Earlier Excavations Research Articles

Armillaria ostoyae associated with dying 60-year-old Scots pines in northern Turkey

Summary We investigated an Armillaria root disease centre in a 60-year-old, naturally regenerated Pinus sylvestris stand located at 1250 m altitude in Sinop province in northern Turkey. Based on sequence analysis of the internal transcribed spacer region of the rDNA, the mycelial fans sampled from the infected trees were Armillaria ostoyae. Multilocus genotyping indicated that the fans belonged to a single genet, at least 0.2 ha in size. Drought as a predisposing factor is discussed. The study area received 50–70 and 25–50% of the normal precipitation in May, June and August in 2009 and in August and September in 2010, respectively. Moreover, earlier excavation work to prepare a forest road had probably disrupted the water table in the affected stand.

Early 1960s Excavations at the Sam Kaufman Site (41RR16), Red River County, Texas

The Sam Kaufman site (41RR6, also known as the Arnold Roitsch site for a time) is a well-known Caddo Indian village along Mound Prairie and the Red River in Red River County, Texas. There have been a number of reported archaeological investigations, as well as bioarchaeological studies, at the site, and at other nearby sites since the 1930s. This article reports on previously unknown investigations conducted by Buddy Calvin Jones in December 1961 through January 1962 at the Sam Kaufman site. His notes on the work-which primarily consist of burial plan drawings and a map or two-have recently been provided to the Gregg County Historical Museum (GCHM). Some of the collection of archaeological materials from the site have also been located at the GCHM, and in May 2011, we had the opportunity to document those materials (all ceramic vessels). Other vessels from the Jones investigations, but not in the GCHM collections, at the Sam Kaufman site are discussed in Perttula and Perttula.

A Raman spectroscopic study of glass trade beads excavated at Mapungubwe hill and K2, two archaeological sites in southern Africa, raises questions about the last occupation date of the hill

Thousands of glass trade beads were excavated over a 75 year period on Mapungubwe Hill and at K2, two archaeological sites in the Limpopo valley, South Africa. An assemblage of 175 beads that appeared to be different in shape, size and colour (red, yellow, green, blue, white, black, pink, plum) was studied with Raman scattering. At least seven different chromophores or pigments (lazurite, lead tin yellow type II, Ca/Pb arsenate, chromate, calcium antimonate, Fe–S “amber” and a spinel) have been identified. Pigment identification allows the recognition of specific productions and indicated that many of the pigments colouring the beads excavated on Mapungubwe hill were manufactured after the 13th century, confirming the presence of modern beads in the archaeological record, some dating from the 19th century. This date is in agreement with the last occupation date for the hill suggested by the earlier excavators and raises questions about the revision of this date to 1290 AD by archaeologists in the 1970’s.

Chronostratigraphic context of the Middle to Upper Palaeolithic transition: Recent data from Belgium

The chronological and palaeoenvironmental context for the industries identified in Europe during the Middle to Upper Palaeolithic transition (MUPT) is not accurately known. This situation is mainly due to insufficient knowledge of the context of the archaeological data, much of which comes from old excavations. Any major progress in the understanding of the MUPT can only be achieved with the study of long sedimentary sequences providing a semi-continuous record and situating archaeological remains in a reliable palaeoenvironmental and chronological framework. Strict attention must also be paid to stratigraphic control and site formation processes.Interdisciplinary studies undertaken over the last ten years in Belgium contribute to research on the MUPT. Belgium plays an important role due to its specific geological context that includes many caves, a well-developed loess cover which acts as a reference sequence for the Upper Pleistocene and the presence of tephras. This enables detailed reconstruction of climatic change and more accurate chronological control in cave sequences; initial results from new fieldwork on long sequences are presented here (Walou and Scladina Caves as well as the open-air site of Maisières-Canal). Combined with results of recent analyses on old material (mainly from the Spy and Trou de l’Abîme collections), they enable establishment of a reliable and more accurate chronostratigraphic framework for the archaeological assemblages and provide new data on the humans responsible for them. Thus, around 45,000 BP, a Mousterian industry was made by Neandertals in Trou de l’Abîme. Around 40,000–38,000 BP, Belgium was still occupied by Neandertals associated with a typical Middle Palaeolithic as shown in Walou. The Spy Neandertals have recently been directly dated by 14C to 36,000 BP, but the techniques of the early excavations prevent clear identification of the associated industry; still, the 14C results are more coherent with the Lincombian-Ranisian-Jerzmanowician (LRJ) chronology than the Mousterian, both of which are identified at Spy. The earliest convincing age for the Belgian Aurignacian is about 32,000–33,000 BP (Maisières-Canal and Spy).

