HE CONCEPT of is used in everyday language to describe a multilateral political entity. The variations in its definition are partly due to the fact that scholars are interested in different aspects of this phenomenon. Those who are interested in the structural organizational dimension of political groups follow the definitions which distinguish between different types of parties and organizations and other quasi-party organizations. Such is the case of as political organization. The concept faction is commonly used to describe political groupings within a given party (Key 1949; Zuckerman 1979; Sartori 1976) as well as independent organizations (Huntington 1969). It is presented as a local rural (Nicholas 1965, 1966; Nicholson 1972; Shokeid 1968), as well as an urban industrial phenomenon (Zuckerman 1979). The various studies focus attention on special social relations which are often called clientelism, factionalism, fractionalism or patron-client ties (Zuckerman 1979, Gellner and Waterbury 1977, Eisenstadt and Lemarchand 1981). The interchangeable terms indicate that there are repetitive typical interactions which characterize these phenomena. At the same time, these diverse uses create an indistinct picture. Since concepts be tools for classification and a means for analysis, they should lessen, not increase or indeed, create ambiguity (Sartori 1976: 73). Following Simmel's (Wolf 1950: 21-23, 42-44) concept of societal forms might help to overcome this ambiguity. Simmel suggests looking for forms of interactions which construct social phenomena. is the mutual determination and interaction of the elements of the association (ibid. 44). Similar forms may be exhibited by the most diverse groups and on the other hand, the same interest may be realized in very different forms. According to Simmel's approach, the term clientelism describes a form of interaction. Form here refers to dyadic bonds between individuals of unequal power and socio-economic status; they exhibit a diffuse, particularistic, face-to-face quality strongly reminiscent of ascriptive solidarities; unlike ascriptive ties, however, they are voluntarily entered into and derive their legitimacy from expectations of mutual benefits (Lemarchand 1981: 15). This societal form is interwoven in various social actions; it serves as a building-block for different social organizations such as a party's machine, bureaucracy, local politics of factionalism and feudalism. Asymmetry, diffuseness and reciprocal relations are all combined in the societal form