Dutch Territory Research Articles

Sites of significance

ABSTRACT Late 19th-century Singapore is considered the centre for the printing and distribution of Muslim-Malay lithographed texts in the Malay archipelago. In 1890, the island’s print output was approximately six million pages, with many of these printed from lithography. Thus informed, our recent readings of Singapore’s role in regional histories of the printed book tend to locate its prominence along contemporary, national lines – this is anachronistic. The island, historically, was neither nation nor state, but a British colonial settlement. Singapore’s advantageous geographical position certainly established it as a prominent site for book production and distribution. However, the existing corpus of lithographed publications, printed at multiple localities, indicate a broader range of regional locations involved in Muslim printing. These texts, from mushaf to syair, often feature printed defects and paratextual marks on their pages. Informed by approaches from analytical bibliography and printing history, the materiality of these marks and defects can be ‘read’ to identify specific print production techniques. These, in turn, suggest printing methods that were common in British and Dutch territories, and beyond – an indication of the mobility of techniques, materials, and practitioners within the lithographic trade, and the collaborative nature of print enterprises in the Malay world. By discussing these printed marks, this article will (a) re-situate and revise our understanding of interactions and practices within the Muslim-Malay lithographic printing trade; and (b) posit the notion that late 19th-century Singapore is not the locus, but one of several sites of significance within a regional ‘constellation’ of printing activity.

Customary criminal law in the Eastern of Indonesia: the special autonomy Province of Papua

Autonomy is often seen as an institutional instrument to manage sub state nationalist conflict. Its implementation is also a key in determining its impact on conflict. After the reform period 1999 “Autonomy and Decentralization” in Indonesia are widely welcomed. While Papua is an inseparable part of special autonomy in Indonesia. Papua as a former Dutch territory which was later handed over to Indonesia has many advantages, both in terms of culture, customary law and natural resources. But on the other hand, the fact is that the indigenous Papuan people does not agree to join as part of Indonesian territory. This rejection was accompanied by separatist actions based on their interest mentioned in the memorandum for Papuan independence. This research is the first to aim to measure whether the special autonomy given to Papua has been effectively carried out in an effort to defend Papua as a part of Indonesia. Second, in the application of this special autonomy related to the existent of customary criminal law in papua. The research used normative legal research by statute approach, the data collected through library research and also analysed used descriptive qualitative. So it is concluded that the application of the special autonomy given to Papua has a big impact on democracy in Indonesia, as well as the Papua regional government given specialization in managing its regional potential. Although there are still problems in its implementation.

Middle to Late Pleistocene faulting history of the Heerlerheide fault, Roer Valley Rift System, influenced by glacio-isostasy and mining-induced displacement

