Earthly City Research Articles

City of God

Well over a millennium and a half ago, Augustine distinguished between two cities: the Heavenly City and the Earthly City. While one was the site of all that was holy and spiritual, the place of faith, the other was foul and wicked, the realm of the flesh. Such dichotomies, expanded into a full‐fledged binary logic, persist in the way that we think about cities today. But as Bülent Diken shows in these reflections on João Fernando Meirelles' film—entitled, appropriately enough—City of God, cities today are bound up with the very things they try to exclude: ghettos, slums, and shanty‐towns. Binary urban logics in fact produce more grey than they do black and white. The notorious favela outside of Rio that is the subject of Meirelles' film is simultaneously included and excluded from all that Rio represents. It is at once a dumping ground for the city's byproducts—the (human) waste generated by its own development—and its products. It is a zone beyond the civilized city, which, as the city's inverted, carnivalesque, image, makes the very idea of civilization possible. It is, in other words, the lawless state of exception that proves the law. In this careful and original analysis of Meirelles' stunning film, Diken employs the work of Žižek and Agamben, among others, to illustrate the ways in which the favela—the state of urban exception, the space supposedly outside the law and outside civilization, where life is reduced to mere existence—is not outside the city, but within its very center. ‘All contemporary urban space,’ Diken explains, ‘is organized according to the logic of the favela’.

Moscow, the Beautiful and the Damned: Life in Russia in Transition by Nick Holdsworth (review)

MLRy 100.3, 2005 897 Moscow, theBeautiful and theDamned: Life in Russia in Transition. By Nick Holdsworth . London: Deutsch. 2003. xxiv + 262pp. ?9.99. ISBN 0-233-00998-1. Nick Holdsworth's professed goal is to provide 'an insight into the human conse? quences of Russia's shift' (p. xxiii). The method he chooses is the vignette and the thumbnail sketch; we are introduced to a dozen or so real-life characters whom the author identifies as winners or losers in the new society that emerged from the turbulent 1990s. It is a tried and tested technique (David Remnick's Lenin's Tomb: The Last Days of the Soviet Empire (New York: Random House, 1993) is the classic, and Charlotte Hobson's Black Earth City: A Year in the Heart of Russia (London: Granta, 2001) similarly brings to life an array of Russians whose lives illustrate the changes that his? tory has wrought on their country). Moscow, theBeautiful and theDamned, however, lacks both the depth of commentary and perspective of Remnick's book, and the in? timacy and vivacity of Hobson's depiction of Voronezh. It is none the less immensely readable and a good primer perhaps for undergraduates planning to study abroad in the former Soviet Union. Holdsworth's Russia is made up almost exclusively of the instantly recognizable milieu of a young British journalist living in Moscow. His characters are mostly white-collar workers?teachers, entrepreneurs, a translator, a TV journalist, a re? search biologist?who have knowledge and even direct experience of life in the West. They are educated people, Moscow's 'chattering classes', and while they have the advantage of accessibility for foreigners, they cannot and do not represent Russia. The only place the reader experiences outside the capital is Tula, just 165 km. away. A larger geographical spread would have greatly enhanced the book, and so too would a generational one. We hear from some elderly people (for example, the parents of a successful businessman who have remained ideological Communists and resent the capitalism and cronyism of the new world order), but not from young people who grew up knowing only post-Communist Russia. Where the book becomes interesting is when Holdsworth introduces the less privi? leged. Maksim provides a window onto the world ofthe homeless and unprotected, living at railway stations and trying to dodge petty criminals and bribe-taking police. Survival on the streets is a grim reality for the faceless underclass in any society?in Russia, bureaucratic obstacles and the lack of a social safetynet or a developed charity network compounds their difficulties. Through a combination of wits, luck, and sheer determination, Maksim manages to improve his lot; those same qualities inspire Maria, who is an impassioned activist with the Soldiers' Mothers' Committee, an extraordinary group of ordinary women bound together by fear and love for their sons, who have been sent to serve in the Chechen conflict. Maria's account of the brutality and indifference to sufferingof the Russian military command is chilling and her own story of the rescue of her captured son is dramatic and moving. One other character on the margins of society is mafia bodyguard Andrei. His story gives Holdsworth an opportunity to delve into the many facets of Russian lawlessness, from the headline-grabbing gangland murders of the early 1990s to today's endemic corruption. Every entrepreneur we meet has bent the rules and accepts that paying for 'security' is part of doing business. The jump from the personal to the political canvas is occasionally uneven. For example, in describing teacher Tatiana's tight budget, the author suddenly leaps back eight years to a meeting of the Russian, Ukrainian, and Belarusian presidents? in an old hunting lodge in the Belovezhsky Forest, near Brest, close to the Polish border?because public-housing costs have barely changed in that period of time. The extraneous detail confuses, rather than adds to, our understanding. 898 Reviews As well as charting political, social, and economic changes, the book examines how Soviet/Russian morality has been affected by the demise of Communist ideology. The chapter on sexual relations provides good insight into how women's increased opportunities in business influence their personal...

