North Korea Research Articles

Network Analysis of Emerging Security based on North Korea’s Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs)

Network Analysis of Emerging Security based on North Korea’s Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs)

글로벌 공급망 재편과 대북제재 컴플라이언스(compliance)

Is North Korea an exception to our economic security targets? Reorganizing the global supply chain is a global issue that no country can avoid, and it is also a significant challenge for North Korea. Normally, North Korea has a closed and isolated economic structure, so it can be considered an exception to global economic issues. However, although the trade volume is minimal and the country is highly dependent on China, North Korea also engages in trade and its foreign trade has been on the rise after the COVID-19 pandemic. In addition, if the influx of luxury goods prohibited by sanctions against North Korea occurs through laundering in overseas markets, no states guarantee that it may free from involving an unintentional violation of sanctions. When doing business with a country that is conducting trade with North Korea, great care must be taken to ensure that the goods are not ultimately transferred to North Korea. In particular, China accounts for 19.7% of Korea's trade volume and maintains its status as Korea's No. 1 trading partner, and North Korea shows a 96.7% trade dependence on China, so no one can secure the in-case possibility of unintentional transferring South Korea’s product to North Korea does not happen. Sincere care must be taken not to become involved in destination issues. In addition, although the amount is small, advance preparation and inspection are required to avoid involvement in unsavory secondary sanctions related to North Korea, which is expanding trade with Vietnam, Argentina, Nigeria, Netherlands, Ethiopia, India, Bangladesh, Spain, and Hong Kong in addition to China. To prevent any emergency from occurring, sanctions compliance education and programs must be strengthened and understanding further improved.

남북문화 동질성 회복 위한 북한 서예문화 현황 고찰 (2)

This study is a review of the second sub-topic of the research project of the Korea Research Foundation, 'A Study on North Korea's Calligraphy Origin and Juche Calligraphy Growth and Establishment Process'.
 Regarding Calligraphy Origin, contrary to the general point of view, North Korea established Korean calligraphy and created another concept of calligraphy called 'Juche Calligraphy(主體書藝)'. The content related to Calligraphy Origin, this research project, has a greater gap between the two Koreas than any other field.
 This study aims to objectively grasp the reality of North Korea as it is and accurately derive the reality before the problem of right and wrong. This is a shortcut to knowing North Korean calligraphy properly. It was judged that its academic value was great. The logic was developed by making some criticisms on this.
 North Korea established the origins of Korean calligraphy and Juche calligraphy based on the Juche ideology(主體思想). First, North Korea said that 'Korean calligraphy origin was Shinji letter (including Garimto letter) from the Gojoseon period. It is more than 1,000 years earlier than the first Chinese letter, Gapgolmun(甲骨), and Pyongyang is the origin of oriental calligraphy. Through the evidence, excavated relics, and historical ruins, North Korea tried to prove its existence. The representative data are the 16 Shinji letters in “Yeongbyeonji” and the 38 Garimto letters in “Dangunsegi”, as the standard for claiming the origin of Korean calligraphy. And Shinji letters is the model(典範) of the Hunminjeongeum typeface, and it is the world's longest-standing typeface with Korean national calligraphy in the ancient period.
 However, there is a problem in that South Korean academia does not recognize academic value, such as Taebaekilsa, Dangunsegi, and Gyuwonsa, which are presented as evidence in North Korea. In addition, various theories exist in South Korea regarding the Hunminjeongeum font, and after the discovery of the Hunminjeongeum Haerye version(훈민정음 해례본) in the 1940s, the origin of the Hangeul creation was placed on the theory of hieroglyphics. These are still areas that require continuous discussion between the two Koreas.
 Second, the birth background of Juche calligraphy is that our own national calligraphy took place in the context of Chinese character worship of the ruling class and the Japanese national culture extinction policy. The Juche calligraphy theory seems to have started with Kim Jong-il's Juche art theory in 1992 and was formalized in Oh Kwang-seop's『Juche calligraphy』in 1997.
 In North Korea, it is regarded as “Joseon Independence” by handwritten by Kim Il-sung five years old as the origin of Juche calligraphy. With the emergence of “Joseon Independence”, a new stage has unfolded in the revolutionary calligraphy development of the working class. It is said that it opened the way for the development of independent and revolutionary calligraphy that is fundamentally different from the calligraphy of the previous period. In particular, the calligraphy shape during the anti-Japanese revolutionary struggle is a tradition of Juche calligraphy and is the original.
 Third, as a process of developing Juche calligraphy, ① played a role as a strong ideological weapon of Kim Il-sung's revolutionary struggle and construction projects after liberation. ② Kim Jong-il created monument calligraphy and opened a new era of calligraphy. ③ It solidified the institutional and educational conditions related to calligraphy that have taken root in today's North Korean calligraphy.
 As such, it is confirmed that the calligraphy culture between the two Koreas is very differentiated.

