Dual Monarchy Research Articles

Франц Иосиф I как монарх и политик (в оценке британской газеты “The Times”)

We analyze the publicistic material of the British newspaper “The Times” in order to identify the attitude of Great Britain towards the political activities of Franz Joseph I – the last Emperor of Austria-Hungary. The study of newspaper articles allowed us to identify a voluminous block of publications that give the Emperor’s personal assessment, and also comment on a number of political decisions made by Franz Joseph I. Despite the fact that “The Times” has repeatedly harshly condemned the Austrian and Hungarian governments and parliaments for their inability cohesively make important political decisions and prevent domestic problems in time; criticism did not extend to the Emperor’s personality. According to “The Times”, Franz Joseph I was a re-spected ruler and a strong leader. Analysis of newspaper material showed that the following issues were most frequently raised and addressed in the British newspaper: 1) the personal qualities of Emperor Franz Joseph I; 2) the Emperor’s national policy; 3) the place and role of Franz Joseph I in the political development of Austria-Hungary. After the study of publicistic material we draw conclusion that the British liberals were very positive about the contribution of Franz Joseph I to the dual monarchy formation. According to “The Times”, Franz Joseph I had a reputation for be-ing a poised, tactful, benevolent monarch.

Pravice in dolžnosti vojaka v prvi svetovni vojni

Category: 1.01 Original scientific paper Language: Original in Slovenian (Abstract in Slovenian and English, Summary in English) Keywords: Austro-Hungarian army, First World War, military life, military rules, military values, Slovenian soldiers, patriotism, loyalty Abstract: The author gives a careful review of the important moments of sustainability of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy, which was reflected in her military, power, and stability during the First World War. The review covers everything from the adoption of the agreement of the transformation of the Austrian Empire into the Dual monarchy in 1867 to the question of the military arrangement of the joint Austro-Hungarian army and its functioning. In the article, the author does not deal with a review of military developments, which has been elaborated in historiography, but with the formal image of a Slovenian soldier in the Austro-Hungarian army through an analysis of various military documents, rules, and instructions through the prism of values as a framework for the functioning, and behaviour of individuals independently and in the group. Thus, in this analysis, he focuses mainly on how and in what way individual military values such as honour, courage, loyalty, camaraderie, and dedication are reflected in various military rules and guidelines.

Kroatischer Nationalismus und Panslawismus in Argentinien und Chile während des Ersten Weltkriegs

El presente artículo trata el tema del desarollo del nacionalismo sudeslavo entre ex-subditos del Imperio Austro-Húngaro en los años ante y durante la Primera Guerra Mundial. El artículo se centra en Chile e Argentina, pero considera también las características transnacionales del movimiento nacionalista eslavo que conectó al Comité Yugoslavo instituido en Londres, con los comités nacionales eslavos establecidos en Estados Unidos. Chile se convirtió en el centro del movimiento nacionalista eslavo en la costa occidental sudamericana, contribuyendo con el comité en Londres no solo con grandes sumas de dinero, sino también con un fuerte trabajo de propaganda destinado, de un lado, a ganar adeptos sobre todo entre los súbditos croatas y dálmatas establecidos en los países sudamericanos. Los representantes de la monarquía dual se vieron confrontados con una situación que en un principio subestimaron y después no supieron manejar.

The professionalisation of teaching: teacher training and education reform in Austria, 1867–1914

ABSTRACTThis article examines Austria’s efforts to reform teacher education during the period of the Dual Monarchy, 1867–1914. It offers insight into the role of teachers in Austrian society and how this role changed over time. It demonstrates that, during this period, teaching became an institutionalised and professionalised occupation. This process of professionalisation brought teachers firmly under state control, leading to conflict between teachers and the Austrian educational bureaucracy. This process also led to the development of a robust network of teachers’ associations to represent the interest of Austrian teachers and to contribute to their professional development. This article utilises documents from the Austrian educational bureaucracy, printed curriculum and pedagogical journals to illustrate that Austrian teacher training reforms offer crucial insight into the development of public education in the late nineteenth century.

