Economic Dominance Research Articles

İç Savaşlar Ne Zaman Etnik Temizlik Doğurur? Lübnan ve Yugoslavya Vakaları

Civil wars are episodes when ethnic violence is likely to be observed. However,while some civil wars lead to extreme forms of violence such as ethnic cleansing,this is not always the case for every civil war. Then why do some civil wars breedethnic cleansing and not others? What sort of factors that are related to the contextof the civil war and the involved actors shape the likelihood of an ethnic cleansing?Which theories of political conflict explain these diverging outcomes better? Basedon two prominent civil wars of the last century, the Lebanese Civil War and the YugoslavWars, this article tests the hypotheses on political opportunities and grievancesin order to explain why the latter led to an ethnic cleansing while the formerdid not. Based on the systematic tests of these theories in comparative case studies,the study finds that factors related to political opportunities such as regime changeand political and military dominance are more useful in explaining the variationbetween the two cases whereas the factors that correspond with grievances suchas economic dominance and hatred do not explain the outcomes.

Financing COVID-19 Deficits in Fiscally Dominant Economies: Is The Monetarist Arithmetic Unpleasant?

The coronavirus pandemic of 2019-20 confronted fiscally dominant regimes around the world with the question of whether the large deficits caused by the health crisis should be monetized or financed by issuing debt. The unpleasant monetarist arithmetic of Sargent and Wallace (1981) states that in a fiscally dominant regime tighter money now can cause higher inflation in the future. In spite of the qualifier ‘unpleasant,’ this result is positive in nature, and, therefore, void of normative content. I analyze conditions under which it is optimal in a welfare sense for the central bank to delay inflation by issuing debt to finance part of the fiscal deficit. The analysis is conducted in the context of a model in which the aforementioned monetarist arithmetic holds, in the sense that if the government finds it optimal to delay inflation, it does so knowing that it would result in higher inflation in the future. The central result of the paper is that delaying inflation is optimal when the fiscal deficit is expected to decline over time.

An Analysis of Japan’s Quality Movement from the Meiji Period until the Present Day: A Synthesized Perspective

Manuscript type: Research paper Research aims: This paper has a tri-fold purpose. First, we seek to establish whether Japan’s focus on quality manufacturing was a conscious choice. Second, we attempt to analyse the impact of the external environment on the success/failure of quality upgrading. Third, we investigate whether Japanese businesses, regardless of the shifts in the competitive environment in the last two decades, continue to explore quality management as a strategic weapon for competitiveness. Design/Methodology/Approach: The study is based on a systematic literature review using two of the main scientific databases – JSTOR and Emerald. The scientific papers used for this synthesis – over sixty manuscripts in total – have (predominantly) focused on the quality movement in Japan at a national/country level. These are peerreviewed articles published between 1980 and 2018 that go beyond the field of operations/quality management. Research findings: We show that Japan’s focus on quality upgrading was a conscious choice that sought to elevate the country’s economy.Moreover, we identify a number of external factors (e.g. government support, sound formal institutions) – four, specifically – that, according to our analysis, have been critical to Japan’s success in quality manufacturing. Finally, we show that regardless of the (recent) shifts in the competitive environment, (product) quality improvement continues to take a central part in Japan’s pursuit of global economic dominance. Theoretical contribution/Originality: We claim that that this is the first comprehensive study of Japan’s quality movement to include scientific data from the Meiji Period until the present day (so far the bulk of the scientific papers have focused on the quality movement in post-war Japan). We also bridge a substantial gap in the QM literature regarding the influence of the external environment (e.g. political factors, social factors) on the success/failure in quality upgrading. Practitioner/Policy implication: The insights of this paper provide a valuable lesson to policy makers from developing and/or underdeveloped economies in their pursuit of economic growth. The study is also important to manufacturers from developing and/ or underdeveloped countries to understand their own quality management practices in comparison with those in Japan, which have the highest standards of manufacturing quality. Research limitation/Implication: Our literature search is admittedly not exhaustive as it involves only two of the main scientific databases.

Financing COVID-19 Deficits in Fiscally Dominant Economies: Is The Monetarist Arithmetic Unpleasant?

