Early Grave Research Articles

State of the art of guidelines

Guidelines have existed in medicine for many centuries. Galen's doctrine of laudable pus sent many to an early grave, but variance in treatment put the practitioner in a difficult position, especially if all did not go well. Currently, guidelines proliferate, allegedly based upon careful evaluation of evidence culled from a variety of sources. However, obedience to guidelines is variable internationally and nationally, thus raising questions about their enforceability. They are, of course, not legally enforceable, but courts may be influenced by them, and variation must be evidence-based. Guidelines cannot logically be regarded as being set in stone; if that were the case, then there could be no innovation and medicine would not advance.

The Politics of Literary Biography in Charles Brown's "Life of John Keats"

THE EDITORS OF THE ONLY PUBLISHED EDITION OF CHARLES ARMITAGE Brown's Life of John (1830) call it disappointment. Its weakness results, they argue, from the fact that wrote not so much a biography as an invective aimed at those whom he considered responsible for his friend's untimely end. (1) Fueled by grief, directly attacks the critics whose harsh reviews he believed hastened (or even caused) demise: Brown felt the injustice and the disaster of the attacks so deeply that he returned the subject time after time, emphasizing the point even the exclusion of personal recollections (Bodurtha and Pope 34). In short, he wrote not a thoughtful biography, but a hot-headed polemic. The editors' claim that had Charles been less a champion, he would have been more a biographer (35) may seem justified. His bias very nearly precludes accuracy and insight. Though of some interest as source material for later, more capable biographers, Brown's text can be dispensed with as yet another example of the literary propaganda that came swiftly upon the heels of the poet's death. Recent criticism has rightly interrogated the origin and persistence of the sentimental Keats established in early responses (like Brown's) the poet's death. Susan Wolfson, for example, argues that around the time of Adonais' publication Keats's death was gaining an impressive 'afterlife' indeed, a modern of 'the Poet' cast as a figure necessarily doomed by a wretched world unable appreciate him, and calling for revival by a coterie of more refined sensibility. (2) Viewing Shelley's Adonais as the most well known and preserved of such attempts to elevate the as moral authority, acknowledged legislator, Wolfson asserts that champions of like Shelley help produce a Romantic cult of the suffering, unappreciated sensitive artist--another version of the authorial hero-worship that underpins the traditional Romantic canon (32). Envisioning a disingenuous Shelley driven by self-centered motives in his lament for Keats, she argues that No small part of his performance of sympathy for was staging his own martyrdom (35). For Wolfson, the dead becomes a hapless tool in sensational and sentimental narratives of others' poetic greatness, his own real story left behind in the dustbin of irrelevant personal history. Andrew Motion, most recent biographer, similarly notes the inadequacy of portraits of supersensitive soul brought an early grave by hostile reviewers or of beautiful weakling--images that find their way into biographies of even in the twentieth century. (3) Such critical assessment of posthumous life provides an important corrective studies and coincides with more general critical tendencies demystify what has been seen as a distinctively Romantic investment in the power of individual authorial personality. The very clearly gendered elevation of the individual author, critics often argue, is meant deflect or contain threatening expansions in literary production and dissemination. Marion Ross sees Romantic poets as cultivating a myth of masculine self-possession, which enables the historical resituation of the poet and allows him adapt psychologically, philosophically, and pragmatically historical forces [such as increased print production] that are beyond his control as a human being. (4) Sonia Hofkosh similarly examines the developing discourses of masculine authorial property and personality in works like The Prelude and the Biographia Literaria as efforts to locate authority over the production, dissemination, and evaluation of meaning, of the work. (5) Building upon feminist rhetorical readings of the Romantic male author's attempts avoid contamination in a promiscuous linguistic economy, Hofkosh places the individuating efforts of writers like Wordsworth and Coleridge within the historical context of a growing feminine readership. …

Vertus prophylactiques et sens eschatologique d'un dépôt funéraire du haut Moyen Âge : les plaques boucles rectangulaires burgondes à inscription

