Drug Arrest Rates Research Articles

Gentrification, White Encroachment, and the Policing of Black Residents in Washington, DC

When middle-class and White residents move into working-class and poor Black neighborhoods, are there increases in the frequency of arrests of Black people? There are a handful of published articles that examine quantitatively the relationship between gentrification and policing. These studies focus almost exclusively on Los Angeles and New York City and the focus on racialized policing is limited. The present study considers racialized policing in a city that was, until very recently, majority Black and explores the extent to which gentrification and racial change in Washington, DC are associated with enhanced policing of Black residents. A spatial regression analysis which models the association between gentrification, White encroachment, and the policing of Black residents using arrest data from the D.C. Metropolitan Police Department and a gentrification score based on American Community Survey data reveals clear racialized and spatial disparities in arrest rates in Washington, DC. We hypothesized that census tracts experiencing gentrification and White encroachment would have higher drug arrest rates of Black residents. We found support for our White encroachment hypothesis but not for our gentrification hypothesis.

Reshaping Court Systems: Issue Environments and the Establishment of Drug Courts

State court systems are being reshaped by the widespread adoption of drug courts. However, there has been limited attention to what drives the decision to create drug courts in the states. I link the establishment of drug courts to local issue environments found in each state that support proactive judicial and legal elites. I propose hypotheses that link the density of drug courts to judicial professionalization, state funding of courts, drug arrest rates, and levels of court consolidation. I test these hypotheses with panel data from 2009 to 2014. I find that states with more professional judiciaries and higher rates of drug arrests are more likely to adopt drug courts, that higher levels of court consolidation show a small negative effect and, finally, that higher levels of state funding for court systems do not have consistent effects. I conclude that there is support for (a) using the issue environments approach to analyze the establishment of drug courts and (b) considering issue environments when analyzing other community oriented changes in state court systems.

Demanding Reduction: A County-level Analysis Examining Structural Determinants of Human Trafficking Arrests in Florida

Academic literature has placed increased focus on understanding the complexities of human trafficking cases, but a gap in literature persists on assessing structural determinants that may impact the number of identified human trafficking arrests. As such, using administrative data on human trafficking arrests from 2013 to 2017, in the present study we examine the influence that macro-level social disorganization indicators, physical characteristics, and criminality rates have on human trafficking arrests in the state of Florida. Results reveal that counties with a higher number of human trafficking arrests were associated with higher levels of residential instability, a greater count of police agencies, as well as, lower levels of concentrated disadvantage and drug arrest rates. We close with directions for future research and anti-trafficking policy recommendations.

Structural Determinants of Black MSM HIV Testing Coverage (2011-2016).

Over 30years into the US HIV/AIDS epidemic, Black men who have sex with men (BMSM) continue to carry the highest burden of both HIV and AIDS cases. There is then, an urgent need to expand access to HIV prevention and treatment for all gay and bisexual men, underscoring the importance of the federal initiative 'Ending the Epidemic: A Plan for America'. This research examines structural factors associated with BMSM HIV testing coverage over time (2011-2016) in 85 US Metropolitan Statistical Areas (MSAs). We calculated MSA-specific annual measures of BMSM HIV testing coverage (2011-2016). Variables suggested by the Theory of Community Action (i.e., need, resource availability, institutional opposition and organized support) were analyzed as possible predictors of coverage using multilevel modeling. Relationships between BMSM HIV testing and the following covariates were positive: rates of BMSM living with HIV (b = 0.28), percent of Black residents employed (b = 0.19), Black heterosexual testing rate (b = 0.46), health expenditures per capita (b = 0.16), ACT UP organization presence in 1992 (b = 0.19), and syringe service presence (b = 0.12). Hard drug arrest rates at baseline (b = -0.21) and change since baseline (b = -0.10) were inversely associated with the outcome. Need, resources availability, organized support and institutional opposition are important determinants of place associated with BMSM HIV testing coverage. Efforts to reduce HIV incidence and lessen AIDS-related disparities among BMSM in the US require improved and innovative HIV prevention approaches directed toward BMSM including a fuller understanding of structural factors that may influence place variation in BMSM testing patterns and risk behavior in places of high need.