남북문화 동질성 회복 위한 북한 서예문화 현황 고찰 (2)

This study is a review of the second sub-topic of the research project of the Korea Research Foundation, 'A Study on North Korea's Calligraphy Origin and Juche Calligraphy Growth and Establishment Process'.
 Regarding Calligraphy Origin, contrary to the general point of view, North Korea established Korean calligraphy and created another concept of calligraphy called 'Juche Calligraphy(主體書藝)'. The content related to Calligraphy Origin, this research project, has a greater gap between the two Koreas than any other field.
 This study aims to objectively grasp the reality of North Korea as it is and accurately derive the reality before the problem of right and wrong. This is a shortcut to knowing North Korean calligraphy properly. It was judged that its academic value was great. The logic was developed by making some criticisms on this.
 North Korea established the origins of Korean calligraphy and Juche calligraphy based on the Juche ideology(主體思想). First, North Korea said that 'Korean calligraphy origin was Shinji letter (including Garimto letter) from the Gojoseon period. It is more than 1,000 years earlier than the first Chinese letter, Gapgolmun(甲骨), and Pyongyang is the origin of oriental calligraphy. Through the evidence, excavated relics, and historical ruins, North Korea tried to prove its existence. The representative data are the 16 Shinji letters in “Yeongbyeonji” and the 38 Garimto letters in “Dangunsegi”, as the standard for claiming the origin of Korean calligraphy. And Shinji letters is the model(典範) of the Hunminjeongeum typeface, and it is the world's longest-standing typeface with Korean national calligraphy in the ancient period.
 However, there is a problem in that South Korean academia does not recognize academic value, such as Taebaekilsa, Dangunsegi, and Gyuwonsa, which are presented as evidence in North Korea. In addition, various theories exist in South Korea regarding the Hunminjeongeum font, and after the discovery of the Hunminjeongeum Haerye version(훈민정음 해례본) in the 1940s, the origin of the Hangeul creation was placed on the theory of hieroglyphics. These are still areas that require continuous discussion between the two Koreas.
 Second, the birth background of Juche calligraphy is that our own national calligraphy took place in the context of Chinese character worship of the ruling class and the Japanese national culture extinction policy. The Juche calligraphy theory seems to have started with Kim Jong-il's Juche art theory in 1992 and was formalized in Oh Kwang-seop's『Juche calligraphy』in 1997.
 In North Korea, it is regarded as “Joseon Independence” by handwritten by Kim Il-sung five years old as the origin of Juche calligraphy. With the emergence of “Joseon Independence”, a new stage has unfolded in the revolutionary calligraphy development of the working class. It is said that it opened the way for the development of independent and revolutionary calligraphy that is fundamentally different from the calligraphy of the previous period. In particular, the calligraphy shape during the anti-Japanese revolutionary struggle is a tradition of Juche calligraphy and is the original.
 Third, as a process of developing Juche calligraphy, ① played a role as a strong ideological weapon of Kim Il-sung's revolutionary struggle and construction projects after liberation. ② Kim Jong-il created monument calligraphy and opened a new era of calligraphy. ③ It solidified the institutional and educational conditions related to calligraphy that have taken root in today's North Korean calligraphy.
 As such, it is confirmed that the calligraphy culture between the two Koreas is very differentiated.

디지털 미디어 이용자들의 대북한 인식 분석을 통한 평화리터러시 구축 방안 모색

The purpose of this study is to explore ways to build Peace Literacy aimed at unification through the MZ generation's perception of North Korea on the TikTok platform. Unification education must change appropriately depending on the ones being educated and the times. The MZ generation, who grew up in a diverse digital media environment, has an increasing tendency to perceive North Korea as another country rather than as a nation, and the contents of video posts and comments also do not properly view and recognize North Korea. While many video posts introduce daily life in North Korea, comments express vague fears about war. The MZ generation is accustomed to using digital media to understand the world and solve social problems. Therefore, in order to educate the MZ generation about building peace on the Korean Peninsula, digital media should be used as an educational tool. For building Peace Literacy using digital media, first, objectivity must be guaranteed. Second, there must be a change in educational tools. Third, we need to think about what to teach. Peace Literacy with these components will enhance the ability to read, understand, and express(write) the international situation surrounding the Korean Peninsula. It is believed that the Peace Literacy program using digital media will be helpful in establishing unification policy and unification education program because it can be expanded not only to public education in schools but also to adolescents and young adults outside of school.

