Eastern Neighbours Research Articles

Belarusian-Lithuanian Relations: How Politics Beats the Economy

The article analyses the dynamics of Belarusian-Lithuanian relations in the post-Soviet period. The historical, cultural and political-economic aspects of the relationship between the two countries are considered. It is noted that Lithuania is the second most active European player in Belarus after Poland. The author emphasises the historical aspect of the relationship between the two countries and demonstrates how different interpretations of the heritage of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania affect the modern relationship between the two states and their peoples. We are talking primarily about the heritage of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. Lithuanian myth generates competition between the two countries, but at the same time forms an idea of the common space of their historical destinies, which fuels Westernising and pro-European sentiments among a part of Belarusian society. The author notes that Lithuania’s foreign policy towards Belarus is dominated by an ideological approach. Lithuania tries to play the role of an operator of democratic changes and the Western geopolitical turn of its eastern neighbor. In this niche a strong competition with Poland and the traditional xenophobia of Lithuanian society towards the Slavs limit the possibilities of Lithuanian influence on Belarus. For its part, Minsk was focused on pragmatic cooperation with Lithuania in the economic sphere and put issues of politics and ideology aside. In particular, Belarus had high hopes for cooperation in the field of energy and transit. The discrepancy between these approaches determines the tense and conflict nature of relations between the two countries.

Ассиметричное соседство империи и малой нации на Крайнем Севере: образ русского «Другого» и российско-шведско/норвежские отношения в XIX — начале XX вв.

The work examines the features of relations between the Russian Empire and Sweden and Norway in the context of the asymmetric proximity of the 19th  early 20th centuries. The authors have analyzed and identified specific features characteristic of the asymmetrical neighborhood of the empire and a small nation, as well as factors in the formation of ideas about the “Russian threat” to Sweden and Norway during this period and have traced the stages and dynamics of the transformation of these ideas in the Scandinavian countries. Russian-Norwegian and Russian-Swedish relations go back several centuries of asymmetrical proximity, contacts and conflicts, which, of course, influenced the formation of images of the “eastern neighbor”. The Swedes and Norwegians’ fears and expectations, based on perceptions of themselves, about their collective “Self”, contributed to the formation of images of the Russian “Otherness”, the attitude towards which was ambiguous and primarily depended on internal preconditions. Therefore, a detailed study of the transformation of images of Russia in Norway and Sweden allows us to take a new look at the history of relations between these countries, as well as to identify the domestic and foreign policy interests of Norwegian and Swedish societies associated with certain images of Russia.

Croatian iredentist-hegemonist policy according to Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Bosniaks from 1878 to 1941

Since the first mention, Bosnia, unlike its neighbors, has been a country with a specific development of state institutions and legal institutes. Its statehood is characterized by a unique politogenesis marked by state-legal and territorial-political continuity and specific geopolitical challenges, which can be traced back to the early European and South Slavic Middle Ages. Its uniqueness has been tried many times throughout history primarily by external factors (eastern and western neighbors) expressed through various forms of irredentism, hegemonism, centralism, federalism, fascism, etc. Although there is a wide range of external factors that, either independently or in cooperation with internal political factors, tried to destabilize Bosnia (since 1878, Bosnia and Herzegovina), in the paper we focused on the Great Croatian political course, whose goals are Bosnia and Herzegovina and known to the “good Bosniaks” since the time of bans and kings, that all their cruelty would come to a special expression after the Austro-Hungarian occupation, that is, during the resolution of the Yugoslav issue. In this regard, we tried to open up and analyze the issue of Greater Croatia's hegemony and present its real intentions, often dressed in skillfully used diplomatic forms and phrases about the so-called the right to Croatian lands, the motherland, the constantly stressed threat of the “smallest” constituent people in Bosnia and Herzegovina, etc. In the paper, we analyzed the issue of Greater Croatia's hegemony and presented its real intentions, often disguised in skillfully used diplomatic forms and phrases about the so-called the right to Croatian lands, the mother-land, etc. When observing the above-mentioned question, we will focus on the period of Austro-Hungarian occupation, and by looking at the key issues of the first Yugoslav period, we will finish constructing a picture of the interference of Croatian politics in the internal affairs of Bosnia and Herzegovina. We emphasize that by analyzing the Greater Croatian policy and all forms of its implementation on the soil of Bosnia and Herzegovina, we are in no way talking about the Bosnian Croats as a people, nor about the Croats as a people in Croatia, but only and exclusively about the ideologies, political projects and programs that have been implemented throughout the centuries, and they are still being planned and implemented to the detriment of Bosnia and Herzegovina and all its citizens, above all the Bosnian Croats, who are alienated by such a policy from their homeland Bosnia and Herzegovina and from their roots in that country, to which the neighboring country Croatia never had nor has any what a right.