Jerusalem the Golden: Vision and Memory of the Church

Jerusalem is at the centre of Christian culture – the place of the Lord's Passion and Resurrection and the place of Pentecost – and the image of Jerusalem is fundamental to any Christian vision of the Church and the Kingdom. There was an earthly city and one in heaven; and since the temple was inseparable from the city, temple imagery – the Garden of Eden, the Holy Wisdom, the Messiah – appears in Christian hymns about Jerusalem. In the centuries preceding the advent of Christianity, both city and temple had become corrupt, so when Jesus cleansed the temple and prophesied the destruction of the city, many people would have applauded him. The harlot city that burned in the Book of Revelation was Jerusalem, and when the emperor Constantine built the Church of the Resurrection in Jerusalem, he was building a Christian temple, replacing not the one destroyed in 70 CE, but the original temple of Solomon.

Use of coupled canopy structure dynamic and radiative transfer models to estimate biophysical canopy characteristics

Leaf area index (LAI) is a key variable for the understanding of several eco-physiological processes within a vegetation canopy. The LAI could thus provide vital information for the management of the environment and agricultural practices when estimated continuously over time and space thanks to remote sensing sensors. This study proposed a method to estimate LAI spatial and temporal variation based on multi-temporal remote sensing observations processed using a simple semi-mechanistic canopy structure dynamic model (CSDM) coupled with a radiative transfer model (RTM). The CSDM described the temporal evolution of the LAI as function of the accumulated daily air temperature as measured from classical ground meteorological stations. The retrieval performances were evaluated for two different data sets: first, a data set simulated by the RTM but taking into account realistic measurement conditions and uncertainties resulting from different error sources; second, an experimental data set acquired over maize crops the Blue Earth City area (USA) in 1998. Results showed that the proposed approach improved significantly the retrieval performances for LAI mainly by smoothing the residual errors associated to each individual observation. In addition it provides a way to describe in a continuous manner the LAI time course from a limited number of observations during the growth cycle.

Jerusalem: Its Sanctity and Centrality to Judaism, Christianity, and Islam (review)