Faults of the Roer Valley Rift System (RVRS) are characterized by seismicity, scarps and displaced fluvial terraces, showing that they are active. The Heerlerheide fault is part of the southern boundary fault system of the RVRS, the Feldbiss fault zone (FFZ). During the late 19th and first half of the 20th century coal was mined in the subsurface south of the FFZ. As a result, general subsidence, sinkholes, and fault scarplets appeared on the surface. One of the induced fault scarps coincides with the location of the Heerlerheide fault, indicating that the upper part of the fault was reactivated by the mining. A trench was opened across the fault to study the mining-induced fault reactivation as well as the tectonic fault displacement history.The Heerlerheide fault offsets a 340 ka Meuse river terrace overlain by loess and loess-like deposits of Eemian to Late Pleniglacial age, including the Rocourt soil, the Eben/Patina discordance and the Nagelbeek soil complex. At least three tectonic faulting events were reconstructed, which are most likely surface rupturing earthquakes. However, the two oldest displacements could represent multiple faulting events. The age of the youngest event is well constrained between 17 and 15 ka. The duration of the time interval between the penultimate and youngest events is at least 8 ky (the inter-event time is an important parameter for assessing seismic hazard). The vertical coseismic displacement of the youngest event was around ∼0.25 m; the estimated moment magnitude is around 6.2. This event is more or less synchronous with the age of events found in other fault trench studies of the FFZ. The timing is roughly contemporaneous with surface rupturing earthquakes along the northern boundary fault zone of the RVRS, the Peel Boundary fault zone (PBFZ), and a phase of volcanism in the nearby Eifel area, suggesting a common mechanism. The timing also corresponds to the start of the glacio-isostatic forebulge collapse, which has been invoked before to explain earthquake events in the RVRS, and in northern Germany and Denmark.Previous studies provided evidence for a Holocene surface rupturing earthquake with an offset of about 1 m at the Geleen fault in the Meuse valley on Belgian territory, taking place between 2.5 ± 0.3 and 3.1 ± 0.3 ka. The Geleen and Feldbiss faults on Dutch territory experienced faulting during the Late Glacial – Holocene. The incision and deposition history of a brook crossing these faults suggests an age around 7.5 ka for this event. However, in contrast, our results for the Heerlerheide fault show no evidence for Late Glacial – Holocene tectonic fault activity.We also observed 0.34 m of vertical displacement of the base of the plough layer, which corresponds to the amount to what was observed at the surface during the mining in 1936, indicating that no fault motions have occurred afterwards, despite re-flooding of the mines and consequent surface rebound. However, the fact that the fault was reactivated by subsurface mining shows that it is a weakness zone in the subsurface, and therefore fault reactivation might occur due to still ongoing rebound. In contrast to the tectonic fault displacement, the mining-induced offset was accompanied by downslope movement of the upper part of the hanging wall, resulting in splaying of the fault tip and crack formation.

Roasting a Pig in Front of a Mosque: How Pork Matters in Pegida’s Anti-Islam Protest in Eindhoven

This article provides an analysis of a public protest by the far-right group Pegida-Netherlands, where the participants attempted to demonstratively eat pork near a mosque in Eindhoven on 26 May 2019. This led to fierce responses: hundreds of young Muslim counter-protesters prevented the Pegida supporters from reaching the mosque, shouting insults at them and throwing stones at the police. Based on field notes from the event and a variety of other research material, this article shows how pork becomes a means of provocation in a larger entanglement between people and their perceived intentions, other objects, times and places. Furthermore, the author argues that the clash between protesters and counter-protesters can be seen as a theatrical performance set up by Pegida to share its worldview with a wide audience, and critically analyzes the role of pork in Pegida’s attempt to ‘reclaim Dutch territory’ that has been ‘lost to Islamization’. Last but not least, this article discusses how provocations bring about counter-provocations. As such, this article shows the value of a material approach to the study of conflicts, and critically evaluates Pegida-Netherlands’ official stance of non-violence vis-à-vis the implications of its protest language.

Judaism, slavery and commemorative ritual in the Netherlands

Abstract Judaism and slavery in the (Early) Modern Dutch history are connected in a paradoxical way. Jewish merchants played a minor, but substantial role in the initial stages of the Dutch transatlantic slavery and are sometimes accused of having contributed disproportionately to its growth. As a matter of fact, it has been claimed that one of the first documented slaves on Dutch territory was a Jewish slave, property of Jewish masters (the slave Elieser). On the other hand, Jews and (descendants of) slaves sometimes find each other in a shared history of being victim of violence, oppression and discrimination. In light of this, the phenomenon of the Keti Koti Dialogue Tables is of particular interest. The Keti Koti Dialogue Tables are an invention of the Surinamese slave-descendant Mercedes Zandwijken and the Dutch Jew Machiel Keestra. The Keti Koti Dialogue Tables are meant to commemorate the Dutch role in the transatlantic slavery by bringing together descendants of slaves and white Dutch people. In the past five years Keti Koti Dialogue Tables have been organized at different places in the Netherlands and up to 5000 persons have participated. The Keti Koti Dialogue Tables are explicitly inspired by the Jewish Seder meal. As in the Seder meals questions are asked (why are we here tonight?), symbolic food is eaten and songs are sung. In this article I will study the Keti Koti Dialogue Tables against the background of the Seder meal through the theoretical lenses of Multidirectional Memory (Rothberg 2009) and Transfer of Ritual (Langer e.a. 2006). With the help of other special-purpose Haggadot (manuals for the Seder meal), for i.e. the LGBTQ community and ‘earth justice’, I will show that the Seder meal forms a particular useful locus for experiencing and sharing feelings of hope for peace, justice, inclusiveness and dialogue.