북한이탈주민 조기 정착을 위한 제도 개선 방안

North Korea under the socialist system has a structure in which the type and site of work are determined according to the central policy rather than employment other than individual ability in choosing jobs for its residents. Since it is important for North Korea, which is pursuing a planned economy, to achieve production goals set in accordance with each economic sector's plan, groups take precedence over individual abilities at the work site, and there are few changes in the working environment, such as turnover or relocation of work, so efforts or activities to equip individuals with competitiveness in their activities are of little significance. Most of the North Korean defectors who entered South Korea were subordinated in such a working environment at the time of their repatriation. South Korea is making great efforts to increase the competitiveness of individuals seeking employment because economic activities are determined according to the principle of marketism. North Korean defectors who were accustomed to the socialist planned economy system had jobs, but it is difficult to settle smoothly in that employment for adaptation to South Korean society is mainly achieved through competition with the general public. With 34,000 North Korean defectors now, their successful settlement in South Korean society as a priming water for the unification of the Korean Peninsula is drawing attention as a very important issue. This is because economic independence and income are achieved through employment, and the settlement of economic stability leads to stable participation in South Korean society. The economic activities of North Korean defectors will reduce the loss of social costs for them in South Korean society as a whole, which will further benefit the South Korean economy, and serve as a cornerstone for future unification of the two Koreas. Therefore, this study aims to suggest the possibility of obtaining compulsory employment-type qualifications in consideration of educational background and career in North Korea as an institutional improvement plan for early settlement based on economic stability in South Korea.

Turn the Tables? From Colonial Subjugation to a Proactive Connect: Japan’s position on North Korea’

Turn the Tables? From Colonial Subjugation to a Proactive Connect: Japan’s position on North Korea’

Religious Policy of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea in 1994–2023. An Attempt to Understand the Issue

The main goal of my article will be to analyze North Korea’s religious policy from the death of Kim Il-sung to the present. I intend to take a closer look at the views of Polish and foreign researchers on this matter, focusing especially on the aspirations of the Kim dynasty towards divine worship.At the beginning, I would like to present the theoretical aspects of religious policy, paying particular attention to the definition of the above term and its most important methodological assumptions. In this respect, it will be important to describe the problem of religious freedom. Then I try to trace the times of reign of individual Korean dynasties that referred to Confucianism. In the further part of my considerations, I present the aggressive anti-religious campaign of the North Korean communists, who, among others, Juche ideology has been striving for total mind control of the country’s inhabitants since the 1950s, which was visible in the cult of the first leader of the DPRK, Kim Il-sung. I also touch on the problem of a certain softening of the rhetoric towards religion at the turn of the 1980s and 1990s, manifested in the existence of facade churches to improve the country’s image on the international arena.In conclusion, I intend to answer the question of how the religious policy of the DPRK has evolved over the decades. Moreover, it will be important to answer the question of what role religion played in shaping the Kim dynasty, which still rules North Korea to this day.

Using Moment Tensor Inversions for Rapid Seismic Source Detection and Characterization: Application to the North Korean Nuclear Tests

AbstractThe rapid detection and source characterization of any type of seismic events including earthquakes and nuclear explosions is one of the missions of many seismological laboratories. Most often, the techniques used are based on phase picking and amplitude measurements for detecting and locating events, and for estimating magnitudes. From these parameters, especially for anthropogenic sources, event screening is then done empirically, and this may lead to misinterpretations of the source nature. However, it is known that seismic waveform inversion for the determination of the moment tensor has proven to be a reliable source physics-based method for event characterization. Here, we present a technique already used for earthquake monitoring in tectonically active regions, and we test it on very shallow natural and anthropogenic events recorded in the vicinity of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK). From a grid of potential locations and by scanning continuous seismic waveforms, it is possible to implement a rapid detector of seismic events providing the full information of the sources (origin time, location, magnitude, mechanism, and source decomposition). We show its overall performances on all past DPRK nuclear tests and regional earthquakes. From such an approach fast complete event screening is achieved. Source uncertainties can also be estimated. This stand-alone detector and identifier of seismic events may help monitoring seismological agencies to provide a rapid and complete alert for any events within a region of interest before more in-depth discrimination analysis can be run.