Prophylactic and eschatological virtues of Early Middle Age grave goods : Burgundian rectangular belt plates with inscriptions. Since the nineteenth century, numerous rectangular belt fittings of bronze, usually decorated with an image of Daniel in the lion’s den, have been found on the ancient territory of Burgundia (Switzerland and the Jura, Savoy and Burgundy regions of France). The inscriptions that border some of these include the signatures of the craftsmen and/or the commissioners, providing us with information about the production of the objects, and the status of the craftsmen within Early Medieval society. The epigraphic texts also help us to understand the prophylactic and eschatological values of the objects, especially when they are placed in graves.

Clearing the Muddy Waters: Jeff Peires and The Great Treks

Twenty years ago 1 had the pleasure of reviewing a volume of papers on precolonial Southern Africa edited by Jeff pekes.' Titled Before and After Shah: Papers in Xguni Histoy, it was based on a workshop held at Rhodes University in 1979. Among the contributors were Julian Cobbing, Phil Bonner, Jeff Guy. John Wright, Patrick Harries and Leroy Vail. 1 was somy to have missed the workshop, because the papers breathed a spirit of cooperative enquiry as well as a willingness to revise outworn interpretations. Two decades on, the contributors have gone their separate ways. Vail sadly went to an early grave. Others have had serious health scares. Some have not spoken for years. The spirit of cooperation in challenges to old orthodoxies, which promised so much, evaporated. I have often wondered at the barely perceptible processes by which Young Turks are turned into the Old Guard. Perhaps the slings and arrows of outrageous fortune take their toll on all of us. For whatever reasons, Peires presents a prime example of a scholar whose mind has closed. His review presents no new evidence, opens no new lines of enquiry, and brooks no questioning of established lines of interpretation. Peires is, of course, entitled to his opinions, and for that reason I was tempted to leave his strident accusations unanswered. The lively rejoinders to his own book, The Dead will Arise, remind us of the times when he has had to take it as well as dish it out2 However, it seems to me that those who teach that 'history is an argument without end' have a duty to respond when basic questions of evidence and interpretation are raised. This journal, I know, is primarily intended for mature scholars, but I hope readers will pardon me for writing as if for an interested audience of under-graduate students. Who knows? It is not inconceivable that debate on some of the propositions I have put forward might some day form the basis for a university text.