The coronavirus pandemic of 2019-20 confronted fiscally dominant regimes around the world with the question of whether the large deficits caused by the health crisis should be monetized or financed by issuing debt. The unpleasant monetarist arithmetic of Sargent and Wallace (1981) states that in a fiscally dominant regime tighter money now can cause higher inflation in the future. In spite of the qualifier ‘unpleasant,’ this result is positive in nature, and, therefore, void of normative content. I analyze conditions under which it is optimal in a welfare sense for the central bank to delay inflation by issuing debt to finance part of the fiscal deficit. The analysis is conducted in the context of a model in which the aforementioned monetarist arithmetic holds, in the sense that if the government finds it optimal to delay inflation, it does so knowing that it would result in higher inflation in the future. The central result of the paper is that delaying inflation is optimal when the fiscal deficit is expected to decline over time.

Paris Barış Konferansı Öncesinde Haim Weizmann-Şerif Faysal Görüşmeleri ve Faysal’ın Konferansta Filistin Hakkındaki Talepleri

İngiltere, 1763’ten itibaren Hindistan deniz yolu üzerinde siyasi, ekonomik hakimiyet kurmak, devam ettirmek amacıyla hareket etmiştir. Filistin, bu hat üzerinde bulunan Süveyş kanalının güvenliği için önemli bir yer tutmaktaydı. Bu sebeple İngiltere açısından her daim kontrol edilmeliydi. Birinci Dünya Savaşının hemen sonrasında Ortadoğu’da, Filistin’de yaşanan süreçte tam bir karmaşa hakimdi. Bunun temel nedeni İngiltere’nin Osmanlı Devleti’nin yıkılması hedefinde birleştirdiği müttefiklerine bölgeyi vaat etmesiydi. Fransa, Şerif Hüseyin ailesi ve Siyonistler vaatleri kendi istekleri doğrusunda anlamaktaydı. Savaş ertesinde ABD Başkanı Wilson’un ilkeleri etrafında toplanan Paris Barış Konferansında da İngiltere’nin bölgedeki amaçlarına zıt bir süreç işleme ihtimali vardı. İngiltere’nin, hem vaatlerini hem de barış konferansı kararlarını kendi stratejisi çerçevesinde yönlendirmesi gerekmekteydi. Bu nedenle Filistin-Suriye hattında İngiltere mandaterliğini kabul eden taleplerin konferansta dile getirilmesi elzemdi. Bu çerçevede İngiltere, Haim Weizmann ve Şerif Faysal’ı bir araya getirmiştir. Ardından her iki tarafı konferansa davet etmiş ve onlara sunum yaptırmıştır. Bu makalede her iki taraf arasında yapılan görüşmeye giden süreç ve Şerif Faysal’ın konferansta Filistin özelindeki talepleri incelenecektir.

NATIONALIZATION OF BANKS AND INDUSTRY IN AUSTRIA IN 1945–1946

The article gives the analysis of post-war nationalization in Austria. Nationalization was carried out in the interests of the big capital. This was applied both to the methods and forms of economic management in the nationalized sector, and to the methods and forms of management that were directly carried out by large monopolists and their protégés. Austria’s monopolies exercised full power in the country and used the public sector to the maximum extent possible to strengthen their financial, political and economic dominance, to increase their own profits by redistributing the national income and violating the labor legislation. The experience of the nationalization in Austria, although it is a small country, has made it possible to draw some conclusions about the significance and the role of nationalization in the workers’ struggle to build a socially just state. In Austria, nationalization was caused by the special historical conditions that developed in the country after the defeat of the fascist Germany. The Austrian oligarchy, which was a Germany’s ally, had no direct way to get the industry located in Austria, which belonged to German monopolies. In this period Austrian financial experts considered nationalization as a lesser evil. It was advantageous for the Austrian oligarchy to shuffle off the burden of the entire financial and economic burden on to the state, i.e., ultimately, to the taxpayers. With the help of nationalization, it hoped to prevent the transfer of enterprises located in Eastern Austria and owned by Germany, as reparations, under the ownership of the USSR. The author comes to the conclusion that the economic basis of Austrian neutrality was nationalization, which was also a powerful weapon of the workers in the conditions of a radical change in the balance of power in the country.

Gênese das hostilidades entre o Irã e os Estados Unidos.