Petitions and ‘legitimate’ engagement with power in absolutist Denmark 1660–1800

ABSTRACTPetitioning was universal across early modern Europe, but worked differently within distinct polities. Denmark-Norway became, after 1660, an absolute hereditary dual monarchy, with no further meetings of the Estates, and no other formal representative structures. The crown, however, did fully acknowledge the right to petition, confirming the mechanism and the legal basis for doing so in the full law code of 1683, Danske Lov. Petitions from all levels of society were processed in the central bureaucracy, and those processed through the Chancellery (Danske Kancelli) can be analysed systematically. However, a number of petitions were handled separately in the Exchequer (Rentekammer) or through the legal system. This article discusses the different types of petitions to the Danish crown, and analyses some examples that illustrate not merely the complicated negotiation of power within an absolute monarchy, but also the kind of language and cultural conventions necessary for the system to work.

The “darling Emperor”: images of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy in the Romanian folklore from Transylvania around WWI

To date, Romanian scholars have ignored Transylvanian folklore dealing with the Austro-Hungarian Empire and the experience of being a soldier in the imperial army. The gap can be explained by the fact that these cultural artefacts did not fit the Romanian nationalist narrative in politics and social science about the importance of ethnic unity. To address this gap, the paper maps out and discusses the images of the Dual Monarchy and especially of the Emperor in soldierly folklore. The main argument is that these images were shaped by the perception of and attempts to overcome the traumatic and often incomprehensible experiences of military service that peasant soldiers had to go through.

The Narrative of Acculturation: Hungarian Jewish Children’s Books during the Dual Monarchy, 1867–1918

The Narrative of Acculturation: <i>Hungarian Jewish Children’s Books during the Dual Monarchy, 1867–1918</i>

К ВОПРОСУ О ПРИЧИНАХ РАСПАДА АВСТРО-ВЕНГЕРСКОЙ ИМПЕРИИ

We discuss one of the key problems of the modern history – the collapse of the dualistic Austro-Hungarian Empire. The dual monarchy, or Monarchy, lasted a little more than half a century, from 1867 to 1918, and disintegrated as a result of the sharp aggravation of interethnic contradictions and the military-political defeat of the Central Powers. The book of the contemporary of the historical drama, the Hungarian publicist, the left-liberal politician O. Jászi occupies a special place is in the rich Austro-Hungarianism. The author of this study was the scientific editor of the translation of O. Jászi’s book into Russian. We examine two innovative ideas in many ways pioneer of O. Jászi’s historical and sociological labor: a) the contradictory impact of economic forces (factor) on the close integration of multi-level regions of the Danube monarchy; b) as we show, relying on the research of O. Jászi, the psychological reason for the collapse of the polyethnic state was the cultural and mental incompatibility of Hungarians and Austrian Germans, as well as of other peoples of the Monarchy. We summarize that the economic backwardness of Hungary and the originality of the Hungarian national identity, different political culture were the deep disintegrational factors of the disappearance of one of the largest continental empires from the world political map.

РЕАКЦИЯ ЛИБЕРАЛЬНЫХ КРУГОВ АНГЛИИ НА ОБРАЗОВАНИЕ АВСТРО-ВЕНГРИИ В ОСВЕЩЕНИИ ГАЗЕТЫ “THE MORNING POST” (1867 Г.)

The reaction of the liberal circles of England to the formation of the dual monarchy of Austria-Hungary in 1867 is considered. The material, on which the study is based, was the Bri- tish newspaper “The Morning Post”, which expressed the interests of the middle class of the bourgeoisie and was the so-called “megaphone” of the Liberal party of Great Britain. Analysis of the newspaper material showed that in the British newspaper the most often raised and considered Austria-Hungary issues are the following: 1) the personality of Emperor Franz Joseph I; 2) the reorganization of the political system of Austria-Hungary on the basis of liberal laws; 3) the adoption of the Constitution of 1867 and the subsequent domestic changes. The study of the journalistic material led to the conclusion that the British liberals met very positively the formation of Austria-Hungary, because in its original form the reforms carried out by the Austrian government were a vivid example of the liberal ideology defended by the liberal community of Great Britain. Nevertheless, the emotionally expressive tone of newspaper articles shows that British liberals, having accepted the changes taking place in Austria-Hungary positively, were not always able to give an objective assessment of what was happening, so the newspaper often does not talk about the real problems of Austrian society.

