Duties Of Citizens Research Articles

The right, duty and motivation of citizens to protect the Motherland

The right, duty and motivation of citizens to protect the Motherland

국민권익위원회의 신분보장등 조치결정에 대한 연구

Through the Corruption Reporting System, corruption in the public sector can be prevented, and the basic rights of the people can be protected and the adequacy of administration can be secured. However, issues regarding conflicts between organizations and members or between members through corruption reporting, and explicit or implied disadvantages to corruption reporters(whistleblower) are constantly being raised. Therefore, in order to solve this problem, Article 62-2 of the Anti-Corruption Rights and Civil Rights Commission Act allows corruption reporters to apply for measures such as guaranteeing their status to the Anti-Corruption and Civil Rights Commission if they have received or are expected to receive disadvantageous measures for reporting. By the way, it is clear that the Anti-Corruption and Civil Rights Commission's decision on measures such as guaranteeing the status of the head of the agency to which the reporter belongs is a measure to protect the rights and interests of the reporter, but on the other hand, it would violate the constitutional or statutory authority of the head of the affiliated agency. Therefore, an in-depth study on this is required. First, the Anti-Corruption and Civil Rights Commission's decision to guarantee status is an internal act between administrative agencies and not an act regulating the rights or duties of citizens, so it cannot be regarded as an administrative disposition as a subject of an appeal lawsuit. Accordingly, a lawsuit in which the head of an affiliated agency contests a decision on to guarantee status against the Anti-Corruption and Civil Rights Commission should be regarded as an institutional lawsuit, which is a lawsuit about the exercise of authority between administrative agencies, not an appeal lawsuit. In this way, if the administrative litigation regarding the decision to guarantee status is regarded as an institutional litigation, there is no problem in theory that Article 62-4 of the Anti-Corruption Rights Commission Act limits the eligibility of plaintiffs and the subject of suit, and sets the filing period very short. However, the current regulation limiting the filing period to 30 days due to excessive focus on the protection of whistleblower is not appropriate in light of the nature of institutional litigation aimed at resolving disputes over authority between institutions. Therefore, it is reasonable to amend the Act so that a lawsuit can be filed within 60 days from the date of notification of the decision to guarantee status. In addition, the current regulations do not have a separate objection provision in case the whistleblower's application for guarantee of status is rejected or rejected. So, it is necessary to establish a new regulation on the whistleblower's right to file a lawsuit so that he can file a lawsuit with the court.

The Nexus Between Weak Social Contracts and Citizen Quiescence in Kenya

Plunder and mismanagement of public resources is an intractable problem that emasculates public sector service delivery in Kenya. It undermines efforts by the national and county governments to deliver public goods and services. Unfortunately, as the plunder of public resources happens driven by a predatory elite, the citizens tend to remain passive, disinterested, and quiescent in demanding public accountability from their leaders. A social contract exists between citizens and their rulers. Social contractarian theorists such as Thomas Hobbes, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, John Rawls, and John Locke construe social contracts as explicit or implicit agreements between the ruled and rulers, in which case, the governed cede some of their freedoms and liberties in exchange for protection and public goods by the rulers. Ostensibly, social contracts define the moral duties of citizens and the moral duties of rulers. However, a disequilibrium emerges when any party fails to fulfil its moral duties, causing the social contract to weaken. In retrospect, this study aimed to establish the nexus between citizen quiescence in holding leaders accountable and weak social contracts. The researchers conducted a mixed-method survey involving 100 respondents from Nairobi City County to determine the relationship between citizen quiescence and weak social contracts. The findings were R (98) = 0.764, p<0.05, R2 .579, indicating a positive correlation between weak social contracts and citizen quiescence (inaction) in demanding public accountability. Besides, the coefficient of determination R2 of 0.579 suggests that all factors held constant; weak social contracts could explain 57.9% of citizen quiescence or lethargy in Kenya at a 95% confidence level. Based on these results, it is plausible to conclude that there is a nexus between weak social contracts and citizen inaction (quiescence) in demanding public accountability. However, extensive research is necessary to establish other variables that could explain the variability using a large N sample.