Questioning Whether Thomas Jefferson Was the “Father” of American Archaeology

In Notes on the State of Virginia (1787 [1954]), Thomas Jefferson described a systematic investigation he conducted of a Native American burial mound near his home at Monticello. Based upon this early excavation and Jefferson’s report of the contents of various layers he observed in the mound, authors of introductory archaeological textbooks frequently refer to Jefferson as the “father” of archaeology in the United States. While Jefferson’s methods anticipated modern archaeological techniques, this essay questions the extent to which he was a disinterested observer of what his dig uncovered. Because his conclusions were rooted less in understanding Native American cultures than they were in extinguishing them, perhaps archaeologists should look for another person to be accorded the title of “father” of their discipline.

Données stratigraphiques, archéologiques et insertion chronologique de la séquence de Longgupo

The site of Longgupo is located north of the subtropical zone and is part of the domain of eastern fauna. The large number of mammal species identified at this site enables clarification of the broad pattern of paleoenvironmental change for the three assemblages from the first stratigraphic sequence (Huang W.-B. excavations). The different species have been classified in four biogeographic groups: subtropical (moderate monsoon), tropical forest (hot and humid climate), montane (cold climate) and prairie (cold and dry climate). Variation in the representation rate of each of these groups enables general reconstruction of the paleoenvironments for the three assemblages identified at Longgupo: a lower assemblage in a hot and humid climate with cold and dry episodes, an intermediate assemblage in a rather cold and dry climate in the lower part, becoming progressively warmer and humid toward the top of the sequence with a monsoon influence more marked than the present day, and an upper assemblage in a rather cold and dry climate. This biochronology and general paleoenvironmental reconstruction are clearly important, but as mentioned above, the stratum by stratum correspondence between the old and new stratigraphic sequences has been quite difficult because the position of material recovered during the early excavations was not recorded.

Labraunda 2009. A preliminary report on the Swedish excavations

The 2009 campaign in Labraunda accomplished three goals: the termination of the excavations in the Byzantine fort on the Acropolis and in the Late Roman Tetraconch and the complete excavation of the impressive marble chamber tomb along the Sacred Way. In the Acropolis Fortress, evidence was found to support the military character of the Byzantine establishment: the rooms along the fortification wall were paved and had a rectangular shape, suggesting defensive rooms. In these rooms sling stones were found. Structures dating from the Hekatomnid period were further investigated this year, and a well cut into the gneiss bedrock was excavated. In the Tetraconch, the north apse was excavated down to bedrock and a coin from Constantius II (348–357/8) suggests an ante quem dating for this unique and sophisticated structure. The geophysical investigations indicated that a church is located on the terrace below the Tetraconch and a first sondage was conducted here. The large marble chamber tomb was completely excavated and emptied of its content. Small pieces of pottery indicate a date in the middle of the fourth century BC. The extensive geophysical survey was carried out at five different areas around the Sanctuary, in order to achieve a better picture of the entire Sanctuary, as the early excavations had involved only its central part. Evidence for several previously unknown structures came to light: possibly a temple on the East Stoa terrace and further bath buildings at the East Bath, as well as several unexcavated tombs.