Migrations of Hungarian Peasants into and out of a Village at the Borders of Budapest

The Hungarian capital, Budapest, witnessed unprecedented development during the rapid modernization period of the Dual Monarchy. It was also the time period when Austria-Hungary underwent the greatest loss of people in its history to international migration. This paper attempts to analyze this phenomenon in relation to a small town in the vicinity of Budapest. Vecsés had been a peasant village but after the abolition of serfdom and the beginnings of modernization, it lost its previous function and transformed into a residential village. The paper analyzes the growth of the population and the changes in the occupational structure, and briefly examines issues of land distribution in Vecsés based on a variety of archival records. The research demonstrates how at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries a typical agricultural village was utterly transformed by the influence of modernization, the urbanization of the capital city, and domestic and international migration. Keywords: modernization, urbanization, migration, occupational structure

Historical Outline of the Development of the Hungarian Party System

Historical Outline of the Development of the Hungarian Party System Dr. Csaba Fazekas, Dr. Sándor Fekete Abstract Paper deals with the formation and changes of the political party system of Hungary. The face and program of the political parties were closely connected to the specialities of the different political systems or regimes followed by each other. First organised political parties appeared before the 1848 revolution and new constitution. In the age of Austro-Hungarian Dual Monarchy Hungary had a very special political system, from this emerged the most important speciality, a „parallel party system‟, because in the focus of political life was the so-called „public law system‟, the relation to the 1867 Compromise. After the defeat of the World War I the independent and smaller Hungary became an authoritarian, right-wing political system („Horthy era‟) with a powerful and unchangeable governing party with other oppositional parties. After 1945 in the shadow of sovietisation the democratic parties wanted to stop the communists, but it was unsuccessful, from 1949 Hungary became a Soviet type dictatorship, a one-party system. Some political parties re-established in the years of 1956 revolution, after the soviet occupation until the end of 1980s we cannot speak about political parties. In the years of transition formatted a new party system with three poles: liberalism, conservativism, social democracy. This party system was permanent until the new political changes („second transition‟) of 2010. Full Text: PDF DOI: 10.15640/rhps.v6n2a5

Ethnographic accounts of visitors from the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy to the Asian peripheries of Russia and their contribution to the development of systematic ethnological studies in the Monarchy: Preliminary results and research perspectives

The authors intend to provide an overview of the diaries, travelogues, and correspondence of Austro-Hungarians who traveled to the Asian peripheries of Russia during the Dual Monarchy. We aim to contribute to ongoing discussions on colonial discourses of otherness, as well as to the historical development of ethnographic scholarship in Europe. Travel writing, orientalism, and colonial encounters with Asian otherness are closely intermingling phenomena in the modern era. We argue that the rich corpus of visual and verbal representations of North-, Central-, and Inner-Asian peoples recorded by the subjects of the Dual Monarchy provides instructive examples of colonial encounters with non-colonizers in 19th century Asia. Furthermore, we believe that these examples will bring forth a more detailed picture of how the ideas born in the centers of German enlightenment (like Völkerkunde) impregnated the intellectual life of more peripheral regions in Europe. As ethnographic scholarship developed within national research traditions rather than in the frame of a monolithic, European intellectual project, our question is whether or not the Dual Monarchy provided a meaningful frame to bridge national research traditions.

Edge of Irony: Modernism in the Shadow of the Habsburg Empire. Marjorie Perloff. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2016. Pp. xi+204.

<i>Edge of Irony: Modernism in the Shadow of the Habsburg Empire</i>. Marjorie Perloff. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2016. Pp. xi+204.