Tomb Marker and Turning Post: Funerary Columns in the Archaic Period

Freestanding columns marked tombs throughout Greece in the Archaic period. The Homeric phrasing of hexametric funerary epigrams on some columns suggests that the columnar tomb marker was meant to evoke the Age of Heroes. The choice of the column as a funerary marker may have broader significance. Greek vases show isolated Doric, Ionic, and plain columns as turning posts or goals in horse-, chariot-, and footraces. Allusions to races in the epigrams on two funerary columns, one from Troezen, the other from the Argive suggest that tomb columns were also meant to call to mind turning posts on stadia and hippodromes. The Heraion inscription indicates that great honor was associated with burial near the racecourse. Early literary evidence for the possible use of a tomb as turning post is found in Homer's account of the funeral games of Patroclus in the Iliad. Later authors also report heroes buried in or on stadia and hippodromes. The columnar tomb marker may reflect the desire of the family of the deceased to associate itself with the heroes of epic, and also with contemporary aristocrats who could afford the time and leisure to raise horses and compete in athletic games?* INTRODUCTION A freestanding Doric column was erected on Corfu as a marker on a tomb shortly after the construction of the Temple of Artemis (fig. 1).1 Only the capital remains, and an inscription on the abacus identifies the funerary function of the column. Removed from its context as an architectural component, where it serves with other columns to support the architrave of a sacred building, the isolated Doric column seems odd and, at first, devoid of meaning or purpose. In this paper I explore the use of freestanding columns as funerary markers, and suggest possible iconographical explanations of the column on a tomb. Nine funerary columns are preserved from the Archaic period.2 Although few in number, the monuments are distributed over a fairly wide geographical range. In addition to the find on Corfu, fragments of funerary capitals and columns have been discovered in Attica, the Argolid, East Greece, and Sicily. The dates of the columns span the period from * Early versions of this paper were presented at the University of Minnesota in 1988 and at the Archaeological Institute of America's annual meeting in 1989 (AJA 94 [1990] 303, abstract). I thank FA. Cooper for encouraging my study of funerary columns, and for the chance to speak on tomb columns and turning posts at the University of Minnesota.J.R. McCredie,J.W. Day, and E.B. Harrison read the paper at various stages, and G. Hedreen read the latest version. I am grateful to all four, to the two anonymous AJA reviewers, and to the AJA editors for their time, expertise, and valuable comments. This article is dedicated to the memory of Charles M. Edwards: [0oO 8&~ 0av]6vrdog sxouat (pitot [v6v ~nivO]og q6)aoarov (Agora inv. I 2352; Epigrammata no. 28a). The following special abbreviations are used: CEG P.A. Hansen, Carmina Epigraphica Graeca: Saeculorum VIII-V A.Chr.N.(Texte und Kommentare, vol. 12, Berlin 1983). Day J.W. Day, Rituals in Stone: Early Greek Grave Epigrams and Monuments, JHS 109 (1989) 16-28. Epigrammata Friedlander and H.B. Hoffleit, Epigrammata: Greek Inscriptions in Verse from the Beginnings to the Persian Wars (Berkeley 1948). Jeffery L.H. Jeffery, The Local Scripts of Archaic Greece: A Study of the Origin of the Greek Alphabet and Its Development from the Eighth to the Fifth Centuries B.C.2 (Oxford 1990). Richardson N. Richardson, The Iliad: A Commentary, Volume VI: Books 21-24 (Cambridge 1993). All translations from Greek are by the author unless otherwise noted. 1 For the capital of the monument of Xenvares (Corfu, Archaeological Museum 3), see IG IX, 1, 869 and G. Rodenwalt ed., Korkyra: Archaische Bauten und Bildwerke I: Der Artemistempel (Berlin 1940) 77, fig. 60 and pl. 19a. For the date of the Temple of Artemis, about 580 B.C., see W.B. Dinsmoor, The Architecture of Ancient Greece2 (New York 1975) 73; also E.B. Harrison, Agora XI: Archaic and Archaistic Sculpture (Princeton 1965) 12. B.S. Ridgway suggests a slightly later date for the sculpture of the temple, about 570 B.C.: The Archaic Style in Greek Sculpture (Princeton 1977) 193. 2 In addition to the capital of Xenvares (supra n. 1), a capital from Hyblaia, now in Syracuse, Museo Archeologico Regionale P. Orsi: Orsi, Megara Hyblaea: storia, topografia, necropoli e anathemata, MonAnt I, 2 (1891) 786-87, pl. 4.2; two columns from Troezen: IG IV, 800, Jeffery 176-77, pl. 32.3, and IG IV, 801, G. Welter, Troizen und Kalaureia (Berlin 1941) 39-40, pl. 22 b-d; Argos E 210: L.W. Daly, An Inscribed Doric Capital from the Argive Heraion, Hesperia 8 (1939) 165-69. These columns are discussed below. Additional columns include a fluted shaft from Attica: CEG no. 36, one fragment, said to be from

Z badań nad tzw. horyzontem starosznurowym w rozwoju późnoneolitycznej kultury społeczeństw Kujaw

The problem of the so-called pan-European horizon of the Corded Ware culture in Kuyavia, discussed here, is occasioned by the publication of an Early Corded Ware grave from Krusza Zamkowa. Bydgoszcz province, site 3 (Figs. I -3). The analysis of available sources associated with that horizon indicates that the set of attributes regarded as distinctive was in Kuyavia a constant component of the Funnel Beaker groups such as Eastern, Mątwy. Radziejów and so-called epi-Funnel-Beaker, differentiated chronologically and genetically. Thus the set was rather an indicator of the exogenous component generally associated with the area between the Vistual and the Dnieper, and playing an unspecified culture-forming role in the autogenesis of local communities. The fact remains that a large majority of local communities of the „classic” Corded Ware horizon show opposite genetic links, tending towards "Baltic" centres, notably those in the area between the lower Odra and the Elbe.