India's "Act East" Policy and Northeast India: Prospects and Challenges

An important feature of India’s eastward engagement is the role and significance of India’s Northeast region. The significance of the Northeast region for India’s eastward engagement comes from its geographical proximity and socio - cultural linkages with India’s eastern neighbours, providing ample scope and opportunities for promoting economic integration and connectivity, besides enhancing socio - cultural engagements. Realising this potential, the role and participation of Northeast India came to be emphasised as a crucial component of the Look East Policy. With the transition from ‘Look East’ to ‘Act East’ Policy since 2014, the role and significance of Northeast India in India’s eastward engagement has been given added emphasis. Despite its tremendous potential, the Northeast region is beset with problems and challenges such as underdevelopment, political instability and poor governance, which have hindered the unlocking of the full potential of the region. There is also participation deficit of the region in the formulation and execution of India’s ‘neighbourhood policy. ’ In order to transform the potential of the region into reality, there is a need for ensuring the effective participation and integration of the Northeast region in the “Act East” Policy.

Prospects for Economic Cooperation between Russia and China in the Current Geopolitical Situation

Introduction. The article examines the topical issues of relations between the two countries amidst the current foreign policy situation. Relations between Russia and China are of great importance for both countries as well as for the global political and economic situation as a whole. Cooperation between these two largest states plays an important role in the formation of multipolarity in the world arena, weakening unipolar tendencies. The article analyzes the main aspects of cooperation between Russia and China, the components of their mutually beneficial partnership, and considers the challenges and prospects that both countries face in the changing geopolitical situation. Particular attention is paid to the economic and political aspects of interaction between Russia and China, and potential ways to strengthen and expand cooperation in the future are identified.Materials and methods. To analyze the current dynamics of bilateral relations, analytical methods of processing statistical data provided by government agencies of the Russian Federation were used, as well as the method of mirror statistics in order to identify the positions and shares of Russia in the geographical structure of China's foreign trade partners based on information provided by the State Customs Service of China. The paper also presents data obtained through expert assessment and social surveys. To conduct a systemic analysis, the authors applied the methods of induction, deduction, generalization, synthesis, and comparison.Results of the study. In the course of the study, the foreign policy agenda of the Russian Federation and the People's Republic of China was analyzed, and the areas of cooperation that are of greatest mutual interest to the two countries were identified - trade, investment, implementation of joint infrastructure, energy and other projects in the real sector of the economy.In addition, the authors of the article analyzed the dynamics and structure of bilateral trade and economic cooperation between Russia and China; factors of growth in trade turnover, Russian exports to China and Russian imports from China were identified. Next, the largest Russian-Chinese investment projects in the automotive industry, fuel and energy complex and infrastructure were considered. As a result, an assessment of the prospects for further development of bilateral trade and joint projects in the concerned areas was made.An analysis of the data obtained as part of a sociological survey was conducted, which made it possible to identify the most popular areas of cooperation between the two countries that are of greatest interest to the population of the PRC in the foresee[1] able future, including the creation of new transport corridors within the framework of the conjugation of the One Belt, One Road projects and the Eurasian Economic Union.Discussion and conclusion. Economic relations play a key role in the agenda of bilateral cooperation between Russia and China and have a multifaceted nature. The projected economic growth of Russian-Chinese cooperation in 2024 and beyond presupposes diversification of the structure of bilateral trade and an increase in the volume of goods and services offered. In the context of this forecast, special attention is paid to the focus on increasing gas exports from Russia to China, which leads to an expected increase in the share of gas supplies compared to oil supplies. In addition, an important factor contributing to the stimulation of economic growth is the increase in the volume of Russian agricultural exports to China, as well as the development of cooperation in the services sector.In order to achieve even more impressive results of economic cooperation with Russia's eastern neighbor, it is necessary to pay attention to solving urgent foreign trade problems of a structural nature, namely, working on export diversification and increasing the competitiveness of the expanding range of goods and services supplied to the Asian market. It is also necessary to provide comprehensive measures to support promising manufacturing and service sectors for export. The increase in trade turnover between the two countries stimulates the development of investment partnerships and the growth in the number of jointly implemented projects in the production and infrastructure sectors, which, in turn, creates conditions for deepening interregional cooperation and the formation of a more predictable and stable world order in the foreseeable future.

