Effects Of Russia Research Articles

Neo-Eurasianism and the Russian elite: the irrelevance of Aleksandr Dugin’s geopolitics

ABSTRACTThe consistency and effectiveness of Russia’s assertive foreign policy has earned Putin, both domestically and internationally, the image of a powerful and ambitious leader with a strategic plan to re-establish the Russian empire and defend Russia’s core national interests. Speculation among scholars and practitioners regarding the existence of such a “strategic plan” makes Aleksandr Dugin’s conspiratorial neo-Eurasianism project an especially appealing subject of research. This paper explores key ideas of Dugin’s neo-Eurasianism, as described in his Foundations of Geopolitics, and tests them empirically with data from the Survey of Russian Elites: 1993–2016 using a Bayesian Structural Equation Modeling approach. Its main finding is that the theory has limited utility for understanding elites’ foreign policy perceptions and therefore its influence should not be overstated. Moreover, there is no evidence that Dugin’s theory is more salient in the post-Crimean period than in the pre-Crimean period.

The Jevons paradox and the problem of assessing the effectiveness of environmental institutions in Russia

The paper presents an attempt to quantify and analyze the ecological and economic trends in the regions of Russia using the decoupling coefficient. The calculations showed high heterogeneity in the spatial distribution of the quantitative decoupling effect in Russia. The number of regions where this effect is steadily manifested concerning all (included in the analysis) types of negative impact is relatively small. In the regions actively developing cross-border ties with China, the decoupling effect is observed concerning the discharge of polluted wastewater. According to the negative impact on the atmospheric air in most cases, the effect of decoupling was also revealed. At the same time, in some regions, economic development is accompanied by an increase in air pollution, which is the most noticeable when considering the situation in the context of the main economic activities. We can also conclude that over the past decade there has been no significant environmental modernization in the basic industries of the regions actively developing cross-border ties with China. During the period of economic instability (from 2009 to 2016), the ecological and economic efficiency of economic activity decreased in all regions and the Russian Federation. The results of the study show that under these conditions, the effectiveness of existing environmental institutions is decreasing, and they do not provide sufficient “immunity” of regional ecological and economic systems concerning economic shocks.

Effectiveness of Russia's Foreign Policy Information Support in Its Confrontation With the United States

Effectiveness of Russia's Foreign Policy Information Support in Its Confrontation With the United States

Seeking better judgment: LGBT discrimination cases in Russia and at the European Court of Human Rights

ABSTRACT Drawing upon data from field interviews, court records, and media and NGO reports, this article examines Russian cases claiming LGBT discrimination in domestic courts and at the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR). The ECtHR has provided a less homophobic venue than Russia’s domestic courts for such claims, but its judgments have had little effect in Russia. We argue that the Russian case illustrates a paradox in the domestic politics of international human rights litigation. Activists from domestic contexts where discrimination is most prevalent are most likely to make successful claims in international human rights courts, while in those same contexts, informal discriminatory norms are likely to be strongest, resulting in those international court decisions having the least impact on the ground.

The effect of Russia’s economic crisis and import ban on its agricultural and food sector

This article examines how Russia’s economic crisis and ban on agricultural imports from the United States and other Western countries that began in 2014 have impacted its agricultural and food sector. The import ban was a Russian response to geopolitical tension with the West stemming from the country’s conflict with Ukraine, while the main cause of the economic crisis was a plunge in world oil prices. Given that the bulk of Russia’s export earnings come from oil and other energy products, the oil price decline triggered a major depreciation of the ruble against the US dollar and other major currencies. Ruble depreciation and the import ban have affected Russian consumers by reducing Russia’s imports of agricultural and food products, substantially raising food prices, and lowering consumption. However, the country’s basic food availability has not been threatened. By increasing domestic prices, the depreciation and import ban have stimulated agricultural production. The added output has reduced meat imports and raised grain exports. Russian meat imports in 2014–2016 (average annual) were about 40% lower compared to 2011–2013, while grain exports in 2014–2016 were 50% higher than in 2011–2013 (though production-enhancing favorable weather was also a cause).