"Benito Cereno" and the Black Friars

"BENITO CEREÑO" AND THE BLACK FRIARS Charles Berryman University of Southern California Herman Melville's preference for "intuitive Truth" that probes to "the very axis of reality" was a challenge in 1855 for the editors of Putnam's Monthly Magazine.1 They paid him in advance for "Benito Cereño" and then hesitated before printing the account of a slave revolt with its "imputation of malign evil in man" (p. 47). Melville's bold comparison of slavery and religious asceticism was hardly in keeping with Putnam's editorial policy: "Care is taken that nothing in the remotest degree offensive to propriety or good taste defaces these pages."2 Nevertheless, the skull of a rebellious slave continues to stare from the final pages of "Benito Cereño." The first readers of the story in the decade before the Civil War were apparently less concerned than the reluctant editors. Although "Benito Cereño" was described in a few reviews as "a strangely conceived story" and "a thrilling, weird-like narrative," the common response was to accept the story as a "delightful companion for an afternoon lounge."3 The head of a slave fixed on a pole was not disturbing to Melville's readers because the "intuitive Truth" about slavery was presented in religious terms (references to friars and monasteries ) that a nineteenth-century audience might accept as familiar devices of gothic fiction. Melville's readers, of course, were also well acquainted with the anti-Catholic sentiment that had allowed Edgar Allan Poe, for example, to use the black-robed judges of the Inquisition for a gothic story like "The Pit and the Pendulum." The black slaves in "Benito Cereño," however, do not come from Poe's haunted imagination . If the semblance of gothic fiction allowed Melville to satisfy the editors at Putnam's, it was an ironic moment in the history of American literature: the story of a slave revolt was hardly light entertainment on the eve of the Civil War, and Melville's description of slaves as "Black Friars" is neither a simple gothic image nor a common appeal to the prejudice, racial or religious, of his audience. The readers of Putnam's may have been prepared for the conventions of gothic fiction but not for the way Melville combined the familiar images of black demons with historical evidence of a real slave revolt. When he adapted "Benito Cereño" from a chapter of Captain Amasa Delano's A Narrative of Voyages and Travels, Melville defied the taste of his public by altering the historical record to attribute even more violence to the slaves and less intelligence or understanding to his fictional Captain Delano. The most remarkable change, however, involves the character of Benito Cereño, who is 160Charles Berryman transformed from a selfish coward to a self-absorbed figure of resignation and spiritual asceticism. Melville ignores the complaints in Delano's Narrative about the ungrateful behavior of the real Cereño and instead creates a monkish ending for the Spaniard, who is driven by fear into a monastery and then to an early grave. Melville's addition of religious imagery to the historical account of a slave revolt thus allowed him to create an ironic commentary on the identity of monastic vows and slave discipline. The argument has recently been made by J. H. Kavanagh that Melville's intentions ought to be regarded either as unknowable or irrelevant: different readings of "Benito Cereño" are "determined more by critical ideologies working through readers than by any intentions of the 'real' Herman Melville."4 It is hardly news that critics have political assumptions that influence reading and interpretation, but that ought to confirm the same possibility for the author of "Benito Cereño." Thus it should be a fair critical question to ask why Melville adds religious imagery to his source material, or how he was influenced by contemporary accounts which bring together the history of slavery and religious asceticism. H. Bruce Franklin has argued in some detail that Melville's description of the slave ship as a monastery and its captain as a spiritual recluse have close parallels in William Stirling's The Cloister Life of the Emperor...