THE FRIENDSHIP TREATY BETWEEN THE REPUBLIC OF NORTH MACEDONIA WITH BULGARIA : CHALLENGES OF CONSTITUTIONAL CHANGES IN THE PROCESS OF INTEGRATION WITH THE EUROPEAN UNION

Developments between two or more states that happened in the past should not always be a point of reference in the progress of relations in the future of these first. With the declaration of Macedonia's independence, Bulgaria was among the first to recognize it as a state and helped the "growth" of Macedonia in the international arena. As eastern neighbors in terms of geography, Macedonia and Bulgaria have had a good time without violating each other's sovereignty and without presenting difficulties to each other. In 2017, this friendship was crowned with the friendship treaty between them, but at the moment that Macedonia changed its constitutional name to the Republic of North Macedonia in the hope of avoiding the biggest problem before joining the European Union, it felt too comfortable. Unexpectedly, the veto was used by Bulgaria, which imposed the inclusion of Bulgarians in the constitution as a condition for Macedonia. In this research paper, it is intended to elaborate and analyze what is the best way to solve the problem without harming the cultural, historical and existential identity of the two states. The main objective of this paper will be to provide hypotheses that will serve to avoid disagreements and remove "pebbles" from the road to the European Union membership of the Republic of North Macedonia.

Трансформация образа Китая в прессе Дальнего Востока в постсоветский период (на примере газет г. Хабаровска)

This article is dedicated to the study of the key meanings and perceptions of Russia’s eastern neighbor, its largest strategic partner in modern conditions – China, as established in Russian public consciousness. Draw-ing on materials from the press of Khabarovsk from 1999 to 2024, the author traces the transformation of the perception of Chinese partners by residents of the Russian Far East. Through an analysis of Khabarovsk news-papers over the past three decades, the researcher reveals that the image of the Chinese and China, which was perceived as irritating and concerning to residents of Russia’s Far Eastern regions at the turn of the 21st century, has shifted to a vaguely official attitude in the 2010s and 2020s. This shift is attributed to the pragmatic strategy adopted by the Russian state toward the People’s Republic of China. By the 2020s, China gradually emerges in Khabarovsk’s media as a preferred and desirable partner, with cooperation being seen as critical not only for the region’s economic prosperity but also for the political image of local authorities.

The European Union’s Eastern Neighbourhood During the Russia-Ukraine War

This paper examines the geopolitical implications of a weakened European Union (EU) in relation to Russian interests. A unified EU poses challenges to Russian policy, while internal discord offers Russia opportunities to advance its agenda. The EU's composition of 27 sovereign states often impedes cohesive action, especially in foreign, security, and defense policies, as noted by Judy Dempsey. This fragmentation benefits Russia, which exploits these divisions. The paper analyzes Russia’s foreign policy leading up to the 2022 Russia-Ukraine conflict and explores the EU’s role in security during the war, highlighting the impact of EU unity and discord on the crisis.