PANGERAN ASIR SANG PENGUASA KAWEDANAN RUPIT RAWAS (TINJAUAN HISTORIS KEPEMIMPINAN POLITIK PANGERAAN ASIR TAHUN 1922-1942)

The study of this study discusses the historical aspects of the political leadership of Prince Asir, ruler of KawedananRupitRawas (1922-1942). RupedRawasKawedanan was a Dutch territory after the fall of the Palembang Sultanate. KawedananRupitRawas was led by Prince Asir as local leader of RupitRawas over the mandate given by the Dutch colonial government. This study uses the History method to explore the Local History of the Palembang Sultanate in the past. The stages of research begin with heuristics, source criticism, interpretation, and historiography. The research findings show that RupitRawasKawedanan at that time had a fertile area that produced natural resources, such as rubber, fruits and others. This area is drained by Rawasriver which then encourages the emergence of trade activities. Prince Asir is a charismatic leader who leads RupitRawas. He is a Dutch colonial leader who is considered capable, intelligent and accomplished and is considered capable of maintaining a commitment to the Netherlands. He was known as a wise leader and left many historical traces at RupitRawasKawedanan. During the struggle for Indonesian independence, Prince Asir was very instrumental in facilitating the Indonesian nation's struggle in Sumatra against the Dutch.

The Application of Human Rights Jurisdiction by the Netherlands to Avoid Asylum Claims by International Criminal Court Witnesses

The decision of the Dutch Supreme Court rejecting non-refoulement claims by certain witnesses before the International Criminal Court presents a massive failure to correctly and consistently interpret the jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights on jurisdiction. The Supreme Court argued that the Netherlands did not have jurisdiction because the witnesses were in the custody of the ICC. However, the state is bound by the ECHR to provide for non-refoulement in all of its state territory, and the ICC is clearly within Dutch territory. We will presume that the ECHR applies to this case until this presumption is rebutted. Yet, the Netherlands has willingly cooperated with the ICC in the Headquarters Agreement to retain a large degree of control over the operations regarding witnesses, and only agreed to refrain from interfering with the core duties of the ICC. This case is nothing like military control. It is also not like the SOFA or prior ICTY/ICC cases. Moreover, the ICC/ICTY cases seem to violate existing jurisprudence on escaping responsibility for human rights and the real focus of decision control is not on de jure allocation of jurisdiction but actual de facto physical control. And in this case, the Netherlands has a significant degree of de facto control over the witnesses, though it may have certain de jure duties in relation to the ICC. Lastly, the Netherlands still, regardless of the above analysis, retains some residual jurisdiction and obligation to take all diplomatic, economic, judicial or other steps it can to secure non-refoulement. Sadly, in this case, the Netherlands failed to do so.

A Dutch revolt? The salience of the nonstrategic nuclear weapons issue in Dutch politics

Transparency, international credibility, democratic accountability, a new realism in defense expenditures – these basic policy goals fit awkwardly with the current deployment of nonstrategic nuclear weapons (NSNW) on Dutch territory. Most parties in the Netherlands want the NSNW removed. Some are even willing to challenge the idea that only consensus among all 28 NATO Allies can lead to the removal of the NSNW. The new Dutch minister of foreign affairs for example, Frans Timmermans, has a long track record of calling for an end to the deployment of US nuclear weapons on Dutch territory. Without NATO consent if necessary. His appointment fits with the political shift that we have seen over the past few years in Dutch politics. This article looks at the political rationale behind that shift: who are the main political actors involved? How have domestic and international pressures influenced party positions? The article also looks at the possibilities a new Dutch Government has were it to challenge the NATO consensus on NSNW. Would the USA refuse to take the NSNW away? How would NATO react and what could mitigate Allied concerns?

