Eastern Conflict Research Articles

Chinese Weaponry in Contemporary Middle Eastern Conflicts

AbstractThis article examines the role of Chinese armaments in recent Middle Eastern conflicts, showing that although their use has increased over the past decade, they remain less numerous or significant compared to those from the United States and Russia. Chinese‐made weapons have been used in conflicts in Gaza, Syria, Yemen, Libya, and Lebanon due to affordability, streamlined procurement processes, and improved quality. China's critics have alleged that it has played a negative role in these conflicts through proliferation, claims that Beijing has consistently denied. This research investigates the accuracy of these charges and assesses whether China's role should be considered prominent. The study examines weapons that have been used in five ongoing regional conflicts, including the Gaza war. It finds that, unlike Washington and Moscow, which have deliberately transferred military equipment to the region, China has avoided intentionally directing armaments to Middle Eastern conflict zones. Instead, Chinese arms have been redistributed by third parties. The analysis concludes that China's strategy of balancing its relationships across states in conflict has limited the amount of its weapons in the region and kept the impact of those armaments to a minimum.

Immigration Crisis in Palestine (1933–1936) as Reflected in Periodical Press of United States

The image of Palestine during the years 1933 to 1936 was shaped in the periodical press of the United States under the influence of the “colonial discourse”. In the first half of the 1930s, the issue of Jewish immigrants became one of the central themes in the “Palestinian question”. The materials from the periodical press allow for an exploration of how perceptions regarding the causes of the crisis in the Middle East evolved within the informational discourse of the United States; how the representations of Arabs, Jews, and Great Britain underwent transformation. Publications from American newspapers provide insights into evaluations of British measures aimed at resolving the immigration crisis in Palestine during the 1930s. An analysis of U.S. newspapers reveals distinctive features in the construction of the images of the Jewish and Arab populations of Palestine. It identifies who was categorized as “the other”. The first half of the 1930s proved decisive for American public opinion in prioritizing positions within the context of the Middle Eastern conflict. The material presented in this article vividly illustrates the stages of evolving assessments of the situation in Palestine from 1933 to 1936. The study examines the manipulative techniques and strategies employed by American periodicals in the 1930s concerning Palestine, thereby providing a clearer understanding of how the issue of Jewish immigration was integrated into the broader narrative of Palestine within U.S. periodical literature.

Variations in Pakistan’s Policy of Neutrality during the Middle Eastern Conflicts

Variations in Pakistan’s Policy of Neutrality during the Middle Eastern Conflicts

Prioritization of maternal and newborn health policies and their implementation in the eastern conflict affected areas of the Democratic Republic of Congo: a political economy analysis.

Maternal and neonatal mortality remains a major concern in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), and the country's protracted crisis context exacerbates the problem. This political economy analysis examines the maternal and newborn health (MNH) prioritization in the DRC, focussing specifically on the conflict-affected regions of North and South Kivu. The aim is to understand the factors that facilitate or hinder the prioritization of MNH policy development and implementation by the Congolese government and other key actors at national level and in the provinces of North and South Kivu. Using a health policy triangle framework, data collection consisted of in-depth interviews with key actors at different levels of the health system, combined with a desk review. Qualitative data were analysed using inductive and then deductive approaches, exploring the content, process, actor dynamics, contextual factors and gender-related factors influencing MNH policy development and implementation. The study highlighted the challenges of prioritizing policies in the face of competing health and security emergencies, limited resources and governance issues. The universal health coverage policy seems to offer hope for improving access to MNH services. Results also revealed the importance of international partnerships and global financial mechanisms in the development of MNH strategies. They reveal huge gender disparities in the MNH sector at all levels, and the need to consider cultural factors that can positively or negatively impact the success of MNH policies in crisis zones. MNH is a high priority in DRC, yet implementation faces hurdles due to financial constraints, political influences, conflicts and gender disparities. Addressing these challenges requires tailored community-based strategies, political engagement, support for health personnel and empowerment of women in crisis areas for better MNH outcomes.

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Ending the war through negotiations can reduce damage. However, negotiations require a mediator who can solve the problem of distrust. Mediation is effective in countries with smart power that are internationally influential, but it can also expand soft power if the mediation is successful. Although soft power does not provide tangible benefits in the short term, it has the potential in filling in the shortcomings of hard power. Traditionally, the United States has undertaken mediation missions in Middle Eastern conflicts. However, China, Russia, Qatar, and Egypt are now competing to gain the benefits of mediation as a tool for expanding smart power. Saudi Arabia is even acting as a mediator in offshore conflicts. This can be assessed as a part of efforts by mid-sized countries to expand their smart power in the face of weakening of the United State’ hegemonic power in the region.