Policing through subsidized firepower: An assessment of rational choice and minority threat explanations of police participation in the 1033 program*

Policing through subsidized firepower: An assessment of rational choice and minority threat explanations of police participation in the 1033 program*

POLICING THROUGH SUBSIDIZED FIREPOWER: AN ASSESSMENT OF RATIONAL CHOICE AND MINORITY THREAT EXPLANATIONS OF POLICE PARTICIPATION IN THE 1033 PROGRAM*

AbstractThere is a popular belief that the use of military equipment can improve police efforts at social control. Recent protests and riots across the country, however, have piqued public concern about racial disparities in law enforcement and the acquisition and use of military equipment by police in the United States. By using data from the Department of Defense's 1033 Program, we conduct an agency‐level analysis to assess the validity of rational choice arguments and minority threat explanations of police participation in the 1033 Program. Our results reveal that higher violent crime rates and lower drug arrest rates increase law enforcement participation in the 1033 Program. Participation in the 1033 Program, however, is also a function of minority threat, with the functional form of minority threat varying across models predicting 1033 participation and the value of materiel acquired by successful departments. Specifically, a curvilinear relationship exists between the relative size of the Black population and involvement in the 1033 Program, and an exponential relationship between the relative size of the Black and Hispanic populations and the value of property departments receive annually from the 1033 Program.

Racial/Ethnic Disparities in Arrests for Drug Possession After California Proposition 47, 2011-2016.

To evaluate the effects of California Proposition 47, which reclassified felony drug offenses to misdemeanors in 2014, on racial/ethnic disparities in drug arrests. Using data on all drug arrests made in California from 2011 to 2016, we compared racial/ethnic disparities in drug arrests between Whites, Blacks, and Latinos, immediately and 1 year after policy changes, controlling for secular and seasonal trends. In the month following passage, absolute Black-White disparities in monthly felony drug arrests decreased from 81 to 44 per 100 000 and continued to decrease over time. There was an immediate increase of 27% in the relative disparity, however, because a higher proportion of felony offense types among Whites was reclassified. Total drug arrest rates also declined, suggesting drug law enforcement was deprioritized. During the first year after enactment, felony drug arrests fell by an estimated 51 985 among Whites, 15 028 among Blacks, and 50 113 among Latinos. Reducing criminal penalties for drug possession can reduce racial/ethnic disparities in criminal justice exposure and has implications for improving health inequalities linked to social determinants of health.

Marriage and County-level Crime Rates

Objectives: To determine whether the relationship between marriage and crime extends beyond the individual level of analysis by examining the relationship between marriage rates and crime rates at the county level. Methods: Linear regression analyses of marriage rates on various types of crime, including violent, property, drug, and juvenile crime arrest rates. Results: The analyses suggest that marriage rates are inversely related to rates of violent crime, property crime, drug use, and juvenile violence. Conclusions: This research note suggests that the relationship between marriage and crime is more far reaching than previous studies have indicated. Final remarks address the implications of the findings for theoretical work on crime causation and for public policy.

Policing the ‘progressive’ city: The racialized geography of drug law enforcement

This article explores selective drug law enforcement practices in a single municipality, San Francisco, where racial disproportionality in drug arrest rates is among the highest in the United States. We situate this work in the vein of recent case-study examinations done in Seattle, Cleveland, and New York to help build a more nuanced picture of how the local geography of policing drugs produces racialized outcomes. Within this, we examine how historically embedded local politics shape the varied styles and structures of policing that result in racially discriminatory enforcement patterns. Our goal is to begin sketching out a robust framework of ‘place’ as an orientation for examining discretionary local policing practices, especially as they impact marginalized groups and communities of color.

The geography of violence, alcohol outlets, and drug arrests in Boston.

We examined the relationship between alcohol outlets, drug markets (approximated by arrests for possession and trafficking), and violence in Boston, Massachusetts, in 2006. We analyzed geographic and environmental versus individual factors related to violence and identified areas high in violent crime. We used data from the Boston Police Department, US Census, and Massachusetts State Alcohol Beverage Control Commission. Spatial modeling was employed at the block group level, and violent crime, alcohol outlets, and drug markets were mapped. Relative to other block groups, block groups in the highest decile of violent crime (n = 55) were found to be poorer (e.g., lower incomes, higher percentages of vacant homes), and they had greater numbers of alcohol outlets and higher drug arrest rates. Alcohol outlets and drug possession and trafficking arrests were predictive of violent crime. Also, spatial effects resulting from neighboring block groups were related to violent crime. Both alcohol outlet density and type were associated with violent crime in a differentiated and complex way. With drug possession and trafficking arrests as a proxy for drug markets, spatial relationships between alcohol outlets and violence were found in addition to typical sociodemographic predictors.

Examining Racial Disparities in Drug Arrests

The War on Drugs popularized a set of policies and practices that dramatically increased the number of drug arrests, particularly for low-level drug offenses. The War’s tactics have affected Americans of every race; however, minorities have been most dramatically affected. There are several explanations for the observed racial disparity in drug arrests, but relatively little research directly tests these explanations. In this study, we test three common explanations of racial disparities in drug arrest rates. We find that racial disparities in drug arrests cannot be explained by differences in drug offending, nondrug offending, or residing in the kinds of neighborhoods likely to have heavy police emphasis on drug offending. Our findings are most consistent with explanations focusing on racial bias in drug sanctions.

