Donald Tusk Research Articles

Bonds not Claims. Political Representation as a form of Political Relationship

In the article, I argue that Michel Saward’s popular approach to political representation leads to its particularly problematic understanding as a potentially coercive form of political relationship. Drawing primarily on the experiences of feminist theorists, I argue that beyond analyzing the mechanism of ‘claim-making’, it is also ethically necessary to consider the possibilities and consequences of ‘claim-breaking’. Situations where political representation is broken illustrate how even institutionalized forms of representation often stem from the emotional needs of specific individuals, which politicians cynically exploit. To illustrate this, I utilize and critically assess Saward’s general explanatory model, analyzing the example of Donald Tusk’s resignation from the position of Prime Minister of Poland to assume the role of President of the European Council.

Political transformations in Poland: will a change of government lead to a change of course?

The article examines the consequences of the change of the Polish government, headed by the right-wing Euro-skeptical Law and Justice party, which has led this country since October 2015. The article presents an analysis of the results of the parliamentary elections in Poland, held on October 15, 2023, in which the PiS won a formal victory, which, however failed to form a majority coalition. As a result, the ruling alliance, which received the right to form a government, was made up of the pre-election association of the parties Civic Coalition, which included the Civic Platform parties led by former Prime Minister Donald Tusk, Modern, the Greens and the Polish Initiative, the Third Way association, which included the parties Poland 2050, the Polish People's Party, the Center for Poland, and the Union the European Democrats, as well as the union of the Left, consisting of the parties New Left and Left together. The assessment of the activities of the leading Polish political parties over the previous four years is given, the main provisions of the election platforms of the main parties and coalitions that were elected to parliament following these elections are analyzed. To identify the dynamics of changes in the political situation in Poland, a comparative analysis of the results of the leading political parties of this country in the elections of 2019 and 2023 was carried out, as well as their main characteristics. The key differences in the approaches of the country's leading parties to the IpR and the Civic Platform on domestic and foreign policy issues, including their attitude to Russia's special military operation in Ukraine, are analyzed. The process of forming a new Polish government and the influence of the country's President Andrzej Duda on it is considered.

Nie taki diabeł straszny, jak go (w telewizji) malują? Dehumanizacja jako narzędzie dyskredytacji przeciwnika politycznego na przykładzie Donalda Tuska

The subject of the research is the image of donald Tusk as the leader of the Civic Coalition and the informal leader of the opposition in Poland, emerging from public television broadcasts, in particular from the main edition of Wiadomości” broadcast on TVP1. The article identifies and discusses a set of means of expression and television techniques used by the program's producers to discredit a political opponent. It was assumed that the malicious discrediting of donald Tusk takes place, among others, using a dehumanization strategy. In order to obtain results that will enable the purpose of the research to be achieved, the following questions were asked: 1. What image of the opposition leader emerges from the evening edition of the TVP1 news program?; 2. does the way of portraying donald Tusk bear the hallmarks of malicious discredit?; 3. Which dehumanization techniques do TVP producers use and how?; 4. What threats does the dehumanization of a political opponent pose to the individual and the state of democracy in Poland? The sample included the content of 32 main editions of Wiadomości (2021–2022), and the research was qualitative (semiotic analysis, discourse analysis).

Polen ist zurück – Chancen für ein polnisch-deutsches Engagement in Europa nach den Parlamentswahlen 2023

On October 15, 2023, the Law and Justice Party (PiS) lost majority in parliamentary elections. Two months later, a new government of the Civic Coalition, Third Way, and the New Left, under the leadership of Donald Tusk was sworn in, with an ambitious agenda not only regarding domestic issues, but also elevating Poland’s position in Europe and the world. This development opens pathways for Polish-German reengagement. Opportunities emerge in particular in the realm of bilateral relations as well as intergovernmental formats. Yet, challenges persist in attitudes toward specific European policies, like migration, climate, institutional reforms.