Contemporary Sunni-Shia Dynamics: Conflict or Competition?

This article delves into the power competition between Saudi Arabia (Sunni) and Iran (Contemporary Shia) by examining their involvement in shaping Middle Eastern influence expansion through fundamentally different ideological approaches, namely Sunni and Shia. The author takes the cases of Syria and Yemen as focal points to narrow down the scope and gauge the efforts of both countries as balancing forces in the Middle East region. The paper adopts an ideological approach to identify conflict patterns and strategies employed by both nations. The objective of this paper is to explore the background of the conflict between these two countries, utilizing ideological approaches to achieve their political goals. Employing a descriptive-analytical approach, this article aims to address the research issues at hand. It reveals that Saudi Arabia and Iran play significant roles in Middle Eastern conflicts, particularly in Syria and Yemen, through various means such as funding and providing military logistical support. The ideological approach is inseparable from the missions carried out by both nations. Iran has succeeded in building alliances with local governments, thus securing victories in Yemen. However, Saudi Arabia, despite employing various alliance-building strategies, has yet to achieve success.

The role of Indonesian government in middle east conflict resolution: consistent diplomacy or strategic shifts?

Indonesia and Middle Eastern countries are associated with a shared characteristic in the form of Islam, despite the geographical separation and cultural and ethnic distinctions. Since gaining independence in 1945, Indonesia has consistently advocated for the peaceful resolution of conflict in the Middle East, including the Palestinian/Arab–Israeli conflict. Therefore, the objective of this study was to explore the motivations behind Indonesia’s consistent support for Middle Eastern conflict resolution. Although the Indonesian government is eager to advance its involvement in the conflict resolution process, it is also compelled by the constitution to uphold the “Free and Active” foreign policy axiom, which essentially restricts Indonesia from taking on a side, maintaining cordial ties with the parties involved. These principles prevent Indonesia from favoring one side and maintaining positive relations with both conflicting parties. Indonesia has often played a passive role as a facilitator or participant in conflict resolution attempts rather than actively taking on the role of a mediator. Indonesia’s unwavering commitment to resolving the Middle East conflict largely originates from Islamic solidarity with a predominantly Muslim population in the region and a shared identity as a fellow developing country, rather than being solely based on its constitution. Alternatively, this sense of unity may also stem from the notion of solidarity within the Global South.

The professional readiness of student-teachers in physical education in Ukraine's war-torn areas

Background and Study Aim. Military conflicts present unique educational challenges and complexities for students specializing in physical education. These conditions can profoundly impact their professional preparedness and alter their educational priorities. Thus, this study aims to assess the level of professional preparedness of physical education student-teachers living in areas of military conflict. Materials and Methods. Three Ukrainian universities contributed students to the study, two from the eastern conflict zones (including Kharkiv) and one from the western shelling-prone area (Ivano-Frankivsk), with a total of 157 participants (61 male, 96 female). The survey 'Level of Professional Preparedness of Physical Education Student-Teachers', containing 39 questions, was used. For statistical analysis, the PyCharm CE development environment and various Python programming language libraries were utilized. Results. Statistical evaluation using the Kruskal-Wallis test revealed notable differences in student responses among the university groups. Further analysis using the Mann-Whitney test for each pair of universities revealed differences between pairs of groups. However, there are no statistically significant differences between universities 1 and 2 from Kharkiv (war zone). The fewest correct answers were received on the question about the influence of a teacher's professional qualities on the overall growth of a student and the question about the atmosphere for learning. Conclusions. The professional competencies of physical education teachers play an important role in the educational process. It is noted that there is a need to improve teacher training in various aspects, including the impact of their professional qualities on student success.

Clash Of Civilizations, Orientalism, and the “Civilized” and “Uncivilized”

This article examines Samuel Huntington's "Clash of Civilizations" theory which suggests that the world will be divided into two opposing civilizations, the West and East, in the post-Cold War era. Huntington advocates for Western society to exert control over Eastern civilization, particularly the Islamic world, in order to maintain Western values and beliefs. Additionally, I examine Edward Said's criticism of this theory, which argues that Huntington’s theory is based on ignorance and portrays non-Western societies as backward and uncivilized. This article demonstrates how Samuel Huntington's theory is very much present in the way conflict is viewed in different regions and civilizations around the world, as observed through modern Orientalism. This is demonstrated by the double standards and differential treatment of Eastern and Western conflict by Western nations and their media's portrayal of Eastern conflicts as upholding the norm. I then highlight these differences in treatment by comparing the reaction and action of Western nations to the Russian invasion of Ukraine versus the invasion of Iraq by the United States.