An Institutional Duty to Vote: Applying Role Morality in Representative Democracy

Is voting a duty of democratic citizenship? This article advances a new argument for the existence of a duty to vote. It argues that every normative account of electoral representation requires universal turnout to function in line with its own internal normative logic. This generates a special obligation for citizens to vote in electoral representative contexts as a function of the role morality of democratic citizenship. Because voting uniquely authorizes office holding in representative democracies, and because universal turnout contributes powerfully to representation being fair, to be a good citizen of such democracies requires one to vote. Whereas previous arguments for a duty to vote have invoked basic moral principles like fairness or a Samaritan duty of rescue, this account is based on citizens occupying a vital functional role within electoral representative institutions. This institutional duty solves the “specificity problem” of justifying a duty to vote better than competing accounts and also immunizes the duty to objections that there is no duty to vote when there are only bad choices and that there is a no duty to vote but rather duty to vote well. By emphasizing the tight connection between institutions and individual conduct, the role morality approach used here supplies a less abstract and more realistic framework than much previous research on the ethics of democratic citizenship and brings the debate closer to constitutive features of democratic politics.

Programming and financing of development Forces - the old and new approach on the basis of Poland's experience

ObjectivesAnalysis of the increased financial effort of the state related to the intensification of the process of developing the country's defense potential, including in particular the process of programming and financing the development of the Polish Armed Forces.MethodsTheoretical and empirical scientific methods have been used in the development of this publication. The theoretical methods are analysis and synthesis of source documents and comparative analysis. The empirical method was participant observation of the processes of planning, programming, and budgeting the development of the Polish Armed Forces.ResultsA comparative analysis of various source materials, shaping expenditures on securing the state's defense needs, allowed the author to prove the thesis that an appropriate level of these expenditures can actually improve the overall security of the country, as well as the capabilities of its Armed Forces.ConclusionsThe geopolitical situation that has arisen in recent months around the borders of Poland forces the state to significantly accelerate the process of intensifying the development of the country's defence potential, including technical modernization and development of the Armed Forces. The implementation of the tasks for the security and defence of the state has required many changes for years in relation to: - the obligation to defend – issues related to qualification, the course of the recruitment process for military service, or the defence duty of citizens;; - military service – issues related to broadly understood military service; - programming and financing of the Armed Forces – issues related to obtaining new sources of financing; - implementation of tasks by entrepreneurs for the armed forces – issues related to the change in the design, financing and competence of government administration bodies.

Bottom-up imaginaries: examining discursive construction of social media roles and affordances in India

ABSTRACT In this article, I analyze discourses around the introduction of Intermediary Guidelines and Digital Media Code – new changes in laws regulating new media companies in India, and how these discourses inform the imaginations about the rights and duties of corporations and citizens in the country. I argue that though these guidelines were brought into effect through legal and juridical channels, they were reified through state-led and user-generated political discourse, constituting bottom-up imaginaries about the governance of social media platforms. To comprehensively analyze the impact of the guidelines regulating social media companies, this article argues for the need to examine the interlinkages between online discourse and policy regulations at three levels of operation: (a) the government’s imagination for the country’s digital future, (b) quotidian online discourse reifying the politics of regulation and (c) the dominant imagination of social media as socio-political actors responsible for upholding democracy, the freedom of speech of users, and dissent. Based on the findings and analysis, I argue that the regulation of social media platforms in India demonstrates reconfiguring relationships between social media companies, emerging forms of nationalism, and the government’s expectations of compliance from social media companies.

Addressing the rise of inequalities: How relevant is Rawls's critique of welfare state capitalism?

Addressing the rise of inequalities: How relevant is Rawls's critique of welfare state capitalism?

Legitimacy and two roles for flourishing in politics

Legitimacy and two roles for flourishing in politics

Stranger Citizens: Migrant Influence and National Power in the Early American Republic

Even for established early modern nation-states, the question of citizenship, the rights it confers, and the rights of resident aliens and migrants were subjective political sticky wickets. For a new nation, congealed from the Atlantic mélange of the British Empire, the issue was still more mucky. Add to that the universal and global nature of America's natural rights' revolutionary philosophy, the emergent American republican identity that thrust new political duties and expectations upon average men (usually white), and the new nation's need for open trade and an expanding labor force, and the issue clouded even further. John McNelis O'Keefe candidly touts the relevancy of this study given the policies of the previous administration, but it is just as relevant for the prior 240 years. In a republic such as the United States, the rights and duties of citizens, residents, and migrants are paramount yet evolving concerns in which the powerless contest with the powerful for the control of vital resources—among them their lives, liberty, and their pursuits of happiness.