Insights into atmospheric trace gases, aerosols, and transport processes at a high-altitude station (2623 m a.s.l.) in Northeast Asia

As part of the efforts to understand long-range air pollution transport in Northeast Asia, a comprehensive field measurement campaign was conducted at the top of Changbai Mountain (2623 m a.s.l.) from 25th July to 21st August in 2021. The ambient concentrations of trace gases and chemical characteristics of fine particulate matter (PM2.5) were comparable to those at background or free tropospheric locations in China, but exceeded levels at corresponding sites in Europe and the United States. Well-defined diurnal variations were evident in most air pollutants, including carbon monoxide (CO), sulfur dioxide (SO2), and nitrogen oxide (NOx), reflecting the influence of boundary layer development and local anthropogenic activities. Ozone (O3) exhibited a unique diurnal distribution, with lower concentrations during the daytime and higher levels at nighttime, indicating a pronounced impact of downward transport of O3-rich air from the upper troposphere during the nighttime. During the campaign, organic carbon (OC) constituted the predominant component of PM2.5, comprising 43% of the total, while sulfate (SO42−) was the most abundant secondary inorganic component in PM2.5, accounting for 26%. Combining the analysis of air mass backward trajectories, we found that Changbai Mountain is primarily influenced by air masses originating from North Korea and the Sea of Japan, constituting 62% of the total, and local vegetation biological emissions and anthropogenic emissions in North Korea notably affect the observation site. Conversely, the secondary aerosol components were most abundant in marine air mass originating from the marginal seas of China and the strait between the Korean peninsula and southern Japan. Utilizing the Lagrangian photochemical trajectory model (LPTM), a significant increase in particulate SO42− concentrations was observed when air mass passed through the marginal seas of China, primarily due to SO2 oxidation reaction. This study contributes to an improved understanding of the atmospheric chemistry in the high-altitude regions of Northeast Asia and underscores the substantial role of secondary inorganic aerosol formation during the transport of marine air masses.

Application of the domain adaptation method using a phenological classification framework for the land-cover classification of North Korea

Efforts to achieve carbon neutrality are global, encompassing a wide range of factors. For the estimation of greenhouse gas emissions from the agriculture, forestry, and other land use (AFOLU) sector, the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change has proposed an advanced method that requires Approach 3, the highest level of suggested method, of activity data. Accordingly, we propose a phenological classification framework (PCF) that can perform land-cover classification by training the climatic repeatability of the annual cycle using a U-Net deep learning model. Additionally, the domain adaptation (DA) method can be applied to classify areas with insufficient data. We applied these methods to classify North Korea (i.e., using South Korean data), with an accuracy of 81.31%; overall this effort culminated in the simultaneous classification of the Korean Peninsula. Domain distribution comparison showed that the results for the two regions were similar. The PCF and DA methods proposed in this study allow for annual production of a land-cover map and change matrix, regardless of the presence or absence of data. The application of these methods is expected to provide a scientific basis for policy decisions that can facilitate the global attainment of carbon neutrality.

Правові аспекти державної політики стосовно запобігання та подолання COVID-19 у Північній Кореї: впровадження та ефективність правових заходів

This article analyses some (publicly available) legal aspects of COVID-19 policy in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea since the beginning of the global coronavirus outbreak and in the following years. The focus is on the legal measures implemented to prevent the spread of the virus. The paper draws conclusions about the effectiveness of the practical application of the «zero tolerance» policy in the fight against the pandemic. Pyongyang explains its success in countering the coronavirus as a proactive response to the struggle for «national survival». The country has closed its border, reduced trade with China, established a 30-day quarantine period, and imposed restrictions on the activities of foreign diplomatic and international personnel based in North Korea (essentially choosing a position of even greater isolation from the outside world in the fight against the pandemic). Having officially recognized the first case of coronavirus infection in the country only in May 2022, 3 months later, in August of the same year, North Korea declared a complete victory over COVID-19. However, the real situation with COVID-19 in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea is not obvious: in contrast to the many unreliable statements and propaganda news reports, there are studies by external experts, as well as UN reports, which seem to reflect a more realistic situation behind the Iron Curtain. Such conclusions can also be drawn from the fact that no COVID-19 vaccination campaigns have been officially conducted, and food insecurity caused by various factors, including prolonged sanctions, border closures and adverse climatic conditions, may also have hindered the ability of the population to overcome COVID-19 as successfully as claimed by the DPRK. In this article, we will try to analyze in more details the methods of countering the coronavirus in North Korea based on available official sources and assess their effectiveness, as well as their impact on the civil liberties of the DPRK population.