Talking Tourist Places, as the Innovative Platform in Tourism (Marneuli Municipality)

The project EU4Business-Connecting Companies, managed by Euro-chambers and funded under the EU4Business initiative of the European Union, launched in 2009 to deepen and strengthen relations between the European Union (EU), its Member States, and its six Eastern neighbors (Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine) (EU4Business, n.d.) The project involved collaborating with two organizations: "Travel Agency Saba" in Tbilisi, Georgia, and "Movimento Life Beyond Tourism-Travel to Dialogue Srl Soc. Ben" in Florence, Italy. The primary goal of this collaboration was to promote cross-border cooperation and create a platform for joint activities and projects aimed at promoting tourism products at both local and international levels. One specific initiative mentioned was the implementation of the "Talking Places" program in specific Georgian heritage sites. The project also involved establishing agreements with local administrations to support these initiatives. The research project titled "Marneuli Municipality Talking Tourist Places as a Tool for Green Economy of the Community" was oriented on the Kvemo Kartli region (Marneuli Municipality). The project included various research activities, such as conducting a needs assessment in the tourism sector. The ultimate aim was to encourage the local community to follow Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), create an eco-friendly environment, use a storytelling platform to promote local culture, and contribute to the international attractiveness of the region. Financial support for this initiative was guided by HEKS-EPER Georgia and the European Union. The project aimed to increase the average stay of visitors, enhance the visibility of less-known destinations, and promote cultural mindfulness and typical local products. Overall, it appeared to be a comprehensive effort to foster sustainable tourism development and economic growth in the target region.

When and how the ‘Neighbours’ matter: ‘Immediate’ opportunity structures in the Eastern neighbourhood and policy frame-alignment by the EU

ABSTRACT The paper examines the external opportunity structures of the EU’s eastern neighbours during times of high security threat. The research investigates when and to what extent opportunities in the neighbourhood affect EU engagement and shape policy-frame alignment. The study introduces the concept of an ‘immediate’ opportunity structure and concludes that the EU’s decisions to initiate or alter policy frames towards countries in the Eastern neighbourhood are driven by immediate security-related opportunity structures that exist at the moment of decision-making. Furthermore, the EU’s decision to engage depends on whether the security threat in the region and the neighbourhood directly affects the Union’s security architecture. As the political environment in the neighbourhood becomes more open and concessions towards the EU increase, the EU boosts its engagement, reflected in its policy alignment. The paper claims that the EU strategy prioritises immediate opportunity structures over indicators of long-term achievements in target countries. This focus on immediate opportunities aims to address, create, and further expand long-term opportunity structures.

THE NEW ECONOMIC SECURITY OF THE EUROPEAN UNION

Geopolitical changes have shown that current threats are not only directed at the state’s security but also at the individual’s. Besides the traditional concept of security, a new concept has emerged: economic security. The liberal conception was based on the hypothesis that economic interdependence would lead not only to prosperity but also to greater security. Traditional analyses do not sufficiently capture the real connections between the economy and security. In traditional approaches to security, the key concept was state security; in neo-traditional ones, new actors such as international organizations and non-governmental organizations also intervene alongside the state. Transformations in the international system demonstrate the need for a geostrategic renegotiation of relations at the regional level to ensure states of regional economic cooperation based on principles promoted by the European Union. Our analysis is a qualitative one, examining documents relevant to our topic, as well as a series of theories that underpin our analysis. Our research methods include content analysis of important documents and a SWOT analysis of the current crisis generated by the conflict in Ukraine. The central issue is given by these major changes that challenge the European project. In the face of these geopolitical changes, the following question arises: “Can economic interdependence be used to create stable bilateral relations between EU member states and between the EU and third countries to ensure European economic security?” The research starts from the following hypothesis: “As long as there is cooperation between the countries neighbouring the EU, there will be no risk of conflicts.” Since the EU acts not only in its own interest but also to create a business environment conducive to the development of enterprises in member countries, the risks the EU is exposed to as a global actor will also impact various industrial sectors and the internal market. Our objective is to demonstrate that the European Union, as a regional actor, can ensure the economic security of member states in the face of new hybrid threats. Our analysis focus on examining the economic relations between the European Union and its Eastern neighbours in the context of rapid changes in the international arena.