Kogo powinni się bać Polacy? Czyli o konstrukcji wroga w narracjach Zjednoczonej Prawicy

Whom Should Poles Fear? The Construction of an Enemy in the Narrative of the United Right The article’s main objective is to analyse the statements made by politicians from the United Right regarding their methods of arousing social fears and generating an enemy. The starting point is the concept of three levels of fear proposed by Martha Nussbaum: fears arising from actual events that create uncertainty, the displacement of fear onto someone/something unrelated to the actual problem but serving as a convenient substitute (scapegoating), and the employment of the idea of a hidden/imaginary enemy. These three aspects are applied to analysing narratives concerning refugees, Donald Tusk and the LGBT+ community, and “gender ideology”. These narratives align with the concept of “fear management”, understood as a manipulative strategy that aims to eliminate undesirable ideas/groups from the discourse by arousing fears towards specific phenomena and individuals, while positioning those in power as guarantors of security. The research material is also examined through the lens of Niklas Luhmann’s (2009) information selection criteria, whose concepts of social systems and the reality of mass media are adopted as the guiding theory.

Doktryna polityczna Jarosława Kaczyńskiego i Donalda Tuska

The paper reconstructs the doctrine of Jarosław Kaczyński and Donald Tusk. The main research methods are constructivism, the comparative and factorial methods. The main distinguishing features of the concept of political doctrine are the strategic goal, the hidden goal and the means to achieve these goals. In conclusion, the author tries to highlight the differences in the approach to the doctrine of both politicians.

Análisis contrastivo de pronombres personales de los debates electorales Zapatero-Rajoy y Tusk-Kaczyński

Contrastive analysis of personal pronouns of the electoral debates Zapatero-Rajoy and Tusk-Kaczyński In this article we try to compare and characterize the two electoral debates (one in Poland, between Donald Tusk and Jarosław Kaczyński, held on the 12th of October 2007 and the second, in Spain, be- tween Mariano Rajoy Brey and José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero held on the 25th of March 2008) from the point of view of the use of pronouns and their persuasive value. The study that we present below analyzes the discursive performance of the four politicians. This research is elaborated at the syntactic level and specifically the use of deictics: I, we, you.

Polityka Niemiec wobec Polski – jej cele i skutki

Germany is Poland’s neighbor and at least formally its ally within NATO and a partner in the European Union. In spite of the cautious statements of politicians and well-balanced press articles in Poland, the time has come to make the matter clear: Polish-German relations are very bad. The wine is completely on the side of Germany. For years, Germany has been pursuing a policy that strikes Polish economic interests, Polish sovereignty and territorial integrity. They are contemptuous about Poles, they also conduct a historical policy aimed at imposing Poland on German crimes of World War II. We need a tough policy towards the European Union and Germany, especially against the campaign against Poland regarding the supposed violation of the rule of law in our country. However, one should reckon with various political and diplomatic actions and attempts at financial blackmail (the threat of cutting EU subsidies). On the other hand, we must realize that both Germany and other European countries, after experience with the United Kingdom and its exit from the European Union (Brexit) do not want to leave the Union by subsequent states, because it will mean its decay. That is why their policy towards Poland, despite its ruthlessness and brutality, will not exceed a certain level, over which there will no longer be any dialogue, only the necessity to break the Union’s bonds by the Republic. The strategy of determination and assertiveness in relations with Germany and with the structures of the Union will therefore bring Poland as a result of success. It must be remembered that Germany will not risk losing an important economic partner in the East, and this fact will also affect the moderation of their policy towards Poland. The government of our country must free itself from the influence of long-term policy implemented by the offices of Donald Tusk and Ewa Kopacz. It was a policy of subservience to the western neighbor, succumbing to his suggestions and giving way in matters in which it was necessary to maintain an unchanged iron consistency. As a result, the Germans began to disrespect us more and more clearly and treat us as a vassal state. It is therefore important to go to hard policy, because only such activities make impressions on the leadership groups in Brussels and in Berlin.