T H E J E W I S H QUA R T E R LY RE V I E W, Vol. 94, No. 2 (Spring 2004) 400–402 LEE I. LEVINE, ed. Jerusalem: Its Sanctity and Centrality to Judaism, Christianity , and Islam. New York: Continuum, 1999. Pp. xxvii Ⳮ 516. The last decades of the twentieth century witnessed a great upsurge in the study of Jerusalem, as both a historical entity and a mental category. The volume under review, which can be seen as part of this upsurge, is the outcome of a conference held at Tantur, Jerusalem, in June 1996—a time of great optimism and hope, aroused by the Oslo breakthrough. The new optimism and energy are expressed in this volume. The conference was held under the auspices of four academic institutions and with the support of eleven others—American, Israeli, and Palestinian. Forty scholars, including some of the most renowned scholars in the field of Jerusalem research, convened at the Tantur Ecumenical Institute for Theological Research. Thirty-three of them are represented in this volume. The articles are arranged in chronological order of their subjects, from biblical tradition to the modern period. The distribution of the articles over the different periods is a clear reflection of the state of the field. While Jerusalem in Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages has been the subject of extensive learning and research, with diverse historical and literary aspects considered, the later periods have somehow been neglected , as if Jerusalem has lost its appeal for those generations, and as a consequence also for scholars dealing with them. Another angle revealed by the distribution of these articles is the religious one. Jerusalem is sacred to all three monotheistic religions, a fact that calls for comparative study of religious phenomena and spiritual experience . Nine articles in the volume deal with two or three religions; nine deal with Judaism (including biblical tradition), fourteen with Christianity, and only two with Islam. Moreover, the Moslems are completely absent from the articles dealing with later periods, despite the fact that they were strongly represented in Jerusalem during those years, in fact dominating the city for most of them. As for the thematic aspect, several subjects are treated extensively: pilgrimage as a pattern of religious behavior and its manifestations in relation to Jerusalem; relationships between theological and political factors in shaping Jerusalem’s centrality; the place of Jerusalem in Jewish and Christian liturgy; the gap between Jerusalem as symbol and Jerusalem as historical reality; the idea of heavenly Jerusalem and its bearing LEVINE, ED., JERUSALEM—LIMOR 401 upon the earthly city; how the mental map of Jerusalem and the ‘‘real’’ map fuel one another. Chronologically speaking, the most interesting periods are those of transition, when there was a shift or a major change in the political forces dominating the city. Each transition produced a new definition of Jerusalem ’s religious position and of the main reasons for its sanctity. These transitional periods receive emphasis in this book as well: eight articles out of the nine dealing with the Byzantine period concentrate on the fourth century, four articles out of the five dealing with the Early Middle Ages concentrate on the seventh. The first of these transitional periods witnessed the emergence of the new Christian Jerusalem, the second, the rise of the Moslem city. In both cases, the change of rulers did not totally erase the past, and Jerusalem’s sanctity continued to be a superposition of layers—Christian over Jewish, Moslem over Christian, each adding to the sanctity of the city, modifying and enriching it. This process also generated constant competition over Jerusalem’s ‘‘true’’ meaning and its ‘‘true’’ owner. Those articles that deal with two or three religions from a comparative viewpoint are of special interest. Jerusalem aroused, and still arouses, deep feelings among Jews, Christians, and Moslems. It was believed to be sacred and central both geographically and ideologically, as the omphalos —the navel of the earth. As Philip Alexander shows, this term had both political and polemical significance, against both Greeks (in the Hasmonean period) and, later, Romans. Most significantly, the concept of Jerusalem as omphalos was accepted both by Rabbinic Judaism and by early Christianity...

A SPECULATIVE RESURRECTION: DEATH, MONEY, AND THE VAMPIRIC ECONOMY OF OUR MUTUAL FRIEND

Has a dead man any use for money? Is it possible for a dead man to have money? What world does a dead man belong to? ‘Tother world. What world does money belong to? This world. How can money be a corpse’s? Can a corpse own it, want it, spend it, claim it, miss it?— Gaffer Hexam, Our Mutual FriendWHILE FISHING CORPSES out of the fast-flowing Thames, itself a symbol of death,1 in order to probe their pockets, Gaffer Hexam makes sharp reference to a long-standing distinction regarding the limits of earthly possession. Some of Dickens’s readers would have been quite ready to connect Gaffer’s remarks to Bunyan’s story of Christian’s exodus from the commerce and bustle of the earthly city and his crossing of the river of death that flows before the gates of the celestial city. Others might have considered the riverman’s musings as somehow referring to St. Paul’s saying that “the end of those things [wealth] is death” (qtd. in Welsh 59).2 In the presentation of Gaffer’s ghastly career, however, Dickens points out a dislocation from these earlier views: the riverman desecrates the “muffled human form” he finds just as he truncates (if not turns inside-out) what was once the afterlife’s principal judgment of the use of riches in this lower world (44; bk. 1, ch. 1). According to the text, Gaffer, in sharply dividing spiritual transactions from material ones, and the soul from his or her former possessions, only further mires himself in the “slime and ooze” of the commercial river (43; bk. 1, ch. 1), enabling decay to encroach more aggressively on life.