Navigating the Legacy of Westphalia: The European Union’s Role in Managing Russian-Ukrainian Relations

This article explores how the principles established in the Treaty of Westphalia continue to shape contemporary geopolitics, particularly in the context of the EU’s efforts to maintain stability in its eastern neighbours. Focusing on the volatile relationship between Russia and Ukraine in the 1998-2021 period, this article aims at analysing the complex dynamics between the Westphalian concept of international order, the EU and the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, shedding light on the complexities of contemporary European geopolitics. Ensuing from the research goal is the threefold research focus: 1/ Assessment of the influence of the Westphalian principles on modern European geopolitics; 2/ Assessment of EU efforts and policies to mediate conflicts and promote dialogue between Russia and Ukraine; 3/ Identification of challenges and opportunities faced by the EU in its aspirations to promote peace, stability and democracy in the region. The study puts forth the hypothesis that while the Westphalian concept of state sovereignty continues to influence international relations, the supranational model of the EU offers a unique approach to managing conflicts and promoting cooperation between European nations. By early 2022, the EU, through its diplomatic initiatives, legal mechanisms and integration efforts, is said to play a central role in mediating Russian-Ukrainian tensions and promoting the principles of peace and democracy in Eastern Europe. Methodologically, the study builds upon a comparative approach to analyse the historical context, political frameworks and diplomatic commitments related to the role of the EU in Russian-Ukrainian relations.

Кореспонденція між князем Василем-Костянтином Острозьким та Криштофом Радзивіллом як джерело

The article analyzes the correspondence of Kyiv voivode V.- K. Ostrozkyi to his son-in-law, an influential Lithuanian politician Kryštof Radziwill. This is almost the only relatively complete complex of the prince's correspondence in Ostroh, which, given the trusting relationship between both participants of the correspondence, allows us to reconstruct his inner world. As one might suspect, he significantly contradicted Ostroh's public persona. For the prince, the correct ("old") "world" remained in the past, in the times before the Union of Lublin from the year 1569. Innovations were perceived by Vasyl-Kostiantyn as a challenge to this world, which violated its traditional foundations and consisted of an attack on regionalism, a reduction in the political role of princes, and attempts to change the confessional picture of the newly created state. The prince believed that the policy of the Rzeczpospolita's leadership toward the Moscow state was ill-conceived. Ostrozkyi argued that constant wars with the eastern neighbor reduced the overall potential of Christian civilization in its confrontation with Islamic civilization, especially with the country which at that time embodied its offensive in Europe, the Ottoman Empire. Ostrozkyi appealed to Radziwill with the expectation of finding support in the confrontation with Jan Zajmoyskyi, an extremely influential crown chancellor and hetman in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. It is no coincidence that the Kyiv voivode focused on issues that might have been of interest to the Lithuanian magnate. In particular, these interests included: the attempts of the crown elite, led by J. Zamoyskyi to ignore the interests of the Lithuanian and Ruthenian nobility, unwillingness to pay due attention to defense issues, insufficient allocation of funds for the repair and construction of castle fortifications. Gradually, the correspondence reflects the problem of interfaith confrontation, which was the result of the growth of counter-reformation processes from the beginning of Sigismund III's rule in the Polish-Lithuanian state. Their main emphasis in Europe was on Protestantism (K. Radziwill represented Calvinism), but in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, as a result of the Union of Brest in 1596, the Counter-Reformation also acquired anti-Orthodox content. In general, the correspondence of Prince V.-K. Ostrozkyi is a unique source that allows us to reconstruct the main features of the identity of an influential princely stratum, which was significantly influenced by the transformation processes in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in the second half of the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries.

EU Enlargement Policy between the Chronological Precedence of the Western Balkans and the Geopolitical Urgency in the Eastern Neighborhood