ARKEOLOJİK ALANLARDA KORUMA SORUNLARI KURAMSAL VE YASAL AÇILARDAN DEĞERLENDİRME

In Ottoman Turkey, interest in archaeology and archaeological sites started with the discovery of impor­tant sites like Troy, Ephesus and Pergamon in the nineteenth century. Due to lack of legislation related to the protection of archaeological heritage, the finds from the early excavations were transported to Euro­pean museums or private collections. In late nineteenth century, an archaeological museum was found­ed in Istanbul and the extant legislation was amended to keep the discovered objects in the country. With the establishment of the Turkish Republic, archaeology was taught in the universities and the capacity to preserve archaeological heritage was developed by conservation programs. Yet, until 1973 it was not pos­sible to designate archaeological sites and define measures for the protection of the surrounding areas. In addition to the law on protection of cultural heritage, several principles were developed to classify and pre­serve the archaeological heritage. In 1999, Turkey signed the Valetta Convention for the Preservation of European Archaeological Heritage and tries to follow the guidelines set by this document. Turkey's rich archaeological heritage spans from the prehistoric to late medieval period, including Byzan­tine and Seljuk sites. The number and variety of assets requires careful documentation and protection. Archaeological sites are threatened by natural as well as man made factors. Some sites disappear even with­out being recorded. It is necessary to raise awareness in the protection of the cultural heritage and support the protection process with financial means and multidisciplinary work. The completion of the cultural her­itage inventory, the implementation of site management plans, monitoring of the archaeological sites and the surrounding landscape are important topics to be considered.

Yucatán through Her Eyes: Alice Dixon Le Plongeon, Writer and Expeditionary Photographer

Yucatán through Her Eyes: Alice Dixon Le Plongeon, Writer and Expeditionary Photographer

Marks of State Ownership and the Greek Agora at Corinth

A long-standing problem in Corinthian studies is the inability to identify the Greek agora with any certainty. The early excavators thought the agora was beneath the Roman forum, but by the 1950s and 1960s, scholars were beginning to doubt this view, since excavations to Greek levels there were not producing the prerequisite civic buildings they expected to find in an agora. Moreover, the seemingly irregular layout of the area contradicted their notion of a level and uniform agora. Today these arguments still receive widespread support among specialists, and in reconstructions of Corinth, the agora is usually placed in an unexcavated region of the city. This article looks at the issue from a different perspective. It gathers the objects marked as state property from Corinth—including drinking cups, weights, measures, and counting tables—and argues, based on the findspots of these materials, that the Greek agora was indeed located beneath the Roman forum as originally suggested. Furthermore, it rejects an identification of the Corinthian agora that is based on preconditions or universal models, arguing instead for a more fluid and idiosyncratic interpretation of Greek civic and commercial space. Only by contextualizing the Greek agora within its own urban environment can we begin to understand its spatial elements and acknowledge its inherently diverse role. In this way, the Corinthian story has much to tell us about the Greek agora in general.*.

Kavousi IIA: The Late Minoan IIIC Settlement at Vronda. The Buildings On The Summit (review)