Medical Care of the Pregnant Patient

Journal Article Medical Care of the Pregnant Patient Get access Medical Care of the Pregnant Patient Edited by Richard V. Lee, Karen Rosene-Montella , Linda Anne Barbour, Peter R. Garner, and Erin Keely Published by the American College of Physicians, 190 N. Independence Mall West, Philadelphia, PA 19106-1572, 2000. xxvii + 866 p. Price $ 55.00 David L. Lourwood, Pharm.D., BCPS David L. Lourwood, Pharm.D., BCPS Pharmacy Supervisor Coram Healthcare, Inc., 13205 Lakefront Drive, Earth City, MO 63045 Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar American Journal of Health-System Pharmacy, Volume 58, Issue 15, 1 August 2001, Page 1459, https://doi.org/10.1093/ajhp/58.15.1459 Published: 01 August 2001

The Spiritualization of Secular Law: The Impact of the Lutheran Reformation

The dialectical opposition and interaction of the secular and the spiritual realms of life has deep roots in Christian thought. Jesus enjoined his challengers to “render unto Caesar the things which are Caesar's and unto God the things that are God's” (Matt 22:21). To his disciples he said, “That which is born of the flesh is flesh, and that which is born of the Spirit is spirit” (John 3:6), and “except a man be born of … the Spirit, he cannot enter the kingdom of God.” (John 3:5).St. Paul, in turn, contrasted “the inward man,” who delights in “the law of God,” with one who is “in the flesh,” the law of whose “members” wars against “the law of the spirit” (Rom 7:5-7, 22-23). He listed among the “spiritual gifts” implanted by God in followers of Christ the gifts of wisdom, of knowledge, of faith, of healing, of miracles, and of prophecy (1 Cor 12:1-7). The spiritually minded inner-directed follower of Christ fights against the materialism of the unredeemed age, the time-bound world, into which he was born.Four centuries later St. Augustine applied this concept to the society in which he lived, drawing a sharp contrast between the sinful and, indeed, Satanic character of the temporal “earthly city” and the purity of the eternal “city of God.” For St. Augustine, both the church and the empire lived in an evil age, in hoc maligno saeculo, in which the true Christian, whether priest or layman, was, in effect, an alien. In Peter Brown's words, “For Augustine, this saeculum is a profoundly sinister thing. It is a penal existence … it wobbles up and down without rhyme or reason.” In the City of God, on the other hand, Christian spirituality, for St. Augustine, was effectuated through the “vestiges” of the tri-une God implanted in human memory and imagination, human reason and understanding, and human desire and love.