Este trabalho procura entender o que levou o Irã a passar de um papel de “aliado” ao de um “inimigo” dos Estados Unidos. Busca entender como as hostilidades que passaram a existir somente entre Irã e Estados Unidos foram produzidas como uma “ameaça” para toda “comunidade internacional”. O ponto de ruptura entre estas nações ocorreu, segundo a visão norte-americana, no ano de 1979 com a chamada Revolução Iraniana – e, por conseguinte, com o sequestro da embaixada americana no Irã-, em contrapartida o momento de ruptura desta relação na visão iraniana se deu em 1953 com o Golpe de Estado que depôs o primeiro-ministro Muhammad Mossadeq. Este trabalho tenta desnaturalizar essa imagem “ameaçadora” que o Irã tem na “comunidade internacional”, que, cria as condições de possibilidade para práticas violentas dirigidas a esse Estado. Para isso, será utilizada a teoria pós-colonial, uma vez que os autores pós-coloniais acreditam que a dominação econômica do Ocidente sobre o Oriente, viabilizada principalmente pelo colonialismo, foi capaz de abarcar também a dominação cultural destes povos.

Colonização e educação na Amazônia portuguesa (1500-1757)

Trata da colonização da Amazônia, com foco no aspecto educacional, no período cronológico de 1500 a 1757, abrangendo desde as primeiras expedições ao rio Amazonas até a consolidação de diretrizes para a instrução da população paraense, no século XVIII, tendo por objetivo compreender o vínculo entre a colonização no Estado do Grão-Pará e Maranhão e o processo educacional. Perpassa pela relação entre os religiosos e a educação no Estado do Grão-Pará e Maranhão, unidade administrativa da colônia portuguesa distinta do Brasil, e a transferência das responsabilidades acerca da educação para o Estado, durante o governo de Mendonça Furtado. Analisa, para o traçar dos fatos históricos, as "Instruções regias, publicas e secretas" dirigidas ao governador, assim como o "Directorio" editado por Mendonça Furtado em obediência às ordens reais, caracterizando-se como uma pesquisa histórico-documental. Reflete quanto à imposição de valores da civilização ocidental cristã e da visão eurocêntrica do mundo, tendo como meio de disseminação a educação para a dominação econômica, política e ideológica. Considera, assim, que a instrução ofertada aos gentios, negros e filhos de colonos foi orientada pelo projeto de hegemonia e dominação portuguesa; e que, a partir desses intentos, foi implementado o projeto político-pedagógico que objetivava formar indivíduos que se desconhecessem como membros de um grupo oprimido, estabelecendo-se mecanismos permanentes de obstrução a qualquer tentativa de emergência de um processo pedagógico contrário aos interesses da Coroa e das ordens religiosas.

Ekonomia Ekologikoaren eta Ekonomia Sozial eta Solidarioaren arteko hurbilketa. Agenda bateratu baterako elementuak

The increasingly crisis of environmental sustainability presents an uncertain future for our societies. Therefore, when the neoclassical economy and capitalist proposals fails, there is a great need to offer other proposals that respond to the challenges posed by the environment. This article aims to delve into the relations between the Ecological Economy and the Social and Solidarity Economy that we can find among the heterodox economies. In fact, an approach between them can converge to respond to both, environmental and social crises. To that end, far from the analytical approach used by the dominant economy, have been analyzed the converging elements, disagreements and points of agreement between these two models. Keeping in mind that both pose a different relation with nature and society, in order to explore elements that allow to advance in the shared agenda.

Participation of the Turkish Military in the Economy of the State: Case of Indirect Praetorionism

Based on the example of the Turkish military’s involvement in the country’s economy, this article seeks to complement the concept of praetorionism and to highlight the mechanisms of indirect praetorionism. The Turkish army plays an important role in the country’s economy, while the military pension fund OYAK is considered one of the country’s business giants. It provides an opportunity to maintain disproportionate institutional autonomy and weakens civilian control mechanisms. This provides the military with additional instruments of political influence and encourages the emergence of hidden mechanisms of praetorianism. The article seeks to understand new phenomena and trends in the interaction between the society and the military, as the involvement of the Turkish army in the country’s economy changes the concept of praetorianism and provides new, indirect ways of intervening in public policy. Because of how the Turkish military controls business companies using a privileged position in the country’s economy, corruption mechanisms that influence the mechanisms of the redistribution of economic resources and the pursuit of rents have an indirect impact on the political system of the state. In this way, military entrepreneurship has transformed the conceptual structure of praetorians and complemented interventions with indirect forms of influence, such as corruption, economic dominance, and the distortion of economic reforms.

Are We Creating Our Past?