The US in the Middle East: Stupid or Merely Fallible?

The broad story that Steven Simon’s Grand Delusion: The Rise and Fall of American Ambition in the Middle East tells is one of arrogance and ignorance on the part of American leaders. In essence a realist, Simon is engagingly opinionated, sharp and judgemental. For him, 1979 is the moment the United States abandoned any previous caution about direct involvement in Middle Eastern conflicts and began to act as if it believed the region mattered more than it actually did. This is a serious charge. Simon makes the case for the prosecution robustly and with ample evidence from first-hand experience, archival research and contemporaneous press reporting. But energy, extremism and the preservation of the rules-based international order could still explain and justify US involvement. It may not be that America got stupid, but rather that the rest of the world got smart.

Discursive challenges: Power, state legitimacy and counter‐narratives in the Arab world

AbstractThe three articles in this special section address several processes of legitimisation in the contemporary Arab World. They provide compelling insights into why Islamist movements moderate, how alternative political orders arise in response to issues of state legitimacy and the ways in which regional and international actors legitimise their involvement in Middle Eastern conflicts. Unifying the three articles is a motivation to understand processes of legitimacy, sectarian identity and discourse, in the power vacuum following the Iraq War of 2003 and the Arab Spring of 2011. These seismic regional events have created a wave of identity entrepreneurs, who have pragmatically attached themselves to concepts of Islam, sect and democracy, in order to solidify their hold on legitimacy and power.

Moral exemplars and moral disillusionment. How the perception of Poles' behavior during the Holocaust shapes current Polish‐Israeli conflicted relations?

AbstractThe moral exemplars model of reconciliation (Cehajic‐Clancy & Bilewicz, 2021) proposes that through focusing on the moral behavior during the genocide, the descendants of perpetrators, bystanders, and victims could become more willing to reconcile and engage in intergroup contact. In the present article we aim to test the boundary effects of such approach by analyzing the usage of moral exemplars argument in the Polish‐Israeli conflict over the history of the Holocaust. In two studies, we tested whether Poles' and Israeli's estimations of moral behavior and emotions (vs. immoral ones) during the Holocaust are related to their attitudes towards contemporary counterparts. The studies confirmed that higher estimations of moral behavior during the Holocaust were related to more positive attitudes of Israelis towards Poles but not of Poles towards Israelis. On the contrary, higher estimations of such moral behavior among Poles were positively related to secondary antisemitism and harsh criticism of the current role of Israel in the Middle Eastern conflict. The results of our studies suggest that the moral exemplars‐based model of reconciliation should be carefully applied to the contexts in which historical perpetrators and bystanders aim at whitewashing their histories.

The reception and Perpetuation of Dugins Specific Eurasianist Ideas among Tiraspol Elites

This article investigates the influence of Duginist Eurasianism amongthe elites of the self-proclaimed Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic.The investigative approach is divided into two major sections: theanalysis of Dugin’s Eurasian vision and the investigation of theinfluences of Duginist Eurasianism among the elites of Tiraspol. Suchresearch is needed in the light of the political situation in EasternEurope, especially after the opening of the conflict in Eastern Ukraine.It is important to investigate the influence of Duginist Eurasianismin the Transnistrian region in order to anticipate possible decisionmakingdirections. In terms of understanding Duginist Eurasianism,the philosopher’s perspective is investigated through his publications.The same analytical approach is taken in order to capture its positionin relation to the importance of the Transnistrian region in its ownEurasian plans. Regarding the research of the propagation of Dugin’sEurasianist ideas among the elites in Tiraspol, the perspectives of someof the region’s politicians and intellectuals are investigated. Despite thedefinite presence of the influences of the Eurasian Duginist amongthe elites in the Transnistrian region, the research is not able to clarifyexactly the extent of the ideas among the Transnistrians. Importantlythough, the research records their existence and confirms their spreadamong the ruling elites in the second decade of the 2000s.