Effect of Coir and Sphagnum Peat-based Substrates on Fungus Gnat Populations

Fifteen-centimeter (1700-ml) containers were prepared for this experiment by sealing the drainage holes with insect screen (Hummert International, Earth City, Mo.) that had openings of 0.026 cm × 0.0805 cm. Containers were filled with substrates composed of either a 80% sphagnum peat or 80% coir. The remainder of the substrates was composed of perlite. Rooted cuttings of Euphorbia pulcherrima `Freedom' were planted into the containers and the containers were sealed with the insect screen and plants were allowed to grow and the substrate to age for 2 weeks. Fungus gnat (Bradysia spp.) larvae were collected using potato disks placed on the surface of infested substrates. After 3 days, larvae were collected from the disks, and 10 larvae were added per container. Uninoculated controls were included. After a period of 6 weeks, the adult population was sampled by placing 2.5 × 5.0-cm yellow sticky cards in each container. The larval population was sampled by placing a 4-cm-diameter potato disk on the substrate surface of each container. Fungus gnat larvae and adults were recovered from both sphagnum peat and coir-based substrates. Neither the number of adults nor the number of larvae recovered were significantly different between sphagnum peat and coir-based substrates.

Giotto's Peruzzi Chapel Frescoes: Wealth, Patronage and the Earthly City*

Giotto's fresco cycles of the lives of St. John the Baptist and St. John the Evangelist in the Peruzzi Chapel in Santa Croce, Florence, have not enjoyed as much scholarly attention as the vast fresco cycle in the Arena Chapel. Scholars have analyzed the space depicted in the frescoes, the striking monumentality of the figures, and the depiction of architecture oblique to the picture plane; thematic content, however, has received less attention than form and space. In this essay, I will propose some religious and secular iconographic and thematic unities: themes of rebirth, resurrection, andcommunitas, which correlate with fourteenth-century Florentine attitudes toward wealth, historiography, and a belief in the spiritual role of the earthly city. The themes of the frescoes articulate the social and political structures of early fourteenth-century civic life, as Giotto transformed traditional subjects into images of contemporary significance in these frescoes.

Politics of the Kingdom: Pannenberg's Anthropology

Religion is again a lively topic not only in practical-political life but also in social and political thought. The latter development is by far more surprising and intriguing than the practical-political relevance. For some time, political theory had ostensibly settled accounts with, or resolved the status of, religious belief: basically churches and religious movements were classified as one type of interest groups (or “input variables”) within a comprehensive liberal-democratic model — a model secular in character but not intolerant, within limits, of religious convictions. On the part of organized (especially Protestant) churches, the settlement was widely accepted as a means for securing both internal church autonomy and some influence in the political arena; the “social gospel” movement in particular saw faith chiefly as a leverage for advancing welfare and progress within secular society. To be sure, the optimism of the liberal settlement was severely challenged, and partly disrupted, by catastrophic events in our century as well as by radical theological criticism — a criticism highlighted in Richard Niebuhr's well-known phrase: “A God without wrath brought men without sin into a kingdom without judgment through the ministrations of a Christ without a cross.” Yet, when carried to an extreme, theological criticism had the paradoxical effect of reinforcing the secular-liberal paradigm. Once religion was radically segregated from politics or the “city of God” from the “earthly city,” the latter was left entirely to its own devices; purged of all religious and millenarian considerations social and political theory could return to business as usual.

The Hero in the Earthly City: A Reading of Beowulf. Bernard F. Huppé

<i>The Hero in the Earthly City: A Reading of Beowulf</i>. Bernard F. Huppé

Albrecht Dürer'sAdoration of the Trinity: A Reinterpretation

(1985). Albrecht Durer's Adoration of the Trinity: A Reinterpretation. The Art Bulletin: Vol. 67, No. 1, pp. 146-153.

The Gothic Cathedral as the Heavenly Jerusalem: Liturgical and Theological Sources