This study adopts a realist approach to explore how geopolitical factors influence the European Union’s (EU) decision to expand into neighbouring regions of strategic importance or vulnerability to major powers’ influence. It specifically examines the obstacles posed by the absence of a unanimous stance on „pre-scheduled” accessions, as seen in the earlier „eastern enlargement” rounds. It is argued that the present geopoliticized EU enlargement policy seems to be guided by realist factors, although it is characterized by an incongruity between strategic rhetoric and strategic actions. This inconsistency between expressed intentions and actual measures is more evident in the Western Balkans than in the Eastern neighbourhood. Through the selected, broadly set realist elements – groupism, egoism and power-centrism – the EU’s foreign policy strategy and behaviour are examined, searching for a gap between the discursive and practical domains in both regions. The research considers that the EU’s response has not predominantly been strategic but rather tactical, reflecting the enlargement policy’s longstanding deficiencies, coupled with the urgent need to extend commitments to the eastern partners facing immediate security threats. Such tendencies are disadvantageous for the Western Balkans, which became a lower priority for the EU despite its chronological precedence in the enlargement domain. While ideally, both enlargement regions should be granted an „accession timetable” along with on-ground democratic reforms, the authors highlight that due to differing geopolitical dynamics and pressure, the outcomes for the two regions may either diverge in terms of potential favouring of the new candidates or, perhaps more likely, converge – meaning that the accession of either region might be postponed once the geopolitical urgency subsides.

Artificial Intelligence – a Double-Edged Sword. Organized Crime`s AI vs Law Enforcement`s AI

Abstract Organized crime has acquired new values in the context of the geopolitical, social and economic transformations that the states are currently facing, expanding their ramifications at the international level. Conflicts often create opportunities that lead to the increasing of the organized crime, amplifying the threat that criminal groups can pose to domestic security. The heightened dynamics of the international security environment and, in particular, the instability with the potential for contagion manifested in the Eastern neighborhood and in the Middle East, potentiates the risks posed by organized crime. With the increase in technological development, especially based on Artificial Intelligence, organized crime has become one of the world’s most pressing issues, with a large number of countries having been affected. This research deals with the role of digital technologies implemented through cyberspace in prevention, detecting and combating organized crime. In addition, the research found that the rate of illegal activity has increased due to the global accessibility that the Internet has provided, especially AI, posing great risks to the public and increasing the rate of organised crimes. Combating organized crime has become an important political priority for many governments around the world, and any future success in eliminating criminal groups in its various forms will depend on the extent to which governments and relevant organizations are prepared to develop digital technologies based on artificial intelligence and use them to combat and prevent illegal activity.

Die völkerrechtliche Rechtspersönlichkeit der Beteiligten am Friedensvertrag von Sallinwerder aus dem Jahre 1398

The treaty of Sallinwerder was perceded by long wars between the Teutonic Order and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and by few earlier treaties. In April 1398 the Teutonic Order and the Grand Duke Witold (Vytautas) closed a tentative agreement in Grodno, followed by the main treaty, which was signed on 12th of October 1398 on the island Sallinwerder. This agreement granted the Western part of ethnic Lithuania called Samogitia to the Order. The are some questions concerning the entitlement of the Teutonic Brethren who were not ancestoral in that area, as well as the entitlement of the Grand Duke Witold. Although Samogitia belonged to him, it was also part of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, at the top of which stood not Witold, but the Supreme Duke Jagiello (Jogaila). After signing the mentioned treaty Witold launched a big campaign against his Eastern neighbours which ended up in a devastating defeat. Shortly after he came to the conclusion that the treaty of Sallinwerder was very disadvantageus to him and started looking for a better outcome.

The impact of the Russian invasion of Ukraine on public support for EU enlargement

ABSTRACT The full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 has become one of the greatest security crises since World War 2, with profound geopolitical and socio-economic implications for Europe and beyond. The upsurge of political and media attention to this war may have increased public support for EU enlargement, with new countries in the Eastern neighbourhood and the Western Balkans receiving the official EU candidate status. By drawing on mechanisms of securitisation and solidarity, this paper tests to what extent the Russian invasion has generated a positive politicisation of EU enlargement. While this crisis may have indeed fostered a permissive consensus in EU public opinion regarding Ukraine’s future accession, I observe no such effects for the Western Balkans or Turkey. This finding also remains robust to identity and socioeconomic controls, which have traditionally structured public support for European integration. The empirical part is based on descriptive and regression analyses of data from a representative survey of 7678 respondents in France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, and Spain conducted at the end of 2022.