Eat Your Way to Health: A History of Ability in the Progressive Era

The article introduces the approach of a critical ability history by analyzing Progressive Era diet advice. It shows how calorie counting reframed health as an ability resulting from individuals’ responsible self-conduct. At that time, novel understandings of bodies and health, techniques of measuring them, and hopes of improving them in the name of eugenics and industrial capitalism suggested that bodies and health were malleable and that it was the duty of individual citizens to care for and shape them. As such, health as ability became a terrain of exclusion as well as of struggles for citizenship recognition.

Manuscript of Teacher Bertalan Koczuvan from 1879/80 Domovina, ország (deržáva), pravice i dúžnosti purgarov. 1879/80. Koczuván Bertalan, učitelj

The article discusses the manuscript Domovina, ország (deržáva), práva i dúžnosti purgarov (Homeland, State, Rights and Duties of Citizens). Bertalan Koczuván (Kocuvan), a schoolteacher from Ižakovci, began writing it in 1879/80. This local studies textbook (focusing on local studies and citizens’ duties) was intended for teaching children in the local school. Unfortunately, it remaines unfinished. The manuscript consists of twenty-six calligraphy pages, and is linguistically a supra-dialect as it attempts to follow the norms of uniform literary Slovene (i.e. novoslovenski knjižni jezik). The script is slovenica (Slovene alphabet), with a few spellings of sibilants (c, z, s; č, ž, š) in ogrica (Hungarian alphabet).

КЫРГЫЗ АЯЛ ЗАТЫНЫН ЧАЧ ӨРҮҮ САЛТЫНДА УЛУТТУК ПСИХОЛОГИЯНЫН ЧАГЫЛДЫРЫЛЫШЫ

This article will focus on the tradition of hair weaving and the information contained in it, today in globalized world it is the duty of every Kyrgyz citizen to pass on the forgotten traditions of our people to the next generation. There is saying that in the time of our grandparents, people expressed information about themselves with the clothes and hairstyles they wore, so the Kyrgyz traditionally grew the hair of girls and paid special attention to women's hair. It was noted that the task of the older generation is to revive our forgotten traditions and pass them on to the next generation. The significance of the same tradition of hair weaving among the Uzbek and Tajik peoples is compared.

THE LAW OF UKRAINE "ON THE FUNDAMENTALS OF NATIONAL RESISTANCE" IN THE SYSTEM OF DEFENSE LEGISLATION OF UKRAINE

The article analyzes the Law of Ukraine "On the Basics of National Resistance" from the point of view of further development of defense and security legislation. This Law is considered as a complex legal act that regulates the organization and functioning of territorial defense, the resistance movement and the preparation of citizens for such activities. It is indicated that by the subject of legal regulation, this normative legal act is included in the system of defense legislation and interacts with normative legal acts that make up the security legislation. This is confirmed by the fact that, on the one hand, its provisions are aimed at providing Ukraine's defense activities with a more meaningful and comprehensive character, including by promoting defense. On the other hand, the provisions of this Law contribute to the creation of conditions for ensuring the national security of Ukraine both through strengthening defense and improving the provision of military security, and through other components of national security, in particular, through public, informational, legal and some other types of national security. Given the fact that both defense and security legislation always establish and define legal and organizational foundations (fundamentals) in the relevant spheres of social relations related to the provision of national security and defense of Ukraine, the word "fundamentals" is used in the title of this Law redundant Based on this, it is indicated that the most optimal name of this Law should be "On National Resistance". It is noted that this Law, by its subject of legal regulation, concerns the organization of national resistance, and therefore the activities of broad sections of the population. In this regard, it is indicated that the preamble of the Law should be more detailed and should disclose participation in national resistance as a form of fulfilling the constitutional obligation to protect the Motherland (Part 1 of Article 65 of the Constitution of Ukraine) and the cause of all Ukrainian people in protecting the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine (Part 1 of Article 17 of the Basic Law of Ukraine). At the same time, the reference to Article 65 of the Constitution of Ukraine, which establishes that the protection of the Motherland, independence and territorial integrity of Ukraine is the duty of Ukrainian citizens, is conditioned by the fact that national resistance is one of the forms of protection of the Motherland as the most important constitutional duty of Ukrainian citizens