THE GEOGRAPHY OF VIOLENCE IN A US CITY. ALCOHOL, DRUGS AND NEIGHBORHOOD COHESION.

Background and Aims: We determine, in the city of Boston in 2008, what geographic/environmental and individual factors are related to the production of violence (including subjective and objective assessments of the environment/neighborhood) as well as assessing dynamic relationships between adjacent geographic areas. Methods: Data from the Boston Police Department (violence, drug arrests and 911 call data), the census, survey data on neighborhood collective efficacy and Massachusetts state data on alcohol outlet type and location. Spatial modeling, including lags to assess adjacency, is employed (census block groups) and maps of hot spots for violence, alcohol outlets and drug markets are produced. Results: Census block groups with high levels of violence were associated with high levels of drug trafficking arrests, and high densities of liquor stores and bars, within a given area as well as adjacent to the “target” area, controlling for neighborhood disorganization and collective efficacy. Model based violence hot spot areas were found to be adjacent to areas with high drug arrest rates and high densities of liquor stores. There was no difference found between models including and excluding 911 call data. Conclusions: Spatial effects were, above and beyond typical socio-demographic measures, found to play a role in the prevalence of violence in Boston in 2008. Further, model based hot spots were identified that were found to be associated with significantly higher values for social-demographic, alcohol outlet and drug arrest measures. This is one of the first analyses in which drug arrest and alcohol outlet data, as well as subjective and objective environmental measures, were included in assessing the prevalence of violence. Further, we include the effects (lags) of adjacent area measures/features on target area violence prevalence. Socio-demographic, environmental and drug arrest information were all found, to some degree, to be significantly related to violence, while controlling for spatial autocorrelation.

African Americans and the Marijuana Legalization Paradox: Do Race-Specific Murder Victimization Rates and Race-Specific Drug Arrest Rates Explain It?

Why is support for marijuana legalization among African Americans notably modest given that such a policy would drastically reduce the number of African Americans arrested annually for nonviolent drug offenses? In this article I assess whether the urban frustration argument is an adequate explanation for Blacks’ generally low levels of support for marijuana legalization. I analyzed merged Supplemental Homicide Report and Drug Arrest data and General Social Survey data to determine the extent to which race-specific murder victimization rates and race-specific drug arrest rates in U.S. cities are predictive of support for marijuana legalization among Blacks and Whites between 1990 and 2000. Findings indicate that Blacks’ level of support for marijuana legalization is greatest in those cities with the highest Black drug arrest rates. Consequently, these findings provide no support for the urban frustration argument.

The Social, Psychological, and Political Causes of Racial Disparities in the American Criminal Justice System

Abstract Imprisonment rates for black Americans have long been five to seven times higher than those for whites. The immediate causes are well known: high levels of black imprisonment resulting in part from higher black than white arrest rates for violent crime and vastly higher black drug arrest rates. Drug arrest disparities result from police decisions to concentrate attention on drugs blacks sell and places where they sell them. Prison disparities are aggravated by laws prescribing sentences of unprecedented severity for offenses for which blacks are disproportionately arrested. Those practices and policies were shaped by distinctive sociological, psychological, and political features of American race relations. Work on the psychology of American race relations shows that many white Americans resent efforts made to help black Americans overcome the legacy of racism; that stereotypes of black criminality support whites’ attitudes toward drug and crime control policy; and that statistical discrimination...

Revisiting the Racial Threat Thesis: The Role of Police Organizational Characteristics in Predicting Race‐Specific Drug Arrest Rates

Previous research examining the relationship between structural factors and drug arrest rates has neglected the role of the police organization. A central proposition of racial threat theory is that indicators of a threatening Black population will be associated with law enforcement actions as a form of social control. In order to fully test this proposition, however, organizational aspects of law enforcement beyond size of the police force must be considered. Hence, the present study examines police organizational factors as direct predictors of race‐specific drug arrest rates but also as potential moderators of the effects of structural factors on drug arrest rates. Using data from 260 cities, we find that police organizational factors matter, both directly and as moderators of the association between racial economic competition and Black drug arrest rates. Consistent with expectations derived from racial threat and organizational theory, we find that racial threat measures are associated with Black drug arrest rates under conditions of relatively low organizational control.