Exclusive nature of the European, Euro-Atlantic and Eurasian integration and tension in the European post-Soviet space

The subject of this paper is to determine the relations between the European, Euro-Atlantic and Eurasian integration, especially their exclusive character and the turmoil in the European post-Soviet space. The paper concludes that the exclusive nature of the integration process, which has a value and a geopolitical dimension, encourages the USA, EU and Russia conflicts for control over this area and leads to the reopening of ethnic and territorial disputes (solutions for one represent deepening of crisis for the other stakeholders), remilitarization and a new arms race, the increased military presence of the USA and Russia in the region and further destabilization of the world and European order, especially the relationship between the USA-Russia-EU. The roots of these integrations are found at the end of the Cold War, the disintegration of the Soviet Union, and the survival of Western economic and defence organizations that sought and still seek to expand to the post-Soviet space in order to create a universal liberal democratic world order despite Russian dissent. This work thus sheds light on the contradictions of keeping an open-door policy of the European and Euro-Atlantic integration, which causes the opposite effect in Russia - a sense of closing the door, the new isolation and restraint, creating new divisions in Europe. On the other hand, the contradiction that this analysis reveals is that Russia, while seeking equal treatment and respect for its interests by the West, is in fact expecting respect of its inequality compared to other European post-Soviet republics, de facto recognition of its right of veto to the post-Soviet republics integration and its special role in this region, which practically bolster further fears that these countries will be returned to the Russian sphere of influence or even a new Russian state. Of the several variables that have remained as a result of the breakup of the Soviet Union and affected the foreign policies of the post-Soviet states, the question of the type of integration became crucial because of its defence, geopolitical, economic and wider social effects.

Sanctions and Counter-Sanctions — What Are their Economic Effects in Russia and Elsewhere?

In this note I review the literature on the economic effects of sanctions against Russia and Russia's own counter-sanctions. There are papers looking at the macroeconomic effects of sanctions as well as their effects on international trade and financial flows. All such papers must also deal with the collapse of oil price, which happened almost concurrently with the introduction of sanctions. Most papers find a negative effect of sanctions on Russia's general economic development since 2014. This effect most likely operates both via foreign trade and decreasing foreign capital flows into Russia. Moreover, Russia's own counter-sanctions have a clear negative effect on the well-being of an average Russian household.

The Problem Of Improving The Efficiency Of Public Administration In Modern Russia

The paper examines the problem of improving the efficiency of public administration in Russia. The urgency of raising the effectiveness of modern public administration in Russia is caused by a number of reasons. First, the relevance of the problem under consideration is determined by the worldwide trend of increasing the role of the state in the modern era. Secondly, inefficiency of the existing model of public administration: the use of outdated principles, methods and technologies of governance in the system of public authorities. Thirdly, there is no correspondence of state management to internal and external challenges. Fourth, the problem of the public administration effectiveness in Russia is exacerbated by the use of sanctions measures against the country. Fifth, assessment of management efficiency allows societyy to determine the quality of the activities of state institutions and the state apparatus to evaluate the results of its own activities. The purpose of the study is to consider the problem of improving the efficiency of public administration in Russia. Achieving this goal requires revealing the main problems and tasks for improving and reforming the state administration of Russia. As a methodological base of the research, the work includes the following approaches and methods: systemic and structural-functional approaches, sociological, dialectical and comparative methods, as well as analysis of conditions and factors affecting public administration in modern Russia. As a result of the research, we came to the following conclusions: 1. An inefficient public administration model contributes to stagnation and a permanent crisis in the development of society and the state. 2. The ineffectiveness of public administration does not contribute to the growth of Russia's competitiveness in the world. 3. The competitiveness of Russian society and, first of all, the economy of the country is impossible without a corresponding competitive state policy. Contemporary competition policy in Russia is being reduced mainly to antitrust policy, the competition development strategy does not receive due attention from the authorities. 4. A modern effective model of public administration should rely not only on basic values and management principles, but also take into account the realities of the information society that is emerging in Russia, and the formation of a knowledge society. 5.Overcoming the stagnation and social withdrawal of the administrative apparatus by involving the public in the work of state administration bodies. The relationship between the Russian state and civil society built on a hierarchical principle needs to be transformed into a networked relationship with conversion from trusteeship to partnerships.

