thompson, 1991). Several studies using this approach have examined the sources and consequences of perceived unfairness of household chores, paid work, and child care to self and spouse. Studies of the sources of perceived unfairness have focused on the extent to which hours spent in household chores or the proportion of time in household chores performed by wives is associated with perceived unfairness to wives. Most of these studies have used data from Wave 1 of the NSFH. In general, studies of wives indicate that wives' hours in household chores are positively related to perceived unfairness to self. In addition, wives' doing more of the housework and child care than their husbands is positively related to perceived unfairness to self (Blair & Johnson, 1992; Hawkins, Marshall, & Meiners, 1995; John, Shelton, & Luschen, 1995; Mederer, 1993; Sanchez, 1994; Wilkie, Ferree, & Ratcliff, 1998). However, in other studies in which both the total hours and the proportion of hours in chores are included in the same regression equation, wives' proportion of hours in household chores is positively related to perceived unfairness to self, whereas total hours are not (Glass & Fujimoto, 1994; Sanchez & Kane,1996). Several studies of husbands also examine whether their time in household chores is associated with their perceptions of unfairness to their wives. When husbands perform little household work, they may feel that they have benefited more from the arrangement than their wives. Husbands' hours in household chores and their proportion of time spent in traditionally female chores are negatively related to their perception that the division of household work is unfair to their wives (DeMaris & Longmore, 1996; John et al., 1995; Perry-Jenkins & Folk, 1994; Sanchez, 1994; Ward, 1993). Glass and Fujimoto (1994) also report that husbands' proportion of time doing paid work is negatively related to the perceived fairness to self of paid work, whereas total hours doing paid work are not. These studies consistently show that both husbands and wives perceive that, as far as household chores are concerned, wives' long hours, husbands' short hours, or wives' proportionally longer hours are unfair to the wife. Proportional measures generally show stronger results than the absolute number of hours. This study examines the consequences of perceived unfairness to self and spouse of working for pay, doing household chores, and performing child care. We assess the impact of perceived unfairness on psychological distress and marital quality for married parents with children aged 10-17 years. The study focuses on how the perceived unfairness of paid work, household chores, and child care affects relationships between time in these activities and psychological distress and marital quality. …

Caught in the Middle: Korean Merchants in America's Multiethnic Cities, and: The Korean American Dream: Immigrants and Small Business in New York City, and: On My Own: Korean Businesses and Race Relations in America

Reviewed by: Caught in the Middle: Korean Communities in New York and Los Angeles, and: The Korean American Dream: Immigrants and Small Business in New York City, and: On My Own: Korean Businesses and Race Relations in America John Lie Caught in the Middle: Korean Communities in New York and Los Angeles. By Pyong Gap Min. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996. The Korean American Dream: Immigrants and Small Business in New York City. By Kyeyoung Park. Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press, 1997. On My Own: Korean Businesses and Race Relations in America. By In-Jin Yoon. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1997. Celebrated as immigrant entrepreneurs or vilified as racist exploiters, the national debate on the 1992 Los Angeles riots queried the role of Korean American merchants. Why were so many of them self-employed? Why did some African Americans in Los Angeles target them? Although the spotlight of the mass media has long faded, scholars of Korean America have persisted in illuminating these and other questions about Korean Americans, their businesses, and their inter-ethnic relations. In-Jin Yoon’s book is the broadest in scope among the three books under review. Systematically researched and rigorously analyzed, On My Own—the title refers to both the independence and the isolation of Korean American immigrants—opens with a superb chapter on Korean immigration to the U.S. Wielding a variety of data sources on Korean American businesses in Chicago and Los Angeles, Yoon argues that: “class, family, and ethnicity are the foundations of Korean immigrant entrepreneurship.” (p. 169) In contrast to other ethnic groups, Korean Americans tend to be better educated, rely on modern ethnic institutions (such as business associations and churches) rather than traditional [End Page 193] social relations (such as kinship), benefit from South Korean-U.S. economic ties, and operate in both ethnic and non-ethnic markets. Pyong Gap Min contributes an impressive tour d’horizon of Korean American businesses and business associations in New York and Los Angeles. Ranging from grocery and liquor stores to dry cleaning and garment manufacturing, he categorizes Korean American business owners as a “middleman” minority. An excellent by-product of his theoretical perspective is a very illuminating chapter on suppliers, landlords, and government agencies with whom Korean Americans must deal. Rather than the usual attention to low-income, minority customers, Min alerts us to consider predominantly white corporations and capitalists. In general, Caught in the Middle is very informative about Korean American communities in Los Angeles and New York. Min’s scrupulously researched and trenchantly argued book suffers, however, from his excessive adherence to the middleman minority perspective. Although he succeeds in achieving his objective—“to show how Korean immigrants’ middleman economic role has enhanced their ethnic solidarity” (p. 4)—the concept unduly leads him, for example, to elide some of the factors that Yoon discusses in accounting for Korean American businesses. Kyeyoung Park accentuates choice, rather than constraint, in making sense of Korean American entrepreneurship. Her principal theme is the ideology of anjông (establishment, stability, security) and how Korean immigrants articulate it to realize their American dream. The search for security, according to Park, results in the preponderant preference for small business activities, which “are a symbol, perhaps the key symbol of Korean American identity and success.” (p. 206) Given that in South Korea, small business is neither a preferred path for success nor a particularly stable pursuit, Park’s stress on anjông seems misplaced. For many, the Korean American dream is about getting into prestigious universities and getting professional jobs. Furthermore, Min and Yoon are right to stress constraints, such as linguistic, that propel Korean Americans to seek small business ownership over blue-collar employment. What is of particular value in The Korean American Dream is, however, the perceptive analysis of Korean immigrant family and gender relations. The combined effect of the egalitarian gender ideology in the U.S. plus immigrant women’s central role in business transforms traditional patriarchal gender relations among Korean immigrant families. Here Park uses oral history and ethnographic data to good effect, and her attention to the immigrants’ South Korean background and to the importance of Christianity is most welcome...