An Early Neolithic Grave at Bjørnsholm, North Jutland

An Early Neolithic Grave at Bjørnsholm, North Jutland

Rituals in stone: early Greek grave epigrams and monuments

The goal of this paper is to increase our understanding of what archaic verse epitaphs meant to contemporary readers. Section I suggests their fundamental message was praise of the deceased, expressed in forms characteristic of poetic encomium in its broad, rhetorical sense, i.e., praise poetry. In section II, the conventions of encomium in the epitaphs are compared to the iconographic conventions of funerary art. I conclude that verse inscriptions and grave markers, not only communicate the same message of praise, but do so in a formally parallel manner. Section III, drawing on Pindar as a preserver of archaic thinking, attributes the parallelism between verse epitaph and grave marker to their common debt to funerary ritual. The epigrams will be seen to share with their monuments the goal of memorializing this ritual.

October Dusk (review)

is saying-and to see that he practices what he preaches-simply read His First, Best Country. Lorraine Corsale, a photographer trained at Pratt Institute, worked as a volunteer for the Christian Appalachian Project in Lancaster, Kentucky, and this new book is her stark record of the experience . Corsale's black and white photographs depict mostly the fringes of Appalachia , rural life in Kentucky's Garrard County, and the presentation is as elegantly simple as the pictures. These are not always "pretty" pictures. They are stark, understated depictions by an excellent photographer. -Garry Barker Quillen, Rita. October Dusk. Seven Buffaloes Press, Box 249, Big Timber, Montana, 59011. 1987. $5.00. Five dollars is a pittance to pay for this small (thirty-four page) but top-quality collection of poems. Every piece contains some breathtaking imagery, some bit of"oh, wow, that's right! " The three section headings, "Farm," "Friends," and "Family," indicate exactly the kind of subject matter in which Quillen excels. What is most exciting about the poems is that instead of surrendering to sentimentalism , a real temptation with this type of material, the writer retains toughness of character and objectivity of insight. In addition, there is metaphorical truthfulness that is extremely rare in what with mere versifiers would come out as folksy chatter. Examplesofexcellence abound. "Apple Butter, for instance, is not only a record ofapassing tradition but a liturgical statement . The motif of religious ceremony runs through the poem, bringing to mind rituals from purification to communion. Otherpoems exhibit the same high quality . "October Dusk," the title poem ofthe collection, for instance, contains the line "I am a candle flame drawing moths and mosquitoes, holding the moments in my cupped hands." "Time to Go" includes such gemsas"Theoldwoman spitsamber starsm thedust" and"She's thinkingwhat ahardtimetheywillallhaveandcongratulates herself for living just long enough." There are a few weaker lines and moments , ofcourse, times when Quillen slips into apparent stereotypes or passages that contain more narrative and more information than the reader needs. Once in a long while, also, Quillen's exciting freshness is lost in the echo of other fine Appalachian writers whom Quillen has known and admired. RobertFrostdescribedapoetas aperson who sees double. Rita Quillen, in her masterful metaphors and in her compassionate communication of the real meaning of human existence, is indeed a poet. While anticipating Quillen's nextpublication , many readers will go back again and again torelive and enjoy "October Dusk." -Barbara Smith Servitude Despite beatings from Mother Nature, from passing souls, those porchsteps still squat there. Despite rainstorms and heavyweights digging them an early grave, They've never sunk so low they won't stoop to help a body on its way. -Glenn McKee 67 ...

THE RADLEY ‘EARRINGS’REVISED

Summary. A pair of sheet‐gold objects from an early Bell‐Beaker grave at Radley, Oxfordshire have traditionally been interpreted as earrings, and derived from gold basket‐earrings of the kind represented in the Troy II treasure. This article suggests that they are better seen as hair‐ornaments, like central European Noppenringe; though they may still have a background further east.