Teby-Smoleńsk-Warszawa [Thebes-Smoleńsk-Warsaw

<i>Teby-Smoleńsk-Warszawa</i> [Thebes-Smoleńsk-Warsaw

O historii nie dla idiotów: Rozmowy i przypadki [History not for idiots: Interviews and cases

<i>O historii nie dla idiotów: Rozmowy i przypadki</i> [History not for idiots: Interviews and cases

Kwestie społeczne w myśli politycznej Donalda Tuska

Donald Tusk is one of the key players on Polish political scene. His comeback had significant impact on the Poland politic in terms of the dynamics and existing emotional aspects. Upcoming elections in 2023 and all challenges before are giving an opportunity for comprehensive analysis of the fundamentals on which Donald Tusk’s political beliefs are based on. Author of this article is focusing on aforementioned because of present economic and social situation, price increase, inflation and increasing poverty. In the beginning of the career former Prime Minister and President of the European Council was strongly following liberalism and supporting decentralization, denying that the process of planning and decision-making is concentrated within a particular political group. While being a Prime Minster, Donald Tusk had changed a bit his political attitude, taking into consideration political situation at that time and potential electorate. However he was still strongly showing his disapprove towards conception of welfare state and promoting that citizens should be proactive so their living conditions could improve.

Politics and Diplomacy: Lessons from Donald Tusk’s Time as President of the European Council

Abstract The 2020 COVID pandemic has posed an unprecedented challenge to Europe’s economies, societies and political institutions. Finding solutions for the immediate and longer-term impact of the pandemic requires collaboration between the European Union’s (EU) member states and leadership from their governments at both national and European levels. The President of the European Council is central to this process, as he leads and facilitates the collaboration between the heads of states and governments. Looking back at the lessons from Donald Tusk’s time as President of the European Council from 2014 to 2019, this article argues that Tusk made an immensely important political contribution to the EU as he set the tone for a liberal and progressive agenda at a time of significant threat from populist and pro-Russian voices in Europe. However, with the recent political and institutional developments in the EU, and based on the insights from Mr Tusk’s successes and challenges, the article also argues that the role of the European Council President today requires strong brokering skills and leadership behind the scenes more than an openly political and public figure.

“Польско-польская война”: причины и последствия для политической системы

The &ldquo;Polish-Polish War&rdquo; metaphor describing relations between two major political parties &ndash; the &ldquo;Civic Platform&rdquo; and &ldquo;Law and Justice&rdquo; &ndash; has become a regular item in Polish political discourse. The article starts with explaining the origins of this conflict. The authors compare political programs of the two parties and highlight the key stages of the &ldquo;war&rdquo;, describing it in detail, focusing on events and factors that contributed to its escalation. The final section explores the effects of the conflict for the political system. Reviewing the background of the &ldquo;Polish-Polish War&rdquo; the authors point out that initially, in the late 1980s, major political actors in Poland &ndash; the Polish Communist Party and the Trade Union &ldquo;Solidarity&rdquo; &ndash; reached an agreement which contained core elements for consensus to be developed on the future soft political transition. However, the parliamentary elections of 1993 were won by left-wing parties due to the ongoing fragmentation of the groups derived from the &ldquo;Solidarity&rdquo;, as well as transition difficulties that accompanied Poland during radical economic reforms. The early 2000s created a new balance of power in the party system stemming from the disappearance of left-wing parties which had lost electoral support. The two right-wing parties lead by former political companions in the resistance for many years &ndash; Kaczynsky brothers and Donald Tusk &ndash; became major political rivals. Exploring the development of the &ldquo;Polish-Polish War&rdquo; the authors demonstrate how an abusive political rhetoric and aggressive political actions determined the political discourse and changed the sociopolitical atmosphere in Poland later on. More significantly, the mutual aversion continued even when the party leaders had changed, and it is reproduced in public speeches of the new leadership at present. It is concluded that the &ldquo;Polish-Polish War&rdquo; had a number of negative effects on the political system. Among them there are: a growing lack of public confidence in political institutions; constraining political development due to the lack of political actors with new ideas and values on the left side of the ideological spectrum, who could potentially re-evaluate the political confrontation, set aside old divisions and supply new socio-political agenda.