Reviewed by: Kavousi IIA: The Late Minoan IIIC Settlement at Vronda. The Buildings On The Summit Melissa Eaby Leslie Preston Day, Nancy L. Klein, and Lee Ann Turner. Kavousi IIA: The Late Minoan IIIC Settlement at Vronda. The Buildings On The Summit, with contributions by Heidi Dierckx, Kimberly Flint-Hamilton, Geraldine C. Gesell, Margaret S. Mook, David S. Reese, and Lynn M. Snyder. Prehistory Monographs 26. Pp. xl + 183, tbls. 40, charts 60, figs. 108, pls. 25. Philadelphia: INSTAP Academic Press, 2009. $80. ISBN 9781931534512. In 1900, Harriet Boyd (Hawes) excavated at several sites in the vicinity of the modern village of Kavousi in eastern Crete, including areas of the mountain sites of Vronda and Kastro. The Kavousi Project was formed in 1978 by Geraldine C. Gesell, Leslie Preston Day and the late William D.E. Coulson. The initial phase of the project focused on cleaning the architecture of these two sites and studying the remaining finds from Boyd's excavations. The second phase consisted of a five-year program of excavation at Vronda and Kastro (under the auspices of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens), as well as a surface survey of the Kavousi area. The results of the survey were presented in the first volume, Kavousi I (Haggis 2005). Six additional volumes are planned for the publication of the two excavations. Kavousi II focuses on the material from the settlement at Vronda and is divided into three parts: 1) volume IIA presents the material from the structures found on the summit of the hill (Buildings A-B, C-D, J-K, P, Q, and R); 2) volume IIB will publish the material from the buildings on the slopes of Vronda ridge (Buildings E, I-O-N, L-M, the Kiln) and the periphery; and 3) volume IIC will contain specialist analyses of the architecture, pottery, finds, and floral and faunal remains (xxvii). The shrine and Geometric cemetery at the site, as well as the pottery, architecture and stratigraphy of Kastro and the evidence from the early excavations, will be published in subsequent volumes. Kavousi IIA begins with a basic introduction to the topography, history of site use and excavation, methodology, stratigraphy, site chronology, and the format of the presentation of the material and catalogs. Each of the five remaining chapters focuses on a separate building or complex (Buildings A-B, P, Q, C-D, J-K and R). Each chapter contains a room-by-room [End Page 281] presentation of the history and details of excavation, a description of the architecture and stratigraphy, as well as the catalogs (and a short discussion) of the pottery, objects, and faunal remains. Chapters 2 (Building A-B), 5 (Building Complex C-D), and 6 (Building Complex J-K and Building R) also briefly analyze the history and function of the individual building or complex as a whole. Finally, Appendix A summarizes the coarse-ware fabrics found at Vronda (in slightly modified form from their presentation in Kavousi I by Margaret S. Mook)1. Ceramic evidence reveals limited activity at Vronda in the Final Neolithic period, which is illustrated in this volume by a single catalogued sherd and stone celt. A handful of catalogued sherds reflect a possible Early Minoan II-III settlement, though no architecture from this phase has been recovered. In addition, remains of a large Middle Minoan II building (Building P) on the summit and several additional ceramic deposits illustrate the importance of the site in the Protopalatial period. The primary phase of occupation at Vronda, however, is Late Minoan IIIC, and the majority of remains date to this period. In fact, a total of seven LM IIIC building complexes, as well as a shrine (Building G), have been identified, and four of these (Buildings A-B, C-D, J-K, and Q) are presented here. Since Vronda was identified predominately as a single-period site, the "goal of excavation there was to uncover as much as possible of the settlement of the LM IIIC period, to recover the buildings and objects used by or left behind by its inhabitants, and to reconstruct the social organization and lives of the people who lived there in the 12th...

Changing Marine Exploitation During Late Pleistocene in Northern Wallacea: Shell Remains from Leang Sarru Rockshelter in Talaud Islands

The previous excavation by Tanudirjo and our recent excavation at Leang Sarru in the Talaud Islands, located between northern Sulawesi and southern Mindanao, reveal intermittent human colonization and marine exploitation in these remote islands as early as 35,000 to 32,000 B.P. The evidence indicates that humans migrated and colonized the northern part of Wallacea by ocean crossings of over 100 km, equivalent to the human migrations from southern Wallacea to Sahul, and Sahul to the Bismarck Archipelago during the late Pleistocene. The 14 C dates obtained from the marine shell samples collected during our excavation and the earlier excavation by Tanudirjo, along with other archaeological evidence enable us to conclude that the site was occupied during at least four main periods: (1) the earliest phase during 35,000 to 30,000 B.P. ; (2) the intensive occupation phase during 21,000 to 17,000 B.P. , partly corresponding with Last Glacial Maximum (LGM); (3) the early Holocene during 10,000 to 8000 B.P. ; and (4) during the "Metal Age" with some ceramic evidence not identified by 14 C dates. Such intermittent use of the site tentatively shows that humans in Wallacea might not have had the strategies and skills to sustain continuous colonization or habitation of remote islands like Talaud, having limited terrestrial resources during the late Pleistocene and even in the Holocene before the maturity of an agricultural system and knowledge as part of their subsistence strategies. We also discuss the past maritime exploitation and adaptation from the late Pleistocene to the early Holocene in the Talaud Islands.