New Results and Ideas of the Archaeological Research on Early Hungarian History in the Eurasian Context

As Early Hungarian history is a resource-poor research area, archaeology, a field of science with rapidly increasing resource material, is of paramount importance. It is important to emphasize that in the case of archaeology, there is also a significant expansion in research methods, mainly thanks to the bioarchaeological studies that have started with great momentum. In recent years, the most significant archaeological results of Early Hungarian history were the explosive increase in the number of Subbotsi-type sites associated with Etelköz accommodations in the region of the Dniester River. There are now 10–12 sites along the central flow of the Dnieper River. The relations with the neighbouring areas, mainly with the northern, Slavic regions, and with the Byzantine culture in Crimea are well reflected here. In addition to the chronology of the material, its nature is also explicitly consistent with the image drawn by Muslim sources of the 9th-century ancestors of the Hungarians. Further to the east, the Volga elbow in Samara and the wider area of the Southern Urals remain the ones that show the most connections regarding Hungarian ethnic genesis. As a working hypothesis, we can say that the earliest archaeological traces of the ancestors of the Hungarians can be assumed east of the Ural Mountains, in the eastern neighbourhood of the Ural region of Chelyabinsk. A group of people here presumably set off westwards in the early 9th century. In a short time, this community appeared on the left bank of the Volga, and its accommodation area extended to the border of Volga Bulgaria. After that, part of it remained along the Kama River. The other group migrated westwards before the 830s, and settled in the northern foreland of the Black Sea.

Euroscepticism in the Discourse of “Russian Parties” in Estonia

Introduction. The party-political system of Estonia, with traditionally Euro-optimistic elites leading it, was previously characterized by the presence of a number of so-called “Russian political parties”, which traditionally professed Euroscepticism and criticized the European Union as whole or certain areas of its activities. The purpose of the article is to determine the specific features of the Eurosceptic party discourse of “Russian parties” in Estonia. Materials and Methods. The information basis of the paper consisted of the results obtained using a combination of the comparative method (method of comparative analysis) and the method of discourse analysis. A single case study design was chosen for the paper. The data obtained as a result of using the discourse analysis method made it possible to study the indicators of the Eurosceptic discourse of “Russian parties” and process their programs, manifestos, electoral platforms, as well as statements of their high-ranking representatives. Results. It was revealed that the use of Euroscepticism by the analyzed “Russian parties” when targeting the Russian-speaking diaspora of the state in a number of cases (for example, in case of the Estonian Center Party) has shown some efficacy, allowing it to mobilize the electorate among Russian-speaking citizens. However, it was found that for small marginal “Russian parties” in Estonia this did not demonstrate productivity and benefit, since such efforts did not bring them a significant number of votes in elections at various levels. Most of them, adhering to Eurosceptic protest declarations, were never able to take part in “mainstream politics” of Estonia; thereby they failed to implement their Eurosceptic political agenda. Discussion and Conclusion. The results allow us to conclude that a specific characteristic of the Eurosceptic party discourse of the majority of “Russian parties” in Estonia is its focus on pragmatism for ethnic Russian residents living in this state in the form of concrete results that are useful for them: the desire to improve the existing discriminatory position of ethnic Russian population in Estonia through appealing to Brussels, to solve the problem of so called non-citizens, and, finally, to establish good relations between Estonia and its eastern neighbor state – Russia. The results of this study can find application in the academic activities of universities in our country, may be of interest to political and regional scientists studying political processes in the Baltic States.

Reconfiguring dynamics of bordering/debordering in EU-Eastern neighbours’ relations: The EU as locus of resistance

EU relations with its eastern neighbours have been pursued with the goal of building a ‘ring of friends’ contributing towards security and stability-building, through reforms’ implementation and the development of closer relations. This transformative agenda met, however, some criticism and resistance from Eastern Partnership (EaP) countries. Russia’s full-scale invasion on 24 February 2022 changed profoundly the setting for these relations, including the accession requests coming from Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia, along with the cut off of relations with Russia and Belarus. The implied debordering and rebordering dynamics taking place show the complexity of material and symbolic bordering practices. Through a critical border studies approach, this paper seeks to unpack these bordering dynamics and how they are reconfiguring the European space, arguing the EU has become locus of resistance for countries such as Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia assuring their European identity.