Applications of Realism and Idealism in foreign policy (American foreign policy as a model)

The study aims at identifying the most prominent features of idealistic and realistic American foreign policy through highlighting three Arab issues, namely the American occupation of Iraq, the American position on the Syrian Libyan uprisings. To achieve this goal, the study used the decision-making approach, and the comparative approach in accordance with their relation to the nature of the case-study. 
 It is revealed that there is a difference in US foreign policy towards each issue separately, and that there is a difference in managing the issue itself. This is related to the difference in the personal aspects of the American president in that period, and the idealistic or realistic tendencies that governed his vision.
 The occupation of Iraq in 2003 could be seen as indicators of realism in US foreign policy. With the succession of US administrations, those realistic indicators changed to ideal ones after the US withdrawal from Iraq in 2011, and the attempt to establish normal relations with Iraq and focus on developing the strategic partnership between the two countries.
 The American position on the Libyan revolution also varied between realism after the direct military intervention in to eliminate Muammar Gaddafi’s regime, and idealism through the presentation of the Obama’s administration to programs and plans related to issues of democratic transition, human rights, development of informal organizations and the provision of necessary support to them, and the establishment of Trump administration high-level diplomatic activity on Libya in mid-2020 to intensify efforts to stabilize the political situation in Libya. In addition, the positions of the US administration have fluctuated on the Syrian revolution of 2011. There are realistic features, most notably the operation that the Trump administration directed at the Syrian army’s Shayrat Airbase in April 2017, and ideal features represented by the Obama administration’s attempts not to directly interfere in the Syrian revolution and to stay away from military action, and overlooking Russia’s incursion into Syria to avoid the United States of America entering new wars, or getting directly involved in Middle Eastern conflicts.

Responding to Sexual Violence: How (De-) Politicization and Technicalization Shape Donor-Funded Interventions

ABSTRACT This article introduces an analytical framework for studying and interpreting the sometimes surprisingly different ‘shapes’ (key topics and approaches) of donor-funded responses to sexual violence in and after armed conflict. Our framework highlights processes of politicization, depoliticization, and technicalization and their influence on interventions. Drawing on available studies, published documents, and our own field research in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Sierra Leone, we show that donor-funded responses to sexual violence since the early 2000s have taken remarkably different shapes – despite the emergence of influential international policy narratives and roughly similar forms of sexual violence in both contexts. A focus on context-specific processes of politicization, depoliticization, and technicalization reveals how these differences came about and persisted over time. (De-)Politicization and technicalization of sexual violence as a ‘weapon of war’ in DRC have led to medicalized and security-centred statebuilding interventions in the county's eastern conflict zones. By contrast, donor-funded responses in Sierra Leone framed and addressed sexual violence as ‘domestic violence’ even before the war had officially ended. We find that these different shapes emerged from initial differences in (de)politicization and technicalization processes driven by different ‘first responders’ in both contexts, which created enduring path dependencies.

Structures of Loyalty: A Comparative Study of Jewish and Palestinian Evangelicals' Acquiescence to Fundamentalist and Authoritarian Values

This is a qualitative comparative study of two evangelical movements in Israel and in the West Bank: the Israeli Messianic (IM) movement and the Palestinian Evangelical (PE) movement. Through interviews on how informants understand the Middle Eastern conflict, our aim is (1) to compare the prevalence of fundamentalist/authoritarian (F/A) values in the IM and PE movements and (2) to understand how a particular socio-political context —Israel and the West Bank—might affect the acquiescence to a F/A mindset amongst the two movements. To accomplish this, we created a F/A construct that measures five values: literalism, social withdrawal, authoritarian aggression, authoritarian submission, and conventionalism. We found that the IM scores higher on all five F/A values. To explain the difference, we point out the importance of structures of loyalty: the difference in how IMs and PEs connect to key societal groups affects the way they acquiesce to fundamentalist and authoritarian values.

Research models of sulfur mustard- and nitrogen mustard-induced ocular injuries and potential therapeutics

Sulfur mustard (SM) is a notorious, bifunctional alkylating vesicant that was first used in warfare during World War I in 1917 and since then has been deployed in numerous skirmishes with its most recent documented use being during the Middle Eastern conflicts. Apart from its use in combat and terrorist activities, continual threat of accidental exposure from old stockpiles and improperly discarded munitions is ever present, especially to the innocent and unassuming civilian populations. SM can cause devastating injuries, depending on the dosage of SM exposure, route of exposure, as well as the physiological conditions of the individuals exposed. The most common routes of exposure are ocular, dermal, and exposure to the lungs and respiratory tissues through inhalation. Eyes are the most susceptible organ to SM-induced toxicities owing to their high moisture content and rapidly dividing cells. Additionally, ocular injury causes the most expeditious disablement of individuals even upon whole-body exposures. Therefore, it is imperative to understand the mechanisms underlying SM-induced ocular toxicity and design therapeutic interventions to prevent/mitigate ocular injuries. Ocular SM exposure may cause a wide range of symptoms such as inflammation, lacrimation, itching, dryness, photophobia, edema of the cornea/sclera/retina/iris, conjunctivitis, degradation of the corneal layer, fusion of two or more ocular layers, neovascularization, fibrosis, and temporary or permanent structural damage to one or more ocular layers. These symptoms may lead to vision impairments, resulting in partial or complete blindness that may be permanent. The highly toxic and exceedingly notorious nature of SM makes it a highly regulated chemical, requiring very expensive licensing, security, and safety requirements; thus, the more easily accessible analogue, nitrogen mustard (NM) that mimics SM-induced toxicity and injuries is employed in plethora of studies conducted in different animal models and culture systems. This review provides a comprehensive account of the injuries and symptoms that occur upon ocular SM exposures in human patients as well as studies in animal (in vivo, ex vivo) and cell (in vitro) models of SM and NM ocular exposures. Special emphasis has been laid on highlighting the strengths and lacunae in the research as well as the possible unexplored avenues of mechanisms underlying mustard-induced ocular injury that can be explored in future research endeavors. Furthermore, development of therapeutic interventions and targets of interest in the ocular system exposed to SM and NM, based on studies in human patients as well as in vivo, ex vivo, and in vitro models has been discussed in great depth, providing a valuable knowledge database to delineate pathways associated with vesicant-induced toxicity, and strategies/diagnostic tools against SM-induced toxicity.