Imaginaries of a ‘Europe of the regions’

“I have not come here this evening to talk to you about a utopia; no, I am here to talk to you about an adventure ...: the federating of Europe.”&#x0D; These are the words of Denis de Rougemont (1948, p.1), the Swiss philosopher and scholar, given at a talk on 22nd of April 1948 at the Sorbonne, Paris. He was advocating for the cultural, historical regions to become the sub-European political units instead of nation states. I start this essay with his statement not because I necessarily agree with his views, but because he is the person who coined the term ‘Europe of the regions’ in his book The idea of Europe, which appeared in English in 1966 (de Rougemont, 1966). Donald Tusk (2016), former President of the European Union (EU), called him “a philosopher of regionalism” and “a pioneer of the EU moto of ‘unity in diversity’”. I also started this essay with de Rougemont because of his take on what constitutes Europe. In his book, he traces the history of the idea from the Greek myth of the abduction of Europa by Zeus to the 18th and 19th century federalist ideas of Napoleon and the 1960s European Community, and concludes that the search for Europe is to build Europe; that, Europe is only to be found in the process of creating it (de Rougemont, 1966). This relational perspective somewhat resonates with what I am going to discuss about ‘the region’ and a ‘Europe of the regions’.

Ewolucja reżimu politycznego w Polsce w okresie funkcjonowania rządu Beaty Szydło

Evolution of the political regime in Poland during the functioning of Beata Szydło’s government Liberal and illiberal democracies can be defined on the basis of five criteria distinct in both types of democracy: the rule of law, the government’s control, political elites’ integrity, media freedom and minorities’ protection. The article shows that four out of five criteria constituting illiberal democracy were fulfilled in Poland while Beata Szydło’s government was functioning the rule of law, the government’s control, media freedom and minorities’ protection, whereas only one systemic norm forming illiberal democracy minorities’ protection was fulfilled when the previous governments Donald Tusk and Ewa Kopacz’s governments operated. Thus, it can be stated that the transition from liberal to illiberal democracy took place in the period of the functioning of Szydło’s government.

The EU’s modular approach to defence integration: An inclusive, ambitious and legally binding PESCO?

In response to the need expressed by European leaders to protect their citizens better against security threats emanating from within and outside the EU’s borders, a package of defensive measures has been developed with remarkable speed. Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO) in the area of defence is the most emblematic innovation in this regard. This unique form of enhanced cooperation was triggered under Article 46 TEU. Yet the political rhetoric surrounding its launch has raised expectations that the EU may not be able to meet. This is mainly due to misperceptions about the legal nature and enforceability of the so-called “binding” commitments agreed to. PESCO will need to overcome at least three key challenges: raising the level of ambition while ensuring inclusivity; maintaining credibility in case participating States do not comply with their commitments; and ensuring coherence with the many other building blocks in Europe’s defence architecture. Arguably, legal commitments are the hardest in the area of industrial integration.With moves to incentivize capability development and create a single market for defence, the Community method will be applied to a field hitherto jealously shielded off by the Member States. This dimension of the incipient European Defence Union represents a game-changer in the integration process. “If you need a helping hand, you will find one at the end of your arm”, Donald Tusk, President of the European Council, 16 May 2018.