The relationship of the Gothic Cathedral to the concept of the Church as the Heavenly Jerusalem has been of particular interest during the nearly two decades since Hans Sedlmayr, in his book on the development of the Gothic Cathedral,1 sought to make a close identification between the architecture and the theological understanding of the heavenly kingdom. More recently, Otto von Simson has stated: We have been reminded that the Christian sanctuary is, liturgically and mystically, an image of the heavenly Jerusalem, the eschatological vision described by the Book of Revelation. The medieval dedication rite establishes this relationship in explicit terms and the twelfth and thirteenth centuries appear singularly preoccupied with this symbolic significance of sacred architecture.2 It is unfortunate that the liturgical and theological sources frequently referred to are rarely examined. It is the purpose of this article to look into these sources and their bearing upon the possible relationship of medieval architecture to theology. The theological concept of the heavenly Jerusalem is set forth in the New Testament Apocalypse, but the roots are found in the Old Testament prophets who dream of the renewal of the Davidic kingdom. Psalms and other poetic passages which referred originally to the earthly city of Jerusalem or Zion3 came to have an eschatological reference.4 Ezekiel's vision of the ideal temple is heavily dependent upon the temple of Solomon. The New Jerusalem of The Revelation is new with reference to the historic city with which the writer was so familiar. Within this tradition, the Gothic churchman could apply Biblical references to the reality of his own buildings; and this he seems to have done quite freely. The liturgical scholar, Edmond Martene, gives the texts of three consecration liturgies used during and after the tenth century;5 these provide a background for later liturgical development and for religious thought of the Gothic period. Ordo II,6 as given by Martene, provides the most comprehensive view of references to Jerusalem. As is characteristic of medieval consecration liturgies, this rite has near the beginning the liturgical use of Psalm 237 with its reference to the ancient Hebraic processions to the temple on Mount Zion: Tunc pontifex accendens ad ostium ecclesiae percutiens ter superliminare de cambuta sua aut baculo dicens: Tollite portas principes vestras et elevamini portae aeternales, et introibit rex gloriae. Respondeat ille minister infra stan : Quis est iste rex gloriae? [This interchange between the Bishop and the Deacon is made twice more; then follows] Et respondebunt omnes: Dominus virtutum ipse est rex gloria.8

Will and Reason in Troilus and Cressida

roilus and Cressida stands with some of the great Shakespearian tragedies, most notably Hamlet, Macbeth, and Lear, as a play in which the ominous nature of the times exerts a heavy, disruptive pressure on the personal destinies of the characters. For half the play the private romance develops in apparent isolation from the surrounding Graeco-Trojan world, but all the while an intimate connection is implied between private passion and public chaos, until finally the two lovers, first Cressida and then Troilus, are forced to surrender to the bitter disposition of the time. The Greeks and Trojans as a whole are represented as two sharply differentiated cultural orders in collision, both committed to an enterprise for which neither can provide an adequate rationale. The Trojans accept the war as an opportunity for personal glorification; the Greeks resign themselves to it as something imposed on them by fate, the unintelligible action of history. The rationalizations of both finally disintegrate before the onslaught of Thersites' all-inclusive cynicism and the predatory self-assertion of Achilles, Ajax, and the vengeful Troilus. In the contrast between the chivalric Trojans and realpolitical Greeks it is tempting to see a suggestion of the political situation in England during the late I500'S and early i6oo's. As William Empson remarks, Troy, like all large towns in Shakespeare's plays, is analogous to London, and its dilemma reflects the author's uneasy premonition of civil war. But of greater significance for us are the implications the play offers as a complex vision of the perennial earthly city, the unregenerate community forever exposed to the errant and self-destructive tendencies of the human will. The two most important determinants of this vision are the contrary modes of thought represented in Troilus and Ulysses, the one essentially passional and idealistic, the other rational and realistic, neither of which in itself can provide a image of the ultimate good and so point the way to the just and charitable society. Although Troilus and Ulysses are the two most fully drawn characters in the play and the chief apologists for their respective parties, there is, significantly, very little interaction between them. Each is confined to his particular plot, Troilus to his private romance and Ulysses to his efforts to physic the unmoveable Achilles, until they are finally brought together in the fifth act to witness Cressida's submission to Diomedes. There, peering into the darkness at the center of the Greek camp, both under the eye of the nihilist Thersites, they observe a repetition of the act that has made them enemies. The incredulous Troilus is forced to watch the true Cressida absorbed into a world wholly governed by the time and mutability, a world Ulysses appears to understand perfectly and tries to turn to political advantage. Ulysses is powerless to assist Troilus in his metaphysical quandry over the two Cressids, for according to his