An Archaeological Perspective on Ancient East Asian Royal Tombs

An Archaeological Perspective on Ancient East Asian Royal Tombs

The revival of 'Central Europe' among Hungarian political elites: its meaning and geopolitical implications

Over the past years, the concept of 'Central Europe' has been revived by Hungarian political elites and this study aims to find out how and why. It is based on a content analysis of political speeches and communications, compared with actual policies and statistical data. It is observed that the government is the only political force to engage in the new discourse of 'Central Europe'. The study finds that both the geographic extension and the connotations of 'Central Europe' have changed fundamentally. Often associated with the territories of the Dual monarchy up until the early 2000s, the notion today appears to be used synonymously with the likewise reinvigorated Visegrad Four. Yet while the latter has kept its geographic confines intact, 'Central Europe' has no clear boundaries. Such a malleable concept can more flexibly serve various geopolitical goals, such as Hungary's intention to include Croatia and Serbia. The meanings associated with 'Central Europe' have changed just as much. Not long ago a symbol for Hungary's (and its neighbours') 'return to Europe', Central Europe has re-emerged as a 'channel of protest' vis-a-vis the West. Disillusioned by the EU following the financial and refugee crises, Hungarian political elites have been envisioning 'Central Europe' as the continent's new growth hub and a safe space free from migrants. Economic data contradict the former vision. As Euroscepticism and a hard-line stance against refugees are no (longer) unique stands of the Visegrad Four, the question is what remains of 'Central Europe'.

Serbian Volunteers and the Russian Revolution of 1917

Using original documents from the Russian State Military Historical Archive, many of which are introduced for the first time, the author reveals details of creation and activities of the Serbian Volunteer Corps formed from captured soldiers and officers of the Austro-Hungarian army inOdessain the Summer 1916. The same autumn it received a baptism of fire in Dobruja fighting in the separate corps of the Russian army under the command of General Zayonchkovsky. The research interest in studying the activities of “national” and international military units within the Russian army is connected with the question of expediency and effectiveness of using such forces against those for whom they have not so long ago shed blood. The author, contrary to the popular opinion of Serbian historians, shows that the call to join the First Serbian division did not arouse mass enthusiasm among the prisoners of war both Serbs and representatives of other Yugoslav nations because of well-founded fears for their close relatives living in the Dual Monarchy and a fairly comfortable stay in the Russian captivity. At the same time, the author emphasizes that this military unit, commanded by officers of the Serbian regular army, was considered by the political leadership ofSerbiaas the basis of the future armed forces of the new state ofYugoslavia. The article shows that the events of the Russian Revolution of 1917 influenced the future fate of this military formation. Many of its soldiers later found themselves on different sides of the front in the Russian civil war. A special attention is payed to the interethnic conflict erupted in the corps between the Serbs on the one side and the Croats and Slovenes on the other. The author introduces a significant body of primary documents showing the nuances of relations in the corps between representatives of various Yugoslav nations. The article emphasizes that the relationship of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes within the corps became the prologue to the future tragic fate of the Yugoslav state and its army, which were doomed to eventually collapse.

HeimatIs Where the Heart Is; or, What Kind of Hungarian was Goldmark?

On2 January1915, during the first winter of the First World War, the celebrated composer Carl Goldmark died in Vienna at the ripe old age of eighty-four. The Viennese press gave the story of his passing the kind of coverage that one would expect for a figure who was described as the “rector of Austrian music,” even its “epicenter.” The notice in theNeue Freie Pressewas particularly striking in its imagery: “We, musical Vienna and the entire musical world, stand shaken around the funeral bier of the great composer and Austrian Carl Goldmark.” As the report goes on, the writer makes a clear reference to the growing war effort: “Many of our best and brightest must now die on the battlefield for the fatherland. Goldmark lived for his fatherland, and by creating art touched by the breadth of eternity, he honored the fatherland in his own way and greatly increased the cultural heritage of humanity.” Meanwhile, in the other great capital of the Dual Monarchy, the composer's death was covered very differently. To read the obituaries that appeared in Budapest is to be told that Hungary, not Austria, was Goldmark's fatherland. Here, in effect, both halves of the monarchy were fighting over the same man's legacy—the one, primarily on the basis of his Hungarian birth and childhood; the other, on the basis of his long residency in Austria and the central role he played in the musical culture of late Habsburg Vienna.