PURULENT OPHTHALMIA IN THE CHILDREN'S ASYLUM OF THE PHILADELPHIA ALMSHOUSE IN 1836

Alfred Stillé (1813-1900), professor of the theory and practice of medicine at the University of Pennsylvania from 1864 to 1883, vividly described his experiences as a young intern in 1836 when he lived for six months in the children's asylum of the Philadelphia Almshouse. It was a very interesting field for me from a humanitarian as well as a medical point of view. A hundred or more children [Stillé was the only house officer] were sheltered there on their way to the early grave to which most of them were destined. Illegitimate and other outcasts formed the majority, and ophthalmia, that curse of children's asylums, made of them a blear-eyed, puny crowd, most pitiable to see. I soon became convinced of the causes that produced the crippling and mortality of these outcasts and waifs. I pointed out to the committee of the board how the disease was disseminated by the children washing in the same basins and using the same towels, and how it was maintained by their having no shaded placed for exercise in the open air, and also by the insufficient food permitted them; for if the soup which they received one day was nutritious, the meat of which the soup had been made, and which formed their dinner on the following day, must necessarily be nearly devoid of nutriment. But of course, the committee on the children's asylum and the guardians knew better than I, and at the time, at least, nothing was done to correct this wrong.1

A Grave Complex of the Early Single Grave Culture at Skarrild Overby, Central Jutland

A Grave Complex of the Early Single Grave Culture at Skarrild Overby, Central Jutland

A murder victim discovered: clothing and other finds from an early 18th century grave on Arnish Moor, Lewis

NB 386305. Describes the ragged clothing and small personal possessions of a young man probably identifiable with one known to have been murdered in early 18th century, and recently retrieved from a peat bog.

Tragtbægerkulturens slutfase. Nye C-14 dateringer

Tragtbægerkulturens slutfase. Nye C-14 dateringer

DEER SKIN LEATHERS AND THEIR USE FOR FOR COSTUME

This paper is a preliminary study of the use of deer skin leathers in costume in Europe and more especially England. The animals mainly concerned are the fallow and European red deer or American Elk, the European elk or American moose, the roe deer and the Scandinavian, Siberian, Greenland and North Canadian reindeer and the North American reindeer or caribou. From earliest times these have played important, and often dominant, roles in the lives of the peoples sharing their territories. Today this is still so with a few peoples, e.g. the Eskimos and Lapps, and in England the residual forests and numerous parks show traces of the influence of the deer. Because these roles have been so important and have so much bearing upon the supply and use of deer skins, they are briefly discussed. In pre-historic days the bones and antlers of deer were used for tools and implements, the flesh for food and the skins for clothing. Innumerable bone and antler artefacts have been unearthed. Paleolithic cave paintings at Alpera and elsewhere in Spain show the hunting of deer with bows and arrows. The overwhelming importance of reindeer and red deer for meat is shown by examination of the bones found at various paleolithic and early neolithic sites in Germany, .Russia and England.1 If, as these show, deer as a source of meat prevailed over oxen and other animals, they probably also were dominant as a source of skins for clothing. Survival of Stone Age clothing cannot be expected, but a paleolithic cave painting at Trois Freres in the French Pyrenees is said to depict a magician wearing a deer skin during a religious dance: Measurements of certain Bronze Age garments found in Denmark are said to correspond closely with those of a stag's hide.3 In an Early Iron Age grave, from the first millenium B.C., in th~ Bruchmoor bog, Damendorf, Schleswig, a cape, made of four deer .skins, has been found4 and in a peat bog, Kohlmoor, near Osterby, Schl~swig, a human head wrapped in a cape of roe deer skin,'from the first century A.D.s In historic times, and d<;?ubtlessearlier, ownership and control of territory have always been important in the organisation of society and its daily activities. The forests provided fuel and sheltered animals affording food and the sport so important in days of peace. Kings, prelates, nobles and lesser gentry came to be very zealous about their con~ .trol of forests. Various kinds of deer, especially the red and fallow deer, being the chief beasts of venery and chase in England and in many European countries, were the focus about which centred much soci?.1life.The royal passion for deer hunting can be traced from the times of the Saxon and Danish monarchs through to Prince Albert's era. The earliest kings took steps to preserve their game, but it was the Norman rplers who created vast forests here and, with their harsh Forest Laws, established the kind of control the