Source apportionment using LOTOS-EUROS: module description and evaluation

Abstract. To design effective mitigation strategies, the origin of emissions which produce air pollutants needs to be known. Contributors to air pollutants can be emission sources, like road traffic or industry, but also be more specified to emission from one location or from a specified time. Chemistry transport models can be used to assess the origin of air pollution across a large domain. However, in traditional simulations the information on origin is lost and brute force scenario studies are performed to assess the origin. Alternatively, one can trace the origin of air pollutants throughout a simulation using a labeling approach. In this paper we document and demonstrate a newly developed labeling module for the chemistry transport model LOTOS-EUROS which tracks the source allocation for all particulate matter components and precursor gases. Dedicated simulations confirmed that the new module functions correctly. The new module provides more accurate information about the source contributions than using a brute force approach with scenario runs as the chemical regime remains unchanged. An important advantage of the new module is the reduction of computation costs and analysis work associated with the calculations. The new module was applied to assess the origin of particulate nitrate across the Netherlands. Averaged across the Dutch territory, the main contributions to nitrate are derived from road and non-road transport as well as power plants. Overall, only one-fifth of the concentration derived from sources located inside the country. The new technology enables new research directions as improved information on pollution origin is desired for policy support as well as scientific applications.

Shared Responsibility in International Criminal Justice: The ICC and Asylum

As a tribute to Bert Swart's academic career, this article explores the shared responsibility of states and the International Criminal Court (ICC) for witnesses who have testified at the ICC and have raised concerns for their well-being and safety in case of return to the sending state. The new phenomenon of ICC witnesses — more specifically, witnesses detained in the ICC detention centre — who have applied for asylum in the host state, raises the question of allocation of responsibility and jurisdiction between the ICC and the host state. It will be argued that without an ICC ‘territory’ it is only natural that ICC states parties, especially the host state, should perform those tasks of the ICC for which a territory is needed. This position is confirmed by the Dutch national asylum court, which ruled that ICC witnesses can apply for asylum in the Netherlands, in the same way as any other foreigner present on Dutch territory.

The UK Caribbean Overseas Territories: governing unruliness amidst the extra-territorial EU

This article traces the contours of the complex, often obscure administrative and governance arrangements that have framed relationships between the Caribbean Overseas Territories of the UK in recent years. Relations between the governments of Anguilla, Bermuda, British Virgin Islands (BVI), Caymans, Montserrat, and Turks and Caicos and the UK government in London have not always been smooth. From the 1970s onwards, it was assumed in Whitehall and Westminster that these territories would become independent. This absent-minded assumption reinforced a set of fragmented, and remarkably personalised, ad hoc governance arrangements, at least to the late 1990s. Little sense of post-colonial purpose or shared vision animated relations between Overseas Countries and Territories (OCT) and UK governments. The ‘bias for independence’ has faded, however, as opposition to sovereignty being imposed was finally acknowledged by the New Labour government's White Paper of 1999. In 2009, the UK government even imposed direct rule on the Turks and Caicos Islands, following a corruption scandal that threatened the territory's economic and political future. We reflect on lessons of the past decade or so, contrasting UK–OCT governance arrangements to those in the comparable, yet also very distinct, neighbouring Dutch and French Caribbean territories. Overall, developments in governance arrangements indicate that whilst new ‘contracts’ are periodically forged between the UK and its Caribbean OCTs – something that appears to be true at EU-wide level also, for the Dutch and French Caribbean territories in their relations with the ‘metropolis’ – reform has been insufficient and incomplete.

TRIPS‐plus Border Measures and Access to Medicines

In 2008, Dutch customs authorities blocked generic medicines in transit in the Dutch territory on suspicion of their being counterfeit. India and Brazil subsequently claimed that external transit control of medicines is inconsistent with the Trade‐Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS), the Doha Declaration on TRIPS and Public Health and international provisions on access to medicines. This article aims to shed light on the consistency of external transit control of generics with international law, and on the interrelations between issues of intellectual property, free trade and public health at the international level; it shows that TRIPS makes possible a broad extension of IP rights protection while ceilings present some weaknesses.