Proces prywatyzacji Stoczni Szczecińskiej Nowa Sp. z o.o. w latach 2004–2009

Between 2004 and 2009, Stocznia Szczecińska Nowa Sp. z o.o. (SSN) was one of the largest state-owned Polish companies in the shipyard sector. The privatization of the shipyard was a pivotal element of the economic plans put forward by the Governments of Marek Belka, Kazimierz Marcinkiewicz, Jarosław Kaczyński and Donald Tusk. However, this postulate was not implemented by their respective Cabinets. The difficulties in privatizing the shipyard were due to a change in the policy towards the shipbuilding industry, delays in preparing economic plans which followed from the fact that the European Commission (EC) did not accept the restructuring plans made by the companies interested in taking over the property and the assets of the shipyard, and also because the authorities responsible for finding investors were incompetent in doing so. Marek Belka’s government plan to consolidate the shipbuilding industry, aimed at selling all the property and assets of SSN within the framework of the Corporation of Polish Shipyards, was rejected by the government of Marcinkiewicz. The guidelines for privatizing the shipbuilding industry promised by the Marcinkiewicz government were never formulated or defined for the sector. The program was later accepted by the Kaczyñski Government, which despite earlier promises failed to privatize the shipyard. Donald Tusk’s Cabinet was not able to live up to the challenges connected with the shipyard industry crisis. Negotiations between the Polish Government and Amber Sp. z o.o. over the privatization plan for the shipyard failed. The shipyard’s restructuring plan produced by Mostostal Chojnice SA was not accepted by the EC. The Tusk government failed to find an investor in the public tenders announced for the property and assets of the shipyard – a Qatar company withdrew its initial proposal to buy the shipyard and there were no other investors willing to take it over. This was the main reason for the ensuing bankruptcy of the Szczecin shipyard.

O naturze sporów kompetencyjnych. Konflikty pomiędzy organami władzy państwowej w polskiej myśli polityczno-prawnej na przełomie XX i XXI wieku

Competency disputes between the organs of state authority are one of characteristics of the Polish political system functioning at the turn of the 20th century, that is since regaining independence until today. The first conflicts between the organs of executive and legislative powers emerged in the period of the Second Republic of Poland. More frequently referred to as constitutional disputes then, these competency conflicts were focused around Marshall Józef Pi³sudski, and their main cause was the interpretation of the Small Constitution, and then the Constitution of 17th March 1921. These interpretations were particularly skillfully applied by the supporters of the Marshall, especially by Stanis³aw Car, Minister of Justice, whose name gave rise to the notion of carowanie [bewitching] of the Constitution. The available sources allow the conclusion that competency disputes were one of the causes for amending the Constitution in 1935, at least from a legal point of view. The period of the Second World War also saw disputes that can be called conflicts of competency. This time the representatives of executive power played the main roles. The conflicts between Prime Minister W³adys³aw E. Sikorski and President W³adys³aw Raczkiewicz resulted in the clearly reinforced position of the former. After 1989, competency disputes became a permanent element of political life, as was the case after regaining independence in 1918. Analogous to the interwar period, a problem with the interpretation of the Constitution emerged, in particular after the Small Constitution was passed in October 1992. The notion of the ‘Falandization of law’ was coined in reference to the advisor to President Lech Wa³êsa – Professor Lech Falandysz. Also the 1997 Constitution, which remains in force, was a source of conflicts, this time between President Lech Kaczyñski and Prime Minister Donald Tusk. Competency disputes over the last two decades clearly show the direction of the further evolution of the Polish political system towards strengthening the position of the Prime Minister while limiting the powers of the head of state.

Knowing, Unknowing or Believing? Epistemic Stance in Donald Tusk’s Testimony in the Trial on the Polish Air Force Tu-154 Air Crash

Studies in Polish Linguistics » Volume 13 » Issue 4 » Knowing, Unknowing or Believing? Epistemic Stance in Donald Tusk’s Testimony in the Trial on the Polish Air Force Tu-154 Air Crash A A A

Język wypowiedzi publicznych Donalda Tuska w latach 2005-2007

There is a special model of liberal language in political science which has certain features: a tendency to use special lingual terms, tolerance, political correctness, faith in its beliefs, sense of responsibility for the country and an exposure of liberal values such as freedom and latitude, etc. The other thing is that Donald Tusk has also certain lingual features which partly fit to the liberal language model and remain a constant feature of Tusk’s language. The main features of his language are: exposure of freedom as a value constantly in danger, extraordinary underlining the role of intellect, search for confirmation of what he says to the audience, sense of responsibility for the country, comparing politics to the world of football.