Electric vehicle purchase intentions of Chinese, Russian and Brazilian citizens: An international comparative study

The adoption of electric vehicles is key to lowering the consumption of fossil fuels and emission of greenhouse gases. Cross-national surveys studying citizens' purchase intentions regarding electric vehicles (EVs) remain limited, especially when it comes to combining individual micro-level factors and contextual macro-level forces. Based on a cross-national dataset with 2806 respondents from China (n = 1078), Brazil (n = 929), and Russia (n = 799), this study analyzes variations and determinants of purchase intentions for EVs in these three countries. The survey results indicate that purchase intentions for EVs among Chinese citizens is higher than amongst Brazilian and Russian citizens. The purchasing intention of citizens in all three countries is especially high for people who have a wide social network, and if they already know somebody with an EV. Other macro-level factors, including pollution and charging infrastructure, only impact on purchasing intention in Brazil, while government policy initiatives for EVs seem to have limited effects in all three countries. Micro-level factors, such as age and education, do not have any statistically significant effect in Russia and Brazil, and only a weak effect in China. Based on these results, we provide recommendations for business and policy makers who need to anticipate citizens' demand for EVs and design policies suitable to accelerate the adoption of sustainable transport solutions.

Perspektywa członkostwa Białorusi w Światowej Organizacji Handlu

WTO in the contemporary world, the barriers to Belarus’s membership in this organization as well as consequences of a potential accession. Further he describes the path of Belarus to WTO membership as well as accomplishments which facilitate the accession. According to the author, in spite of the changes liberalizing the economy that have been introduced, there is a little chance for Belarus to become a WTO member in the foreseeable future. The author describes a number of barriers that hinder or make it even impossible for Belarus to become a WTO member. The ineffective economic model (central control), the lack of necessary liberalization reforms and privatization are the obstacles to accession. There are no significant changes in the Belarusian economy leading to escalation of problems, the crisis intensifies and social discontent increases. Furthermore, the author analyses consequences for Belarus of Russia joining the WTO. As the author indicates this forced the other members of the Customs Union of Belarus, Kazakhstan and Russia to automatically adhere to the liberalization of trade conducted by Russia in line with the obligation arising from the membership in the WTO. Belarus is exposed to the negative effects of Russia’s accession to the WTO without receiving any benefits in return. One of the main problems is that Belarusian goods are of low quality and thus they are unable to compete with foreign products. In addition, the technology in Belarus is underdeveloped and this intensifies the inefficiency of the Belarusian economic model, preventing accession to the WTO.

Limitations on ballistic missile defense—Past and possibly future

ABSTRACT The ABM Treaty is unlikely to be revived any time soon. But it is possible that restraints on US deployment of ballistic missile defenses could make them seem less threatening to the effectiveness of Russia’s and China’s nuclear deterrents and set the stage for discussions about ways to preserve and even advance nuclear arms control. The proposed restraints are on systems designed to intercept warheads outside the atmosphere. Such systems are of little value in any case because they can be easily deceived by decoys and other countermeasures.

The Psychological Aspects of Corporate Foresight

The article considers the psychological mechanisms of collective foresight activities. Corporate foresight is considered a collective relection, an open strategic dialogue about group objectives and joint actions that helps group members construct a collective image of the future and adapt to future challenges. The results of expert panel revealed several organizational and psychological barriers that hinder corporate foresight effectiveness in Russia: distrust toward long-term forecasting, the avoidance of responsibility for one’s own future, a poor focus on the future, and low levels of social cooperation. Special attention is paid to overcoming the cognitive biases and socio-psychological effects during foresight sessions that hinder group reflection, including: the effects of overconfidence, the desirability effect, framing, future anxiety, neglect of the scope of risk, future stereotyping, uncertainty of outcome, availability heuristic, the generalization of fictional evidence, the visualization effect, hindsight bias, future discounting, cognitive dissonance, regression to the mean, planning fallacy, explanation effect, common knowledge and polarization effects, technophile’s bias, and self-fulfilling prophecies. Directions of future psychological research in the field of foresight studies are proposed.