Санкционная политика США в отношении КНДР (1948–2020 гг.)

The article examines the evolution of the sanctions policy of the United States against North Korea. It is noted that this policy has gone through several stages over the past seventy years. The article analyzes the reasons for the restrictions, as well as the results achieved by the White House administration. The periodization of the US sanctions policy towards the DPRK is given.

R2P 관점에서 본 인도적 대북지원의 쟁점과 과제

This study summarized the achievements and issues of humanitarian assistance to North Korea and looked at the direction and Tasks in terms of ‘Responsibility to Protection(R2P)’ that has been actively raised in the international community. If we expand the concept of R2P, it includes the meaning of ‘prevention’ and ‘support’ to prevent systematic human rights violations from occurring. In other words, it can be seen that the suppression of human rights against North Koreans, the threat of survival due to food shortages, and the level of serious health care all provide the basis for the international community’s intervention in North Korea. And intervention in North Korea from an R2P perspective is actually a means of preventing North Korea’s provocations in the current situation in North Korea. Considering the past experience of humanitarian assistance to North Korea and the nature of the North Korean regime, a long-term and gradual strategy is needed to maintain both humanitarian assistance and international pressure for intervention in North Korea from the R2P’s perspective in order to bring about the ultimate change in North Korea.

국가 이미지와 통일·대북정책 태도 간 관련성에 관한 탐색적 연구

This study explores the association between South Koreans’ perceptions of neighboring countries, their views of unification, and their attitudes toward North Korea policy. By applying the framework of international image theory, this study categorizes national images and explores potential variations in attitudes toward unification and North Korea policies across different image types. The results are summarized as follows: Individuals who hold an imperial image of Japan feel are less inclined toward unification and tend to support status-quo North Korea policies. Conversely, those with an imperial image of the United States demonstrate the most proactive attitudes toward reunification, attempting to address the North and South Korean issues from a non-nationalist perspective. Respondents with a barbarian image of China, which is the most prevalent image in South Koreans, show a passive attitude toward unification, favoring peaceful coexistence similar to those with an imperial image of Japan. However, they oppose the notion that severing relations with North Korea is more beneficial, differing from the views of those who hold an imperial image of Japan. These findings suggest that evaluations of soft power are closely linked to the perceptions of neighboring countries. An improvement in cultural status leads to a barbarian image of neighboring countries, potentially fostering pessimistic attitudes toward achieving unification.

박정희 정부의 전력증강 정책 추진에 대한 미국의 대응 분석

This article examines the response of the U.S. to the Korean government's power enhancement project in terms of alliance management. The Park Chung-hee administration resolved security concerns caused by increased threats from North Korea and the withdrawal of U.S. troops from Korea, and promoted a policy to increase power for self-defense. A dual-path strategy was implemented by the Park Chung-hee administration's power enhancement policy, which combined the conventional power enhancement policy and the nuclear weapons development policy. The U.S. showed double-faced strategy to the Korea’s power enhancement policy. First, the U.S. was in a favorable position to Korea’s conventional power enhancement policy. Second, the U.S. thwarted Korea’s nuclear weapons development by checking and obstructing it. Through this study, it can be confirmed that the success or failure of an attempt to change power through the power enhancement of a weaker country in an asymmetric alliance system depends on the interests of the powerful countries. Therefore, in order to resolve the imbalance in alliance relations through the increase of its own power, weaker countries must consider and persuade the interests of powerful countries.

북·중·러 연합의 형성과 전망

This study analyzes the North Korea, China, and Russia coalition amidst complex global crises like the US-China strategic competition, the US-Russia crisis, and the North Korean nuclear issue, using coordination games and problems as analytical tools. In the ‘New Cold War’ context, they identify a focal point, form coalitions, and coordinate strategies based on reactive anti-US policies and confrontations with coalitions involving ROK, the US, and Japan. However, differing perspectives on the ‘New Cold War’ and external factors leading to divergent focal points resulted in strategic uncertainty. Forming a stable grand coalition as an institution is challenging, and there is a risk of abandonment when forming a specific coalition based on interests. Moreover, the emergence of spoilers within the coalition breeds apprehension among other nations, rendering the coalition unsustainable. Consequently, the sustainability of the North Korea-China-Russia coalition diminishes, fostering ongoing non-cooperative behavior amidst a temporary phase of adhesion.