Erasmus and the Law

Erasmus is generally regarded as a model of tolerance and equanimity. As such, he very well could have an educational part to play in the ideology of equality and the non-discriminatory principle of our modern rule of law as embedded in Article 1 of the Dutch Constitution since 1983 which claims equality for all people on the Dutch territory. On the face of it, it would certainly seem worthwhile to examine whether Erasmus influenced the law of his age and might therefore also be relevant to views on the law of our present age. A closer look at this idealised view of Erasmus shows, however, that some qualifications are in order. It was not very long ago that some valid accusations of anti-Semitism were made against him: anti-Semitic statements were found in some of his letters. It should be noted that he is no exception in this: Luther, his contemporary, is also known to have made statements in a similar vein.

Maroon Archaeology Is Public Archaeology

Researchers of the contemporary past have sought to be instrumental in public dialogue about how artifacts speak to heritage matters relevant to living communities and decision-making polities (Emberling and Hanson, Catastophe!: the looting and destruction of Iraq’s past, 2008; Gibbon, Who owns the past?: cultural policy, cultural property, and the law, 2005; Mullins, Places in mind: public archaeology as applied anthropology, 2004; Renfrew, Loot, legitimacy and ownership: the ethical crisis in archaeology, 2000; Skeates, Debating the archaeological heritage, 2000). This approach has made archaeology a public endeavor that serves the needs of inquisitive researchers, as well as those groups of individuals whose lives may be directly affected by the excavation, analysis, and interpretation of archaeological remains. This paper will broadly assess how the archaeology of Maroons—tribal communities of runaway slave descendants—has affected the application of scholarly research in the former Dutch territory of Suriname, SA. The shift in relevance is due to the Inter-American Court on Human Rights 2007 judgment that allows Suriname Maroons to assert decision-making authority on matters of land management and development in ancestral and contemporary habitat. Vital to this endeavor is, Maroon involvement in archaeological research and more importantly, an overhaul in Surinamese antiquity laws.

A Wilsonian Moment? Dutch Nationalism and Belgian Territorial Claims in the Aftermath of World War I

The Belgian claims on Dutch territory in the aftermath of World War I led to a strong reaction from both the Dutch government and the people living in the areas concerned. Whereas the Dutch government responded with a multi-layered diplomatic counter-campaign, a moment of 'hot nationalism' occurred in Southern Limburg and Zeeland Flanders. This essay investigates the connection between nationalistic expressions by the local population of Southern Limburg and the Dutch foreign policy between November 1918 and June 1919. Situated against the background of the rise of 'new diplomacy' and the principle of self-determination, the Dutch case provides further insight into the interaction between international politics and its reception at grass-root level. It illustrates that the principle of self-determination was used effectively by Dutch diplomats during the preparatory phase, and that it provided the anti-annexationist movement with a valuable tool at a later stage.

Breaking the Deadlock: Lessons from Cross-Border Spatial Projects in Flanders and the Netherlands

This paper explores the specific char acteristics of decision-making in cross-border spatial projects and draws some lessons for European territorial cooperation. This is done by examining three major infrastructure projects between the Netherlands and Flanders: the construction of a high-speed rail link between Antwerp and Rotterdam, the deepening and widening of the Scheldt River, and the reopening of the Iron Rhine freight railway between Antwerp and the German Ruhrgebiet (which cuts across Dutch territory). The analysis is structured into four issues that are often considered problematic for large spatial projects. First, a sound analysis of the actual problem that spatial projects are supposed to solve and a comparison of alternative courses of action are often lacking. Second, projects usually take longer than planned. Third, projects often encounter strong opposition. Fourth, impact research can be easily discredited in the decision-making process. The paper shows that cross-border projects encounter specific problems in all four areas, some of which could be ameliorated by more involvement by the European Union.