Republican nostalgia, the division of labour, and the origins of inequality in the thought of the Abbé Sieyès

ABSTRACT The Abbé Sieyès is usually portrayed as a thoroughly modern thinker and a critic of the nostalgic Classical Republicanism of some of his contemporaries, in favour of a “modern republicanism”, founded upon the division of labour and commercial sociability in a nation composed of equal labourers and producers. But Sieyès’s unpublished manuscripts suggest he, in fact, regarded modern labourers as unskilled “Machines du Travail”, dulled by work and incapable of exercising the duties of citizenship, a critique grounded in a critical account of commercial society as compared to the ideal republican polity. Where most scholars regard this as either a simple contradiction or a passing juvenile nostalgia, this paper argues that, influenced by Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Sieyès consistently sought to counteract the degrading effects of the inequalities generated by commercial society and the division of labour. It was on this basis that Sieyès sought to construct a new political system which would reconcile participatory politics with representative government, enabling all citizens to enjoy a life of Active Citizenship. Based on these insights, this paper reinterprets Sieyès’s political project as an attempt to reconcile the classical conception of citizenship with the demands of a commercial society.

CITIZENSHIP APPROACH FROM THE SECOND CONSTITUTIONAL ERA TO THE EARLY REPUBLIC (MALUMAT-I MEDENİYE AND YURT BİLGİSİ TEXTBOOKS)

Citizenship is a concept in which acquisitions such as belonging to a nation, assuming certain duties and responsibilities are obtained and giving status to individuals in the face of the state. States aim to raise citizens who are aware of such duties and responsibilities, connected to them with a sense of belonging, and who have the skills to realize the requirements of the political system and expectations of society. Education programs play important roles in helping individuals acquire such duties and responsibilities. In the present study, the understanding of citizenship that was reflected in the “Information on Civilization with Questions and Answers” textbook, which was published in 1908 and taught in primary schools, and the “Information on Homeland” textbook, which was published in 1927 and was decided to be taught in primary schools for five years, was examined. The citizenship concept reflected in the textbooks was discussed by creating categories such as the ideal citizen, duties of citizens, responsibilities of the state, citizenship acquisitions, and complementary elements of citizenship. The data of the study were collected based on the Document Analysis Technique, which is one of the qualitative research methods, and the collected data were analyzed with the Content Analysis Technique. According to the data obtained in the study, it was determined that there were some differences in the understanding of citizenship reflected in the “Information on Civilization with Questions and Answers” and “Information on Homeland” textbooks taught after the proclamation of the Republic. Although there were common values that would keep citizens together as a reflection of the multinational structure in the Ottoman Empire, which was governed by the constitutional government system, in the textbook, after the proclamation of the Republic, the consciousness of being a Turk was created as a result of the understanding of the nation-state. Keywords: Citizen, citizenship concept, citizenship education, textbooks.

Is There a Duty to Read the News?

Abstract It seems as though we have a duty to read the news – that we’re doing something wrong when we refuse to pay attention to what’s going on in the world. But why? I argue that some plausible justifications for a duty to read the news fail to fully explain this duty: it cannot be justified only by reference to its consequences, or as a duty of democratic citizenship, or as a self-regarding duty. It can, however, be justified on the grounds that we have a positive, imperfect duty of respect for strangers, even when our actions don’t affect them directly. Reading the news is a key way, sometimes the only way, that we can respect those who are strangers to us. I close by considering some of the implications and limitations of this duty.