Determination of Optimal Antigen Yield and Virus Inactivation Conditions for the Production of the Candidate Foot-and-Mouth Disease Recombinant Vaccine Strain Asia1 Shamir-R in a Bioreactor.

Since the foot-and-mouth disease (FMD) outbreak in South Korea in 2010-2011, vaccination policies utilizing inactivated FMD vaccines composed of types O and A have been implemented nationwide. However, because type Asia1 occurred in North Korea in 2007 and intermittently in neighboring countries, the risk of type Asia1 introduction cannot be ruled out. This study evaluated the antigen yield and viral inactivation kinetics of the recombinant Asia1 Shamir vaccine strain (Asia1 Shamir-R). When Asia1 Shamir-R was proliferated in shaking flasks (1 L), a 2 L bioreactor (1 L), and a wave bioreactor (25 L), the antigen yields were 7.5 μg/mL, 5.2 μg/mL, and 3.8 μg/mL, respectively. The optimal FMDV inactivation conditions were 2 mM BEI at 26 °C and 1.0 mM BEI at 37 °C. There was no antigen loss due to BEI treatment, and only a decrease in antigen levels was observed during storage. The sera from pigs immunized with antigen derived from a bioreactor exhibited a neutralizing antibody titer of approximately 1/1000 against Asia1 Shamir and Asia1/MOG/05 viruses; therefore, Asia1 Shamir-R is expected to provide sufficient protection against both viruses. If an FMD vaccine production facility is established, this Asia1 Shamir-R can be employed for domestic antigen banks in South Korea.

Russia, China, and North Korea Strategic Defense Partnership

Due to the aggravation of the global geopolitical confrontation, the relations in the sphere of security issues within the framework of the Russia - China - North Korea triangle get particular importance. The purpose of the study is to analyze the current state and prospects of the strategic defense partnership between Russia, China, and North Korea. The authors used the following methods: a system approach, a method of situational analysis, a comparative method, a method of analyzing the current situation, as well as a method of scenario forecasting. The authors analyzed the relations between Russia and China in the military sphere, Russian-North Korean relations in the security sphere, as well as the role of China and North Korea in ensuring stability in the region. It is concluded that in the current conditions of rising tensions in the AsiaPacific region, primarily on the island of Taiwan and the Korean peninsula, these countries will converge, first, against the triangle USA - Japan - South Korea, often called “Asian NATO”. To conclude, the relations between Russia, China and North Korea will not take the form of a fullfledged military alliance. It is expected that the efforts of military-technical cooperation and the possibility of mutual support in the event of a security threat to one of the countries will be deepened.

Exploring the Zone of Possible Agreement on the Nuclear Issue of the Korean Peninsula

From 2003 to 2009, China, Japan, North Korea, Russia, South Korea, and the United States engaged in a series of multilateral negotiations to address North Korea’s nuclear program. On September 19, 2005, the six participants achieved a “gold standard” agreement on denuclearization. North Korea agreed to relinquish all nuclear weapons, abstain from deploying nuclear weapons, and rejoin the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), as well as adhere to International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) safeguards. The United States affirmed its lack of nuclear weapons on the Korean Peninsula and expressed no intention of attacking or invading the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) with nuclear or conventional weapons. China, Japan, Russia, South Korea, and the United States concurred to provide energy assistance to the DPRK. Furthermore, the agreement established the principle of “commitment for commitment, action for action,” which holds significance for the spirit of future engagement. The prevailing impasse in resolving the nuclear issue on the Korean Peninsula prompts the inquiry of a possible negotiation model. This paper uses the Harvard negotiation method to examine a zone of possible agreement (ZOPA) between China, North Korea, Russia, and the United States, which culminated in the September 19, 2005 Six Party Talks agreement addressing the nuclear issue on the Korean Peninsula. The first section of the article is devoted to scrutinizing the Zone of Possible Agreement (ZOPA), which facilitated the 2005 agreement. Based on the acquired insights, the second section assesses the prospects for implementing the 2005 Joint Statement in the current context. This section also concentrates on identifying a ZOPA under current conditions, taking into account past experiences and lessons learned from past negotiations.