Jacobus Arnoldus Hazaart and the British interregnum in Netherlands Timor, 1812-1816

The term ‘British interregnum’, in relation to Indonesia, refers to two short periods in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries when the British took control of most of the Netherlands Indies from the Dutch, only to hand it back a few years later. The British did this as a result of their wars with France. The first occupation occurred in 1795-1797 after a pro-France regime had been established in Holland. After peace was declared in 1802, the occupied territories were returned to the Dutch. Hostilities soon resumed, however, and with the annexation of Holland by the French in 1810, the British once more moved into the Netherlands Indies. Following France’s defeat in Europe, the Dutch territories were restored once again in 1816. This paper deals with British rule in Timor, one of the far-flung outposts of the Netherlands Indies, and the central role played by a native of that island, Jacobus Arnoldus Hazaart, in helping the British administer the territory.

Nieuwe manieren, sterke frontieren. Het bouwconcept van Menno van Coehoorn en zijn aandeel in de verbetering van het verdedigingsstelsel

J. P. C. M. van Hoof, New methods, strong borders. Menno van Coehoorn's building plans and contribution to improving the defence systemDuring the years 1680 to 1685, Menno van Coehoorn (1641-1704) designed a remarkable fortification system. It provided a sound alternative to both the traditional Dutch system of fortification, which reached its peak during the Eighty Years' War (1568-1648), and the French method, which had been used in our country since 1680. In his capacity as chief engineer, Coehoorn played a leading role in modernising the fortifications located along the borders during the years 1698-1702. With his design for the protection of Dutch territory by using lines of defence, he also created a new defence structure. His role as consultant to the policy-makers of the time meant that his views had a decisive influence. At the same time, he took a keen, personal interest in implementing and executing his own building plans. This article is part of the special issue 'Legerorganisatie en oorlogvoering in de Lage Landen tijdens de zestiende en zeventiende eeuw'.

De geest van Munster. De botsende economische en commerciële belangen van België en Nederland en de invloed op de wederzijdse beeldvorming (1830-1940)

The spirit of Munster. The conflicting economic and commercial interests of Belgium and the Netherlands and the influence this had on their perceptions of one another (1830-1940)The treaty of Munster, which at the request of the Dutch officially decided the closure of the Scheldt in 1648, cast a long shadow. When the separation between Belgium and Holland was settled in 1839, the terms regarding the statute of the Scheldt and the waterways between the Scheldt, the Meuse and the Rhine were perceived as distinctly disadvantageous in Belgium and its main port Antwerp. The intransigence of the Dutch during later rounds of talks confirmed their reputation for greed and meanness. More than one Belgian diplomat remained convinced that the notorious Munster spirit was still very much alive. The outbreak of the first World War put the problem of the waterways in a different bilateral and international perspective. Several leading Belgian politicians and diplomats aspired to incorporate the Dutch territories of Zeeland Flanders and Limburg. Although these claims were mainly inspired by strategic motives, those advocating them realised that this would allow Belgium to settle the waterways problem in its favour once and for all. Other policymakers, although opposed to territorial gains, hoped that the war would result in a favourable settlement of this tricky problem. However, the Belgians' territorial claims and their aggressive nationalist campaign so angered the Dutch that during the Paris negotiations in 1919 they were more intransigent than ever. This round of talks reached a deadlock in the spring of 1920, and an agreement was not found before 1940.

A framework for actualising normalisation data in LCA: Experiences in the Netherlands

In LCA, normalisation is applied to quantify the relative size of the impact scores. Several sets of normalisation data exist in the Netherlands, which all have a certain degree of unreliability. The purpose of this study is to actualise Dutch normalisation data and to make a framework for deriving these data. In this study normalisation data are calculated for three different levels in order to give the LCA practitioner a more extended basis for preparing the interpretation process. The first level of normalisation contains all impacts relating to activities that take place within the Dutch territory. The second level is based on the Dutch final consumption, which means that import and export are taken into account. The third level is an attempt to estimate impacts in Europe based on European data if possible, and otherwise based on extrapolation from the Dutch situation.