Роль инструментов «мягкой силы» во внешней политике России

The article discusses the role and importance of the instruments of soft power in Russia's foreign policy. The author emphasizes that today in terms of foreign policy of the state the role of soft power is growing. In many states, it becomes a crucial instrument of foreign policy power. Russia is no exception. One can see it in the repeated use of the terminology and tools of soft power reflected in one of the basic legal documents – The Foreign Policy Concept of the Russian Federation. The author supposed, in addition to using such soft power tools as culture, public diplomacy, media, education, science, etc., Russia could have a soft influence on the actors of world politics, using economic power. Thereby, through the creation of a positive image of the Russian Federation among Russian nations, which later will be broadcasted through civil society and public organizations, the effectiveness of Russia's soft power impact on the international community can significantly increase.

Russian Elites and Dugin's Neo-Eurasianism: Empirical Analysis of 2012 and 2016

The mounting tensions between Russia and the West over the Ukrainian crisis and Crimea's annexation in 2014; Russia's growing information warfare and cyberwarfare campaign, culminating in interference with the recent US presidential election; confrontation over the Syrian conflict, and many other events of that ilk --- have thrust Russia and the West into the reality of a new Cold War. The consistency and effectiveness of Russia's assertive foreign policy has earned Putin, both domestically and internationally, an image of a powerful and ambitious leader with to reestablish the Russian empire and defend Russia's core national interests. Speculation regarding the presence of such strategic plan among scholars and practitioners make Alexander Dugin's conspiratorial neo-Eurasianism project especially appealing for research investigation. Surprisingly, so far, its major theoretical perspectives have had a good predictive power of Russia's contemporary policies, legitimately raising the question about the consistency of the elite's views with the theory's. I argue that by laying out a roadmap for Russia's contemporary imperialism and challenging the current international order, this theory remains quite popular among the Russian elites and could be partially used by them as guidance in policy-making. This paper explores key ideas of Dugin's neo-Eurasianism, as described in his Foundations of Geopolitics, and empirically tests them with data from the Survey of Russian Elites: 1993-2016 using a Bayesian Structural Equation approach.

Who owns the wealth in tax havens? Macro evidence and implications for global inequality

Drawing on newly published macroeconomic statistics, this paper estimates the amount of household wealth owned by each country in offshore tax havens. The equivalent of 10% of world GDP is held in tax havens globally, but this average masks a great deal of heterogeneity—from a few percent of GDP in Scandinavia, to about 15% in Continental Europe, and 60% in Gulf countries and some Latin American economies. We use these estimates to construct revised series of top wealth shares in ten countries, which account for close to half of world GDP. Because offshore wealth is very concentrated at the top, accounting for it increases the top 0.01% wealth share substantially in Europe, even in countries that do not use tax havens extensively. It has considerable effects in Russia, where the vast majority of wealth at the top is held offshore. These results highlight the importance of looking beyond tax and survey data to study wealth accumulation among the very rich in a globalized world.

Анализ эффективности налоговых расходов в России на примере имущественного налогового вычета и льготной ставки НДС

Introduction. Tax expenditures are widely used both in international and Russian practice to redistribute population incomes for the purpose of their equalization. Despite the significant share of tax expenditures in total budget expenditures, the assessment of their effectiveness has not been yet fully studied. Aims. The article presents the assessment of the tax expenditures effectiveness in Russia considering property tax deduction and preferential rate of value added tax (VAT), as well as the ways to improve the existing tax system in the context of optimizing the tax burden. Methods. The main method is the analysis of benefit distribution (distributional analysis). Results. The age and the household structure must be taken into account when analyzing the tax expenditures distribution. The distributions of property tax deductions and VAT subsidies by income group reveal a slight shift (property deduction – to the right, VAT subsidies – to the left). Conclusion. The existing system of property tax deductions and preferential VAT rate helps to level off the population incomes. A group of households which can be viewed as “middle class” (with incomes per member at 10.6–35.0 thousand rubles) appears to be the main beneficiary.