The impact of tunnels on conflicts in the Middle East

Abstract The battlefields in the contemporary conflicts in the Middle East are multi-level conflicts. They take place in the air and on the ground, but an important and often overlooked dimension of these conflicts is found under the surface. This article recognizes the usefulness of political geography's ‘volumetric turn’ as it examines the use of tunnels in conflict, particularly in the post-2001 conflicts in the Middle East. It asks questions about who uses tunnels, for which purposes and about the impact of tunnels on conflicts. It proceeds to show how tunnels are used by a range of actors (including states, insurgents, civilians and organized crime groups) for various, often overlapping purposes (including offensive, defensive and smuggling/economic purposes). The article argues that tunnels impact on conflicts by benefiting the weaker side in asymmetrical warfare, by directly affecting states’ military strategy, by either generating or challenging political legitimacy and lastly, by becoming central to the economic survival of civilians in conflict. A greater recognition of the subterranean dimension of contemporary Middle Eastern conflicts will provide a more nuanced understanding of the duration, intensity and consequences of these wars.

Dynamic Regulation of the Nexus Between Stress Granules, Roquin, and Regnase-1 Underlies the Molecular Pathogenesis of Warfare Vesicants.

The use of chemical warfare agents is prohibited but they have been used in recent Middle Eastern conflicts. Their accidental exposure (e.g. arsenical lewisite) is also known and causes extensive painful cutaneous injury. However, their molecular pathogenesis is not understood. Here, we demonstrate that a nexus of stress granules (SGs), integrated stress, and RNA binding proteins (RBPs) Roquin and Reganse-1 play a key role. Lewisite and its prototype phenylarsine oxide (PAO) induce SG assembly in skin keratinocytes soon after exposure, which associate with various RBPs and translation-related proteins. SG disassembly was detected several hours after exposure. The dynamics of SG assembly-disassembly associates with the chemical insult and cell damage. Enhanced Roquin and Regnase-1 expression occurs when Roquin was recruited to SGs and Regnase-1 to the ribosome while in the disassembling SGs their expression is decreased with consequent induction of inflammatory mediators. SG-targeted protein translational control is regulated by the phosphorylation-dependent activation of eukaryotic initiation factors 2α (eIF2α). Treatment with integrated stress response inhibitor (ISRIB), which blocks eIF2α phosphorylation, impacted SG assembly dynamics. Topical application of ISRIB attenuated the inflammation and tissue disruption in PAO-challenged mice. Thus, the dynamic regulation of these pathways provides underpinning to cutaneous injury and identify translational therapeutic approach for these and similar debilitating chemicals.

Can democratic values bring the parties to the table in a protracted, Middle Eastern conflict? The attitudes of youth in the context of the Arab- Israeli conflict

ABSTRACT How do democratic values affect the willingness of parties to reconcile in the context of protracted conflict? Based on a survey of 2171 students conducted in Israel, Palestine, Egypt, Jordan, and Tunisia between 15 November 2015 and 10 March 2016, the results indicate that democratic values and the willingness to reconcile are not necessarily positively correlated; in fact, in some cases, the correlation is negative. The main argument of this article is that neither democratic values nor democratic regimes can guarantee reconciliation or peace, but liberal democratic values and democratic regimes working together can decrease or even help reject the unwillingness to reconcile. The value of justice, just solution, protected values, threat perception, interests, nature and reality of the regime for example, can also explain peaceful attitudes. Finally, this article theorizes that individual and state level actors working together can contribute to understanding democratic peace processes and reconciliation between countries.