The demonstration of human antiquity: three rediscovered illustrations from the 1825 and 1846 excavations in Kent's Cavern (Torquay, England)

The authors disentangle the fascinating tale of the investigations in Kent's Cavern, iconic site for the acceptance of early man. The drawings they have discovered in the archives of the Geological Society are the only ones known from the earliest excavations and they are published here for the first time. As this paper shows, it takes intellectual courage to be an archaeologist. Whatever the enormity of his challenge to contemporary religion, I like to think that MacEnery would have been fairly supported by Antiquity's reviewing system. But perhaps our doctrinal challenges are lesser ones.…

Priest-Kings or Puritans? Childe and Willing Subordination in the Indus

One of the Indus Civilization's most striking features is its cultural uniformity evidenced by a common script, artefact forms and motifs, weights and measures, and the presence of proscribed urban plans. Early excavators and commentators utilized ideas of diffusion, and concepts of kingship and slavery remained prevalent within interpretations of the Indus. Whilst Childe questioned ideas of diffusion and hereditary rule he still identified a system of economic exploitation in which the vast majority of the population was subordinated. More recently scholars have begun to argue that small sections of the Indus population may have willingly subordinated themselves in order to secure positions of power. This article explores the dichotomy between traditional Eurocentric normative models of social organization and those derived from south Asian cultural traditions.

Ancient Cyprus in the British Museum. Essays in honour of Veronica Tatton-Brown (review)

Reviewed by: Ancient Cyprus in the British Museum. Essays in honour of Veronica Tatton-Brown Alison Barclay Thomas Kiely, ed. Ancient Cyprus in the British Museum. Essays in honour of Veronica Tatton-Brown. British Museum Press Research Publication 180. London: The British Museum, 2009. Pp. viii + 100, 60 colour, black and white figures, plus line drawings, tables and catalogues. US $50.00 (pb). ISBN 978-086159-180-0. This volume contains seven essays on diverse topics associated with Cypriot archaeology, the Cypriot collection at the British Museum and Veronica Tatton-Brown, curator of the Cypriot collection in the [End Page 180] Department of Greek and Roman Antiquities at the British Museum from 1974 to 2004. The essays were originally presented at a small conference held at the British Museum in 2006 by an international group of “friends and colleagues” (v) whose comments and choice of topics clearly illustrate Tatton-Brown’s breadth of knowledge, range of interests and contributions to Cypriot art history and archaeology, as well as the rich and complex history of the island. Lesley Fitton introduces the essays with a biographical sketch of Tatton-Brown’s career in “Veronica Tatton-Brown, Cyprus and the British Museum” (v–viii). Fitton focuses her remarks on Tatton-Brown’s studies of Cypro-Archaic and Cypro-Classical sculpture and iconography. Tatton-Brown recognized early in her career that Cyprus’ interactions with both the Aegean and Near Eastern cultures affected the development of its own cultural traditions, including the creation of indigenous sculptural styles which she has demonstrated to be the product of a deliberate blending of Greek and/or Near Eastern elements with local stylistic traditions (v–vi).1 Fitton also acknowledges Tatton-Brown’s achievements as curator of Cypriot Antiquities, most significantly her role in the establishment of the A. G. Leventis Gallery of Cypriot Antiquities in 1987, and as a very willing and helpful guide for visiting academics wishing to study ancient Cypriot culture. Equally important, and illustrated by the “Bibliography of major published works” (vii–viii), are Tatton-Brown’s publications of the notebooks from the 19th century British Museum expeditions at Enkomi, and of articles on the early excavators and excavations of Cyprus. These introductory remarks set the tone for the essays that follow, each of which was inspired by a project, publication, or area of interest of Tatton-Brown. All warmly endorse Fitton’s characterization of Tatton-Brown as a scholar and a curator. The first essay, by Vassos Karageorghis, “Cypriote Archaeology in the Bloomsbury Area” (1–6), is an autobiographical account of Dr. Karageorghis’ studies and early career in Cypriot archaeology, and his dealings with various British archaeologists, including Tatton-Brown with whom he collaborated to create the Leventis Gallery. This is followed by Franz Georg Maier and Marie-Louise von Wartburg’s “Reconstruction of a Siege: the Persians at Paphos” (7–20), a paper which was inspired by a reconstruction drawing commissioned for the Leventis Gallery and which analyzes the pros and cons of such drawings. Antoine Hermary’s “Parents et enfants dans la sculpture chypriote” (21–25) is a tribute to Tatton-Brown’s work on Cypriot sculpture. Hermary focuses on a collection of sixth-and fifth-century bc statuettes and reliefs (votive and funerary) that [End Page 181] have been interpreted as parent-children groups, a corpus “trop négligé de la plastique chypriote à l’époque des royaumes” (21). That this is clearly a corpus deserving of further research is illustrated by Hermary’s re-evaluation of the iconography, provenances and inspirations for these pieces. He demonstrates that, although some may indeed be family groups, there are alternative interpretations for others (e.g., a priest and servant, 21–22, Fig. 1), and that the subject seems to have had a regional social significance connected to the royal families (24). The remaining essays take us into the Bronze Age. Lindy Crewe’s “Feasting with the Dead? Tomb 66 at Enkomi” (26–47), is a re-examination of one particular tomb at that site in light of the fuller contextual information now available as a result of subsequent archaeological missions at the site, the publication of the Enkomi notebooks and the Cyprus Digitization Project...