GENDER, GENDER IDEOLOGY, AND ANIMAL RIGHTS ADVOCACY

Research on women's preponderance among animal rights advocates explains it exclusively as a product of women's socialization, emphasizing a relational orientation of care and nurturing that extends to animals. The authors propose a more structural explanation: Women's experiences with structural oppression make them more disposed to egalitarian ideology, which creates concern for animal rights. Using data from a 1993 national sample, the authors find that an egalitarian gender ideology is a key difference in women's and men's routes to animal rights advocacy: It differentiates those more likely to endorse animal rights among women but not among men. Neither this ideology nor other variables in the analysis, however, account for women's greater overall support of animal rights in the combined sample. Reasons for this latter finding are explored.

Mothers' Work Hours and Marital Quality: Variations by Family Structure and Family Size

This research uses data from the 1988 wave of the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth, Merged Child-Mother, to investigate the association between married mothers' employment and their reports of marital conflict and marital happiness in continuously married families with children and in mother-stepfather families. For continuously married families with children, the findings indicate a nonsignificant trend that is consistent with role strain perspectives. For mother-stepfather families, there is a significant trend in which mothers' full-time employment is associated with higher marital quality when there are more children in the household. These findings are interpreted in light of the distributive justice perspective's emphasis on the meanings of roles and the importance of spouses' perceptions of equity for marital quality. In the last 30 years, married women with children have moved into the work force and remained there in increasing numbers. In 1990, 59% of married women with preschool children and 74% of married women with children between the ages of 6 and 17 years were employed (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1992). Fourteen percent of all children who are living with two parents live in mother-stepfather families, where maternal employment is even more common (Thomson, 1994; U.S Bureau of the Census, 1992). Thus, a significant majority of continuously married mothers and mothers in mother-stepfather families find themselves trying to balance the demands of work, parenting, and marital roles. Research suggests that work may have positive, as well as negative, effects on the marital relationships of continuously married mothers, but virtually nothing is known about how the employment of mothers in mother-stepfather families affects their marital relationships. The research presented here investigates the relationship between married mothers' work and their reports of marital quality in continuously married families and in motherstepfather families. It provides further insights into the impact of two major social changes-the large scale labor force participation of married mothers and the increased number of stepfamilies--on family life. This study focuses on mothers rather than fathers or stepfathers for several reasons. First, although the normativeness of dual-earner families with children has changed the nature of family life in recent decades, change is most apparent in women's lives and family roles because families continue to be organized according to traditional, gendered expectations of behavior (Ferree, 1990; Thompson & Walker, 1989). Although there is evidence that wives' employment and earnings may increase husbands' household participation Department of Sociology, University of Nebraska, 711 Oldfather Hall, P.O. Box 880324, Lincoln, NE 68588 (srogers@ unlinfo.unl.edu). Key Words: family size, marital quality, parenthood, remarriage, work. (Blair & Lichter, 1991; Ishii-Kuntz & Coltrane, 1992), traditional, gendered arrangements are intransigent. In dual-earner couples husbands consistently participate less than wives in household work and childcare (Blair & Lichter, 1991; Brayfield, 1995; Coltrane & Ishii-Kuntz, 1992; Hochschild, 1989). And even in couples with more education and more egalitarian gender ideologies, household tasks continue to be largely apportioned according to traditional gender roles (Blair & Lichter, 1991). These same patterns also hold in remarried families, though remarried husbands do somewhat more household work than their continuously married, male counterparts (Ishii-Kuntz & Coltrane,1992). Second, research indicates that in dual-earner families with children it is the women who express dissatisfaction with the increased demands they face from work and family roles (Booth, Johnson, White, & Edwards, 1984; Hochschild, 1989; Hoffman, 1989). Because wives initiate divorce more frequently than husbands and conflicts over gender roles and the household division of labor are frequently cited areas of marital dissatisfaction and causes for divorce (Hochschild, 1989; Kitson & Sussman, 1982), the effects of mothers' employment have implications for the stability as well as for the quality of marital relationships. …