How much choice is there in housing choice vouchers? Neighborhood risk and free market rental housing accessibility for active drug users in Hartford, Connecticut

BackgroundSince the mid-1970s, the dominant model for U.S. federal housing policy has shifted from unit-based programs to tenant based vouchers and certificates, intended to allow recipients a choice in their housing and neighborhoods. Surprisingly little research has examined the question of where those with Section 8 housing vouchers are able to live, but some research suggests that voucher holders are more likely to reside in distressed neighborhoods than unsubsidized renter households. Further, federal housing policy has limited drug users' access to housing subsidies. In turn, neighborhood disorder has been associated with higher levels of injection drug risk behaviors, and higher drug-related mortality. This paper explores rental accessibility and neighborhood characteristics of advertised rental housing in Hartford CT.MethodsBrief telephone interviews were conducted with landlords or management companies with units to rent in Hartford to explore housing accessibility measured as initial move in costs, credit and criminal background checks, and whether rental subsidies were accepted. These data were supplemented with in-depth interviews with landlords, shelter staff and active users of heroin, crack or cocaine. Apartments for rent were geocoded and mapped using ArcGIS. We used location quotients to identify areas where low-income rental housing is concentrated. Finally, we mapped apartments in relation to drug and violent arrest rates in each neighborhood.ResultsHigh security deposits, criminal background and credit checks limit housing accessibility even for drug users receiving vouchers. While most landlords or management companies accepted housing subsidies, several did not. Voucher units are concentrated in neighborhoods with high poverty neighborhoods. Landlords reported little incentive to accept rental subsidies in neighborhoods with low crime rates, but appreciated the guarantee provided by Section 8 in high crime neighborhoods that were less likely to attract applicants with good jobs and credit.ConclusionHousing vouchers in themselves do not greatly improve recipients' choice of neighborhood and voucher units are concentrated in the most distressed neighborhoods. Policy changes are needed to increase landlords' incentives to accept housing subsidies. Interventions to improve neighborhood conditions are needed to improve the probability of success for those recovering from drug addictions.

DO STATE ASSET FORFEITURE LAWS EXPLAIN THE UPWARD TREND IN DRUG ARRESTS?

ABSTRACT Drug arrests have increased steadily for going on 30 years, yet drug use has fluctuated wildly during the same period. Some have argued (and found) that state forfeiture laws may explain variation in drug arrests. Using data from 572 law enforcement agencies, we sought to replicate such findings and test their robustness by invoking a variety of forfeiture measures. Our findings indicate that drug asset forfeiture laws (and even past forfeiture activities) have no discernible effect on drug arrest rates.

Drug Use, Drug Possession Arrests, and the Question of Race: Lessons from Seattle

Many analysts have argued that the most harmful forms of drug use are disproportionately concentrated in poor communities of color, and that this pattern—combined with law enforcement's tendency to focus on outdoor drug activity—explains racial disparity in drug arrests. Others contend that comparatively high black and Latino drug arrest rates result from racial bias or racist intent on the part of the architects or lieutenants of the drug war. This article offers an alternative explanation of racial disparity in drug arrests in Seattle, Washington. Specifically, we argue that the racialization of imagery surrounding drugs in general and crack cocaine in particular had long-lasting institutional and cultural effects that continue to shape police perceptions and practices, and that these effects explain much of the disparity that characterizes drug possession in Seattle.

Effects of Prohibition in Arkansas Counties

Previous research has implied that alcohol availability affects the frequency of alcohol‐related crashes. This study uses multiple regression analysis to examine the influence of county‐level alcohol control policies on drug‐ and alcohol‐related arrest rates and related incidents in Arkansas. The research controls for such other county level variables that might affect alcohol related crashes as the number of law enforcement officers, median income, and population density. Findings suggest that prohibition policies do not play a systematic and significant role in reducing arrests and accidents. Further, the number of police officers per 1,000 residents is a more potent determinant of both adult and juvenile alcohol and drug arrest rates. Controlling access to alcohol may even have counterintuitive effects on behavior.

Neighborhood Drug Arrest Rates: Are They A Meaningful Indicator Of Drug Activity? A Research Note

Criminologists have long debated the validity of arrest data as a measure of crime at the aggregate level. It has been argued that arrest data may reflect differences in police behavior across neighborhoods rather than differences in offending rates. Consequently, criminologists have generally come to favor less processed data. Unfortunately, official counts of drug offenses are generally available only in terms of arrests, making official drug data particularly susceptible to validity questions. In this study, the authors examine the validity of drug arrest data at the neighborhood level by analyzing the extent to which police arrest rates for drug trafficking can be accounted for by survey measures of the frequency of drug trafficking, as well as neighborhood-level variables thought to be associated with police discretion. Findings suggest support for the use of drug arrest data as a meaningful measure of the relative level of visible drug activity among neighborhoods.