OPEN ACCESS, NODAL POINTS, AND CENTRAL PLACES. Maritime communication and locational principles for coastal sites in south Scandinavia, c. AD 400–1200

Introduction The sea was treasured by Late Iron Age and Early Medieval Scandinavians for many reasons. In addition to supplying fishery and other coastal resources, it was the principal conduit of regional and long-distance communication. Through the period c. AD 400-1200 various sites emerge or disappear as centres of communication and exchange. The fate of individual sites is often explained as an effect of the changing fortunes of political centres. Communication, however, is a reality of its own. This paper argues that over the centuries, the choice of location for sites concerned with long-distance traffic follows a pattern, which is closely related to changing modes of communication and social relations, rather than mere political shifts. Analysing the location of three evidently important sites, it asks what form of communication made just these positions particularly attractive at a particular period of time. Coastal settlements In recent years, many investigations have shown that settlements at the coast became common in south Scandinavia in the middle of the first millennium AD (Fig. 1). Well-studied examples include Selso--Vestby in Roskilde Fjord and Vester Egesborg in southern Zealand (Ulriksen 1998; 2006), Strandby Gammeltoft in south-west Fyn (Henriksen 1997) and Naes in southern Zealand (Christensen 2006). Comparable sites are also known from earlier excavations (e.g. Stromberg 1978), and from investigations in other parts of south Scandinavia (Carlsson 1991; Callmer 1994; Birkedahl & Johansen 2000; Dobat 2005; Ulriksen 2006). The coastal sites are often characterized by large numbers of sunken-featured buildings, rather than the large multi-purpose longhouses of agrarian villages in the inland. The find-material is marked out, unsurprisingly, by tools for fishing, boat-repair and other maritime activities, and sometimes by a more varied assemblage related to crafts and exchange. Sailing, exchange and communication are the main issues discussed in connection with these sites. But the coast held many other attractions. Among the many sites located on the coast, several were not concerned with trade or travel, but with a basic economy of fishing or grazing in the coastal meadows. [FIGURE 1 OMITTED] The most common maritime activity was undoubtedly fishing. Judging by the species identified in bone-samples from many sites, Viking Age North Europeans were not yet accustomed to deep-sea fishing (cf. Barrett et al. 2004). Rather, fishing took place on shallow water near the coast. Albeit a maritime activity, it scarcely implied navigation beyond the local surroundings, and did not in itself lead to more distant communication. The forests and meadows of the coastal forelands were another valuable resource, certainly exploited for permanent or seasonal grassing. Whether the herds were sent out from nearby villages or belonged to separate communities, the groups settled here had very different needs than people in inland villages. Settled perhaps only seasonally at the sea, and with no need to stall cattle, as farmers did to collect manure for their fields, people lived mainly in the lightly built, easily heated sunken-featured huts. As the sunken-featured buildings preserve more varied finds than ploughed-out sites with post-built houses, we might be led to consider such coastal sites as more significant than they really were. The majority of coastal sites, then, belonged to fishers and herdsmen, rather than sailors and merchants. They were essentially rural sites in a maritime setting, located to take advantage of resources in the immediate environment of the site, either on land or in the waters just beyond. The problem of 'central places' A fishing community may use their location and facilities to engage in contacts by sea. But only a small group of sites in south Scandinavia appear to have fulfilled a more specific function in maritime communication. …