JOHN LOCKE (1632-1704) ON THE CHILD'S BED

In his Thoughts concerning Education, John Locke, the philosopher-physician, gave a Mr. Edward Clarke of Chipley, near Taunton, England, detailed rules for bringing up his son. Locke's advice about Mr. Clarke's son's bed follows: Let his Bed be hard, and rather Quilts than Feathers. Hard Lodging strengthens the Parts; whereas being buried every Night in Feathers, melts and dissolves the Body, is often the Cause of Weakness, and the Fore-runner of an early Grave. And, besides the Stone, which has often its Rise from this warm Wrapping of the Reins; several other Indispositions, and that which is the Root of them all, a tender weakly Constitution, is very much owing to Downe-Beds. Besides, He that is used to hard Lodging at Home, will not miss his Sleep (where he has most need of it) in his Travels abroad, for want of his soft Bed, and his Pillows laid in order. And therefore, I think it would not be amiss, to make his Bed after different Fashions, sometimes lay his Head higher, sometimes lower, that he may not feel every little Change he must be sure to meet with, who is not design'd to lie always in my young Master's Bed at home, and to have his Maid lay all Things in print, and tuck him in warm. The great Cordial of Nature is Sleep. He that misses that, will suffer by it: And he is very fortunate, who can take his Cordial only in his Mother's fine Gilt Cup, and not in a Wooden Dish.

Koheleth's Concept of Opposites: As Compared to Samples of Greek Philosophy and near and Far Eastern Wisdom Classics

Koheleth offers a simple version of the golden mean. On the one hand, he warns against the hazards of being over-righteous and unduly wise, since in that manner one will destroy himself. On the other hand, he cautions against being over-wicked and acting the part of the fool, as that is a sure way to go to an early grave. Such inordinate displays are unrealistic and contribute little to longevity. Acknowledging the fact of human imperfection as he does, Koheleth pictures the golden mean as being tarnished. The mean is a blend of righteousness and wickedness, because it is necessary for the individual to grasp or hold onto 1) both of these qualities. No man alive is righteous consistently, and to try to be good all of the time is impossible. Being neither completely just nor unjust, the person who finds the mean would be the one who strives but often fails at doing good (7: 16-18, 20). However, several questions emerge. (I) Does Koheleth interpret the golden mean in the familiar way that Aristotle does? Are the two thinkers comparable when it comes to instructions for finding the mean, the range of experiences, and the choice of analogies? (2) Is the golden mean a part of a larger formula by which opposites are resolved in Koheleth? Are there multiple patterns by which opposites are related by him? If so, is his interpretation similar to other ancient students of opposites in the Orient and Greece? (3) Does Koheleth look for hidden meanings within situations which can account for the existence of opposites, in the way that Oriental thinkers do? Are opposites the result of distorted apprehension and the misleading forms which experience takes, as for example the early Taoists believe? While there is widespread agreement on Koheleth's postexilic composition, there is

Grave med teltformet overbygning fra tidlig-neolitisk tid

Grave med teltformet overbygning fra tidlig-neolitisk tid

Notes on Early Greek Grave Epigrams

opxi5al5 e ho HvO.a ZeIXv6vrtos (Delphi, ca. 525-500 B.C.). Kirchhoff took the line as iambic, Wilamowitz ap roved his view, and later scholars have accepted it;' see, for instance, Epigrammata, p. 161: Crude trimeter, the approximation to dochmiacs being accidental. Whatever may be thought of this analysis in isolation, its consequences proved unfortunate. In 1899 Orsi published the following text: O[Mot]t 'EwraX~[9?]o r^ Z&'v9o (Hybla Heraia, later sixth century). In 1925 Keramopoullos