The Wehrmann in Eisen: nailed statues as barometers of Habsburg social order during the First World War

Beginning in early 1915, large nailed statues appeared across Austria-Hungary. These statues, which were carved of wood and covered in nails, took different forms. The most common was a shield or medieval knight, the Wehrmann in Eisen. Often placed in prominent public spaces, these statues became focal points for ceremonies aimed at uniting the local population in support of the Habsburg war effort. The rhetoric concerning these statues, used by officials in unveiling ceremonies and reproduced in newspapers, reinforced notions of wartime sacrifice expected of all citizens. This paper examines these nailed statues in both halves of the Dual Monarchy, arguing that these statues served an important function in the Habsburg wartime project to promote widespread patriotism and in the process upheld traditional gendered social order. Ultimately, these nailed statues and the events that took place at them exemplify efforts by those in positions of authority to maintain traditional gendered social order in wartime through this symbol of male battlefront sacrifice. The varied afterlives of these statues indicate the degree to which the statues failed to unite the Monarchy around a common Habsburg wartime project and were subject to use for political ends in the successor states.

The palace of the Serbian Academy of Arts and Sciences and the public space of Knez Mihailova Street

Following the transformation of the urban area of Belgrade from a provincial Ottoman city to the capital city of Serbia, ideas for the architectural design for the Palace of the Serbian Royal Academy in Knez Mihailova Street which started to develop at the turn of the 20th century, mirrored a change of taste and influences in the style of architecture. Dominant at the time of the proclamation of the Kingdom of Serbia, the design and building projects of the architect Konstantin Jovanović represented a culminating impact of the Vienna Ringstrasse architecture. Rejecting the concept of Viennese academicism at the time of political confrontation of the Serbian Kingdom with the Dual Monarchy towards the end of the first decade of the twentieth century, was followed by a search for a modern architectural approach. A new design with architectural elements of the Viennese Fin­de­Siécle, Paris Art Nouveau and the prevalent spirit of Belle Époque appeared with the projects by the architects Andra Stevanović and Dragutin Đorđević. Suspension of constructions due to the outbreak of the WWI and changes in the architectural climate in Belgrade after the war have led to a rapid devaluation of modernity of the buildings whose construction was completed in 1924. However, bringing an echo of modern consumerism with the shopping passage and elegant stores on the ground floor, coated with abundance of its Belle Époque façades, the Palace of the Serbian Royal Academy became a symbol of Knez Mihailova Street in the main promenade of Belgrade, as a unique public space.

Analiza Austro-ugarske i Hrvatsko-ugarske nagodbe

Year 2017 marks the 150th anniversary of the adoption of the Austro-Hungarian Compromise, compromise between Austria and Hungary, which in many segments served as a template for the Croatian-Hungarian deal assembled one year later. These settlements helped Hungary to establish its relations with the court and with the Triune Kingdom of Croatia, Slavonia and Dalmatia, and it also served Hungary since 1102 to establish itself into the State Union. Thus ended the longstanding conflict with Austria and resolved the Croatian question in Budapest and Vienna as it was finally taken off the agenda. The Settlements were adopted in a similar way; by negotiations of the Royal Committee, by adopting legal articles in the Provincial Assembly, by sanctions imposed by the King, and then by declaring it in the Parliament. The number of articles (69 or 70), and many of its formulations, are the basis for their comparative analysis. They both have in common that they are contracting parties interpreted in various ways (Austria and Hungary on the one hand and Croatia and Hungary on the other hand), but the settlement served as a permanent tool of political struggle within the individual parts of the monarchy, as well as between the two halves of the Dual Monarchy.