On the Early History of Giza: The ‘Lost' Wadi Cemetery (Giza Archives Gleanings, III)*

The earliest excavations undertaken by George A. Reisner at Giza are summarised, including a little-known area dubbed the Wadi Cemetery, to the north of the Western Cemetery plateau. This area, excavated as early as 1904 and then covered and lost under subsequent Western Cemetery clearance dumps, may hold the key to understanding the earliest chronological development of the Giza Necropolis prior to and during the early reign of Khufu. Selected inscribed objects are considered, particularly the lintel of a baker named Nebu, and comparisons to other areas of modest mud brick cemeteries at Giza and elsewhere are suggested.

Design and Construction of the Venaus Powerhouse Cavern in Calcschists

AbstractThis paper examines the design and observed performance during construction, associated with staged excavation and support requirements of the Venaus powerhouse cavern, a component of the Pont Ventoux‐Susa hydroelectric scheme (in Northern Italy, near the city of Torino), which has been recently put into operation. This cavern, with a maximum height of 49 m, a length of 50 m, and a span of some 23 m, has been excavated in calcschists at a depth of 250 m below surface. Rock reinforcement consisted essentially of 9 to 15 m long primary rock anchors, for long term support, and 6 m long secondary rock dowels, together with a 25 cm thick reinforced shotcrete lining. Following comprehensive geological and geomechanical investigations with laboratory and in situ testing, design analyses have been performed by numerical modelling with both continuum and discontinuum methods. On the basis of the observed performance during early excavation of the upper cross section of the cavern, a discontinuum model, calibrated by back analysis procedures, was used for predicting the overall excavation stability. It is noteworthy that the design concepts adopted allowed this large cavern to be excavated and stabilized without the use of a cast‐in‐place concrete arch for roof support.

John Traherne, FSA and William Buckland's ‘Red Lady’: An Archaeological Perspective

Previously unpublished correspondence and a re-analysis of events call into question William Buckland's description of his excavation of Paviland Cave in 1823, and illustrate why his interpretation of it changed prior to publication in Reliquiae Diluvianae. Buckland appears to have manipulated the archaeological evidence from Paviland in order to support his ‘Diluvial’ theory. A synthesis of the documentary evidence also illustrates the unrecognized contribution made by John Traherne, FSA and others to the development of Buckland's Paviland story. This paper suggests that modern descriptions and interpretations of Paviland continue to be incorrectly influenced by a reliance on Reliquiae Diluvianae and that the reinterpretation of early archaeological excavations might benefit as much from the application of critical historiographical analyses as from the application of new scientific or theoretical methodologies.

Towards a Social History of Archaeology: The Case of the Excavators of Early Iron Age Burial Mounds in Southern Germany

While the general history of archaeology has received a growing interest lately1, these efforts still lack a common research-guiding agenda. Furthermore, most of the studies still concentrate on biographies and event history. The embedding of archaeology in the structures and conditions of its time is still a kind of terra incognita. The few well known publications (e. g. Hudson 1981; Kristiansen 1981; Patterson 1986; 1995) emphasize the gap only more. The lack of a significant amount of literature especially on the social history of archaeology is all the more surprising as the early interest in archaeology shows a clear social bias: archaeology was (and still is?) a recreational activity for the educated and the well-off. While Hudson’s book in particular is very readable, it is clearly meant to provide only a very broad picture. Along with the other publications mentioned above it is now somewhat dated; the lack of recent works on this topic thus highlight the lack of interest in the social history of archaeology even more.2 However, this essay does not deal with this deplorable fact, but seeks to present some ‘hard’ data on only one, albeit important activity of early archaeological excavations, particularly those of burial mounds. Its focus is on Southern Germany and on graves from the early Iron Age.3