Researchers have long known that children’s early word productions differ from those of adults, both in the segments and syllables produced (e.g., dog > [dɑ]; banana > [ n nə). Some have proposed that these early segmental /syllabic truncations are due to early perceptual or articulatory limitations (e.g., Echols, 1992; MacNeilage, 1980). Others have proposed that children’s early words are phonologically “unmarked,” becoming more marked over time (Demuth, 1995; Gnanadesikan, 2004). However, results from recent crosslinguistic research suggest that children’s early word productions are sensitive to language-specific phonologies, showing earlier acquisition of high frequency syllable and prosodic word structures (e.g., Levelt, Schiller, & Levelt, 2000; Roark & Demuth, 2000). This indicates that children’s early prosodic words show more systematic language-specific differences in shape than perceptual, articulatory and markedness proposals would predict. To the extent that these findings are robust, we should then be able to make predictions regarding the timing and course of prosodic word development across languages. The first goal of this special volume is to explore these issues more fully by bringing together recent research on the acquisition of prosodic words (PWs) from a number of languages with different distributions of prosodic structures. The papers in this volume therefore include contributions from the less studied Catalan (Prieto), European Portuguese (Vigario, Freitas & Frota) and Japanese (Ota), as well as the better-known Spanish (Lleo) and English (Demuth, Culbertson & Alter). In most cases newly collected longitudinal corpora, including data from several children between the ages of 1 – 2 years, now makes it possible to provide a more systematic, quantitative study of PW development. A second goal of this volume was to test some of the frequency-based predictions, providing a theoretical framework for further investigation of children’s developing phonologies. For example, frequency and markedness constraints often co-occur, facilitating the early acquisition of high-frequency, unmarked structures (e.g., core CV syllables, trochaic feet). Occasionally, however, the “unmarked” structure is not the most frequent, raising questions regarding the course of acquisition under such conditions (e.g., Stites, Demuth, & Kirk, 2004; Zamuner, Gerken, & Hammond, 2005). The existence of these new longitudinal acquisition corpora, many of which include extensive samples of early child-directed speech, now make it possible to LANGUAGE AND SPEECH, 2006, 49 (2), 129 –135
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