The “Judaic-Reasoning Novgorod Heretics” and Some Echoes of Spain in Late Medieval Russia

In October 1490 Archbishop Gennadii of Novgorod sent a report from the Imperial (Holy Roman Empire) envoy of the Spanish Inquisition to the new Metropolitan of Moscow Zosima. This was in the light of the upcoming synod trial of the accused “Judaic-reasoning Novgorod Heretics,” some of whom Gennadii was then empowered to subject to a humiliating auto-da-fé, without, however, any executions. The overall manuscript evidence indicates that Gennadii’s “judaizing” charges must be taken cum grano salis, that Russian churchmen were clearly concerned with other challenges to Orthodoxy, and the Russian Church’s relationship to Jewish texts was not uniformly hostile. But the report, if quite inaccurate, did have some effect in Russia, even though Russia’s inquisitional proceedings were unique to local conditions and traditions and evinced little influence from any part of the Roman Catholic world. Gennadii’s report dangled the prospects of several thousand immolations and accompanying lucrative property confiscation to the benefit of the royal fisc, but the Russian authorities of the day actually found few such culprits worthy of imprisonment and execution—this in contrast to the former Novgorod Republic’s immense church lands, many of which the state seized and converted into pomest’ia, that is service tenures.

Interrelation of company capital structure and effectiveness in Russia

Interrelation of company capital structure and effectiveness in Russia

Economy-wide effects of international and Russia's climate policies

The objectives of this paper are to analyse the economy-wide effects of international climate policy on the Russian economy as well as the effects of Russia's climate policy on European economies. Our analysis is based on a general equilibrium model that includes inertias, such as imperfect sectoral labour mobility and vintage capital, and has a detailed depiction of the power generation sector. We found that international climate policy could reduce Russia's private welfare by 1.8% annually due to lower revenues from exports of fossil fuels. At the sectoral level, Russia could gain a comparative advantage in producing energy-intensive commodities and hence Russia's producers of those commodities increase their production and export supplies. This could result in a carbon leakage in Russia. Eliminating implicit subsidies on domestic consumption of gas and petroleum products could reduce Russia's private welfare loss by 0.6% points and eliminate the carbon leakage. Nevertheless, eliminating implicit subsidies on gas and petroleum products might not be sufficient to achieve the pledged emission reductions by 2030. Moreover, this leads to an undesirable increase in coal consumption and therefore, some additional climate policy such as a carbon tax or an emission trading system might be required. We also found that Russia's climate policy could have positive but moderate effects on the European economies; in particular, countries such as Lithuania, Slovakia, and Hungary benefit due to decreased export prices for gas, crude oil, and petroleum products from Russia.

THE CONGRESSES OF TRANSBAIKAL GOLD INDUSTRY ENTREPRENEURS IN 1898 – 1919

The article features an analysis of projects of congresses of gold miners in Transbaikal and correspondence concerning the organization of these congresses in 1898 – 1919. It is the first time a number of documents of the State Archive of Irkutsk region and the State Archive of the Transbaikal region have been examined. The article describes the history of the origin and development of the Congress of prospectors, as an independent institution. It illustrates the evolution of the role of the Congress as a body representing the collective interests of gold industry entrepreneurs. The article reveals contradictions between the gold miners they faced in addressing the issues. The research identifies the key interests and problems of gold miners at the turn of XIX – XX centuries On the basis of documents on the organization of congresses it examines the situation of workers, development of medical Affairs, the condition of routs of communication in the mines. The conclusion is made about the value of the documents of the congresses for the study of issues of social, technical and financial challenges of gold mining. The archival data reveal the effect of Russia's participation in the RussoJapanese and First World wars on its gold production. The obtained results allow a more detailed study of the gold mining past of this region.