Kingdom and Polity in Eusebius of Caesarea

Eusebius of Caesarea occupies a unique position in ancient Christian thought. His central problem is to explain and justify a Christian society which is to transform the Roman Empire and which will become the new world civilization supplanting Hellenism and Judaism. Earlier thinkers do not face this problem. The Roman Empire is for them one of the powers ordained of God, but it is pagan and they expect it to remain so. Consequently the question of human government is only peripheral to their thought. Nor do later thinkers see the problem quite as Eusebius does. In the East, for example in Pseudo-Dionysius and John of Damascus, the question of human government again becomes peripheral to Christian thought, and Eusebius has no successor as a “political theologian.” In the West, Augustine gives a general answer to the problem of a Christian society in a Christianized Empire, but his solution contradicts that of Eusebius. To Augustine, the structure of the Christian Roman Empire is still that of Babylon, and human society is still a mixture of two opposed cities, the earthly city and the city of God.

Aspects of Mediaeval Thought on Church and State

“Two loves,” St. Augustine says in De Civitate Dei, “have made two cities, love of self unto contempt of God the Earthly City, love of God unto contempt of self the Heavenly City,” the City of God. These “cities”—civitates—are, of course, not states, but societies; St. Augustine himself tells us that the term civitas is an equivalent of the term society. They are societies, however, of a special kind. The Ciyitds Dei is a “mystical” society of all the elect, past, present and future. The Civitas Terrena, the Earthly City, is identical neither with the earthly state nor with any particular earthly state such as the Roman Empire, nor with any merely human society, it too is a “mystical” society, that of the impious, the damned.

Stephen Langton and the Four Senses of Scripture

THE curiously fanciful allegory and morality stand for conceptions which have no modern equivalent. They prove a hindrance to our enjoyment of certain types of mediaeval literature; we tend to pass them over as annoying trifles. Yet considerations that to us seem irrelevant have been a cause of infinite painstaking to the authors. If we would understand their thought, we can scarcely neglect what they held to be of fundamental importance, a reflection which leads us to a study of mediaeval exegesis. The multiple interpretation, its technique, and its value to those who used it, are just beginning to be discussed. In a recent number Mr H. Caplan describes the theory of the Four Senses.1 He traces the distinction from early times and explains how it was understood in the middle ages. Cassian gave a clear definition;2 he divided the exposition of Scripture into two classes, literal or historical, and spiritual; the latter includes three senses, allegorical, moral or tropological, and anagogical. Guibert of Nogent, in a treatise on preaching,3 gave a practical illustration from the four senses of the word Jerusalem. We meet with the same example everywhere in the Twelfth Century; I have no proof that Guibert was the originator. Historically, Jerusalem is an earthly city, allegorically she signifies the Church, tropologically the faithful soul, anagogically the Celestial City. History relates the course of events, allegory interprets one event as significant of another, tropology deals with morals, anagogy leads us to contemplation of things above. This method of exegesis became very common, as Mr Caplan shows. He suggests that the multiplication of senses led to confusion and mentions cases of over-refinement upon the four.

Giotto-Studien

No AccessGiotto-StudienGy.-Wilde JulieGy.-Wilde JulieSearch for more papers by this authorPublished Online:Jul 2019https://doi.org/10.7788/wjk-1930-jg04SectionsPDF/EPUB ToolsAdd to favoritesDownload CitationsTrack Citations ShareShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail About Previous article Next article FiguresReferencesRelatedDetailsCited byGiotto's Peruzzi Chapel Frescoes: Wealth, Patronage and the Earthly City *20 November 2018 | Renaissance Quarterly, Vol. 41, No. 4 Download book cover ISSN: eISSN: HistoryPublished online:July 2019 PDF download