Urnfield Culture hilltop settlements are often associated with a predominant function in the settlement pattern. This study challenged the idea of centrality by means of density estimates and spatial inhomogeneous explanatory statistics. Reflecting on the differences in spatial trends and material culture, no conclusive evidence for a consolidation of power, economic, or cultic dominance was observed. The dataset strongly points towards the inapplicability of commonly used parametric and/or homogenous spatial algorithms in archaeology. Tracer variables as well as the methodological and theoretical limitations are critically reviewed and a methodological framework to increase the reproducibility and reusability of archaeological research is proposed.

It Was More Than 12 Months

‘1968’ was a contradictory turning point. A new era was born. But right-wing, free market economic supremacy emerged out of the left-wing assault on post-war paternalism. It called for peace but was very violent. It was a macho moment of male-dominated revolutionaries but this provoked the modern feminist movement — the year’s most lasting progressive achievement came about in opposition to it. The central demand was for open, democratic people power. Everywhere this was pushed back. Yet its call has never been extinguished and remains the challenge of our time.

Gender Struggles and Female Leadership in the Old Testament and African Instituted Churches (AICs) in Nigeria

The concept of bringing honour to the family used in valuing women in ancient Israel and African traditions has led to women being painted with belittling remarks in comparison to men. Yet, women admirably subsist in both cultures and are treated with esteem in social climbing (mobility) of economic status and ascendancy of positions of power. This paper employs a socio-historical, socio-literary, and comparative cultural interpretation of gender roles between the Israelites and selected African Instituted Churches (AICs) at Ile-Ife, Nigeria. It considers equality of both sexes in the creation theology and Israelite patriarchal patrimony. Ten female church founders among the AICs are purposively selected for this study. The study finds gender independence and equality depend on economic dominance of the system of kinship and household interdependence in both cultures. The Old Testament creation theology elevates roles of the female gender as people capable of economic and commercial independence in spite of being placed under the household care where male leaders are saddled with provision of welfare and protection to their clans. The female founders of the AICs commend equality of gender roles in their churches where disapproval remarks that the book of Judges and Prophetic literature pass on women (depicting Yahweh as the faithful (male) husband against Israel as the unfaithful (female) wife) continue to pose hermeneutical threat to theological interpretation of female ascendancy into AICs leadership in Nigeria.

Sino-Russian Role in the 21st Century World Order

China and Russia have developed an underlying empathy on the transition of the contemporary US-led hegemonic world order. Since the dawn of the 21st century, the two Eurasian powers have been striving for transforming the global system to a multipolar world system. As Beijing and Moscow, along with other emerging powers were already weary of Washington’s unipolar moment and its self-proclaimed authority of overriding the entire international system. In the American worldwide hegemony, the rest of the nations; neither alone nor collectively could challenge its supremacy; as the political, economic and military dominance of the US was ascertained by its ascendency in the post-World war II established international organizations. However, during the past few decades the rapid rise of China; the resurgence of Russia and the relative decline of the US; evidently specify that the era of Pax-American is on the go. Moreover, the launching of Beijing sponsored transnational initiatives can be acknowledged as the pillars of a new multicentric global system in future. Hence, the dynamics of international politics are apparently heading towards the transition of the contemporary world system to a multipolar structure; where besides the US, China and Russia would also play significant role.

ЗЛОУПОТРЕБА КОНЦЕПТА УНИФИКАЦИЈЕ ОБРАЗОВАЊА И КРИЗА НАЦИОНАЛНОГ ИДЕНТИТЕТА

The authors of this paper address the problem of education which in its transformation, when small countries are concerned, means openness towards the uncritical acceptance of Anglo-Saxon educational and cultural norms. Western society, with its economic supremacy and political aspirations, has managed to include contemporaries into the process of transformation, which among other things involves uniformity of education and culture. This enables it to maintain that supremacy. The authors emphasize the difference between internationalization and globalization of education. Special attention is given to the Bologna process in terms of the neoliberal integration strategy which essentially involves the neglect of national identity. They criticize the ongoing commercialization of education and in this sense the marginalization of science in society, which further leads to decadence. Ethical goals are being neglected on account of abstract individualism.