ВИХОВАННЯ ГРОМАДЯНСЬКОЇ ВІДПОВІДАЛЬНОСТІ У ПРОЦЕСІ ПРОФЕСІЙНОЇ ПІДГОТОВКИ МАЙБУТНІХ УЧИТЕЛІВ ІНОЗЕМНОЇ МОВИ

In the article, the civic responsibility of the individual is interpreted as a joint creative activity, the interaction of teachers and their pupils, which stimulates the development of the best civic qualities in students by ensuring the necessary conditions for the effective functioning of the mechanism of the internal value-normative regulation of the civic behavior of the individual and its inclusion in various civic relations. Such a pedagogical process provides for the final result (harmonious personal development of citizens, optimization of civil interpersonal interaction) and the means of its implementation (availability of goals, programs, means, methods and performers). The modern modernization of the education system, which led to the emergence of new types of educational institutions, requires the search for new pedagogical technologies capable of ensuring the formation of a citizen with an active civic position, which involves not only mastering the knowledge of the rights and duties of citizens, convincing them of the expediency of democratic transformations society, the formation of high moral-willed, patriotic qualities and feelings, as well as the identification of motivated civic actions and actions. The structure of civic responsibility as a whole system, which includes three subsystems that characterize the natural, social and systemic qualities of citizenship, interconnected hierarchically and synergistically, is substantiated. The constituent elements of the structural part of the model of civil culture of the individual are presented. The components of civic responsibility are civic education, competence, activity, and experience in public activities. The development of social and civic competence in English classes within the cross-cutting content line "civic responsibility" is shown. The main methodological positions that are taken into account in the construction of the structure and dynamics of the formation of the civil responsibility of the individual are revealed.

The Duty of Citizens to Take Care of their Health: Is It Possible to Force a Person to Be Healthy?

. The paper discusses the possible constitutional status of a citizen’s duty to take care of their health. This duty is declared in the constitutions of some States. In Russia, it has been legally enshrined in Federal Law No. 323-FZ dated 21.11.2011 «On the basics of protecting the health of citizens in the Russian Federation». At the same time, as it is noted in scholarship, this obligation is not supported by any legal sanction, which gives it a moral rather than a legal character. In this regard, some authors propose to provide for various measures of responsibility for violation of this obligation. The article analyzes the legal consequences of the recognition of the duty to take care of one’s health in relation to various spheres of public relations. As a result of the research, the author comes to the conclusion that the recognition of such a duty is connected with the socialization of human life and health and their alienation from the individual. Such a duty inextricably accompanies the state of unfreedom and incomplete legal personality of a person. On this basis, we believe that its legal consolidation is fundamentally unconstitutional.

Of COVID-19 Transmission Control

Abstract At the onset of the COVID-19 epidemic, world leaders introduced face masking and tactical urbanism aimed at reducing physical contacts. The goal of these measures, as argued by the proponents, is to curtail community transmission of the virus to enable herd immunity. The enforcement of these measures attracted contradictions related to human rights and citizen duty. In the Global North, the rising cases of COVID-19 have been linked to resistance to regulations aimed at containing the virus. Predominantly, the younger generation perceive these measures as infringements on their freedoms and rights. Conversely, in the Global South, the implementation of COVID-19 measures has been marred by instances of human rights violations and extra-judicial killings in extreme cases. There are reported cases of arbitrary arrests, battery, and extortions consequent upon the enforcement of physical distancing and use of face masks. The paradox of the differential experiences between the Global North and South informed this article. Relying on extant literature and Procedural Justice Theory, the authors submit that rights and duties are not mutually exclusive, but can be blended through a proactive participatory process within a democratic framework. The article recommends a multi-level legislative framework for disaster management.

Environmental Constitutionalism and Duties of Individuals in India

Abstract Environmental constitutionalism encompasses rights as well as duties of the State and individuals. However, environmental duties of individuals are seldom discussed in detail. What is their contribution to environmental constitutionalism? This article examines the origin and design, as well as judicial adjudication of the fundamental environmental duty of citizens in the Constitution of India to answer this question. It finds that internal and external factors influence the constitutional origin and design of this duty. The constitution drafters viewed this duty as distinct from the duties of the State. However, judicial practice concerning the nature, scope and content of the duty, as well as its implementation and enforcement evidences a dynamic and symbiotic relationship between constitutional environmental rights and duties. The right-holders corresponding to the duty of citizens may include the environment and future generations. These findings provide a framework for the examination of individual environmental duties in other constitutions.