Shifts in the global migration order and migration transitions in Europe: the cases of Turkey and Russia

This paper takes as a premise that world economics, world politics and global labour are changing and that whilst migration is a driver as well as a consequence of change it is changing, too. For long, conventional research focussed on north-north and south-north migrations, like across the Atlantic or from agricultural and industrialising to industrial countries. This was in part inspired by the economic and political dominance of the ‘global north’, but also driven by a western and Eurocentric bias. Meanwhile, a long period of economic and political transformations and turbulences gave rise to new economic powers, diversified the sending-receiving country matrix and thus fundamentally changed the determinants for international migration. I elaborate the concepts migration order and migration transition to argue that these are useful for analysing the changes in the configuration of sending, receiving and transit states. To illustrate the argument, this article takes Russia and Turkey and developments from the early 2000s as case studies and analyses the shifts in the regional and global migration flows.

China's quest for economic dominance and energy consumption: Can Asian economies provide natural resources for the success of One Belt One Road?

This research extends the research into foreign direct investments (FDIs) from emerging economies by integrating locational advantage perspective and institution‐based view to empirically analyze the interactive effect of resource endowment in a host economy and how institutional regulations impact on location choice of investors from emerging economies. Our analysis is based on Chinese outward FDI in 36 Asian and Oceanian economies. Empirical findings indicate that resource endowment is contingent upon regulatory institutions from both home and host country settings. Whereas the political risk bears positive influence over FDI and resource endowment, institutional distance and economic freedom have negative impact, which indicates that resource endowment is more appealing to investments from Chinese firms when institutional distance and economic freedom are low and political risk is high.

Bordeaux vs. Paris: An Alternative Market for Local and Independent Artists?

In 1928, some young artists living in Bordeaux decided to create a local market for contemporary art, as an alternative to the Salon des Amis des Arts of their own city, on the one hand, which they considered retrograde and conservative, and to the centralized and centripetal Parisian world on the other. They joined forces to create the group of the “Artistes indépendants bordelais” (AIB) and they organized an annual exhibition in which they could sell their works, in Bordeaux. This article aims to understand the functioning of this so-called “provincial” alternative to Paris and to measure its potential success, both as a market and as an arbiter of taste. The analysis proves that the AIB exhibitions happened to be a semi-failure, since this local initiative could not detach itself from Paris. In order to gain legitimacy, the AIB invited avant-garde painters and sculptors and they left the door open to Parisian dealers and art critics but all these actors, in turn, overshadowed the artists from Bordeaux. This economic and symbolic domination stemmed from the lack of a strong artistic identity for this group, the absence of domestic galleries specializing in contemporary art and the low demographics of Bordeaux collectors.

The Enabling Instrument: Milton Babbitt and the RCA Synthesizer

In this paper, I review some of the claims about electronic sound synthesis and human subjectivity that were made in the name of RCA’s first electroacoustic sound synthesiser, as it was understood by its various sponsors in the American military-industrial-academic-cultural complex. As described by Harry Olson, head of the corporation’s acoustics research division, RCA’s Mark I synthesiser was intended to be ‘a musical instrument with no limitations whatsoever.’ I argue that the promise of RCA’s limitless musical instrument began at the University of Iowa, with an embryonic effort to define and quantify musical talent. When it emerged fully-formed from RCA’s Princeton-based acoustics laboratory, the synthesiser represented Cold War cultural and economic supremacy by channelling wartime innovations in signal processing, information theory, and cybernetics into the service of a booming American entertainment industry. As centrepiece of the Columbia-Princeton Electronic Music Studio, the synthesiser was conscripted by the composer Milton Babbitt to realise an ongoing experiment in art and psychoacoustics, linking twelve-tone composition, information theory, positivist epistemology, and psychoacoustics. Babbitt’s ideas about composition as experimentation, I will suggest, supported a vision of human rather than mechanical potential—and of the autonomous artist as a Cold War liberal, a heroic figure more enduring than RCA’s celebrated machine.

Expanding Role of PLAAF in China’s National Security Strategy

China’s great power ambition and actions have been fuelled by its spectacular economic growth and military modernization. The need to sustain the economy and energy flow makes the East and South China seas vital to it. Its vulnerabilities also lie on its seaboard. To dominate the maritime spaces, it needs to own the contiguous airspace as well. The prescient Chinese leadership has transformed its Air Force into a strategic instrument of power, to protect its economic lifelines, geo-political interests and regional dominance. An analysis of the PLAAF’s transformation and its employment philosophy provides insights into how it has leveraged airpower for furthering its strategic interests.