Dominant Social Groups Research Articles

THE MAIN FORMS OF EXISTENCE OF IDEOLOGY IN MODERN RUSSIAN SOCIETY

Aim. To study the key forms of the existence and functioning of ideology in modern Russian society.Methodology. The main methods of research are systematic, comparative, and phenomenological.Results. There are de facto two main forms of ideology in modern Russia. This is the official ideology, the ideology of dominant social groups, which is liberalism (but at the same time there is no de jure official ideology in Russia and there cannot be), and the catacomb ideology inherent in social groups that do not occupy key positions in the economic and political life of the country, which is conservatism. The full-fledged existence and manifestation of conservative ideology in all forms inherent in the official ideology depends to the greatest extent on these groups gaining real dominance or, more likely, real co-dominance in the economic and political systems of society.Research implications. The results of the study make a certain contribution to political theory, and are important for forecasting modern Russia’s political development.

Review: Becoming: Transformative Storytelling for Education’s Future, edited by Laura Colket, Tracy Penny Light, and M. Adam Carswell

Review: <i>Becoming: Transformative Storytelling for Education’s Future</i>, edited by Laura Colket, Tracy Penny Light, and M. Adam Carswell

Indigenous People and Communities: The Role of Social Workers as Human Rights Workers

Indigenous people are the members of a group of people whose ancestors have lived in the same land since the time immemorial. While there is no universally recognized definition of indigenous people, but according to the United Nations Indigenous people are inheritors and practitioners of unique culture and the ways of relating to people and environment. They consist of a non-dominant group of people that share a common pre-colonial history with a culture, language, and belief system that is separate and distinct from the dominant social group within the larger society. The UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples demonstrates the general consensus of the international community of support for the rights of indigenous people. Following points are mentioned in this article such as characteristics of indigenous people and, how social workers can move towards more empowering, rights based practice that develops individual and community capacity. Social Work curriculums across the nation all devote a significant amount of time and focus to looking at skills for working with Indigenous people and communities in the context of historical, social, economic and cultural considerations, so that the social workers of tomorrow are well acquainted in issues that impact on their Indigenous clients.

What does person-centred care mean, if you weren't considered a person anyway: An engagement withperson-centred care and Black, queer, feminist, and posthuman approaches.

Despite the prominence of person-centred care (PCC) in nursing, there is no general agreement on the assumptions and the meaning of PCC. We sympathize with the work of others who rethink PCC towards relational, embedded, and temporal selfhood rather than individual personhood. Our perspective addresses criticism of humanist assumptions in PCC using critical posthumanism as a diffraction from dominant values We highlight the problematic realities that might be produced in healthcare, leading to some people being more likely to be disenfranchised from healthcare than others. We point to the colonial, homo- and transphobic, racist, ableist, and ageist consequences of humanist traditions that have influenced the development of PCC. We describe the deep rooted conditions that structurally uphold inequality and undermine nursing practicethat PCC reproduces. We advocate for the self-determination of patients and emphasize that we support the fundamental mechanisms of PCC enabling patients' choice; however, without critical introspection, these are limited to a portion of humans. Last, we present limitations of our perspective based on our white*-cisheteropatriarchy** positionality. We point to the fact that any reimagining of models such as PCC should be carefully done bylistening, following, and ceding power to people with diversity dimensions*** and the lived experience or expertise that exists from diverse perspectives. We point towards Black, queer feminism, and critical disabilities studies to contextualize our point of critique with humanism and PCCto amplify equity for all people and communities. Theory and philosophy are useful to understand restrictive factors in healthcare delivery and to inform systematic strategies to improve the quality of care so as not to perpetuate the oppression of groups of people with diversitydimensions.* We purposely capitalize Black and use lower case for white to decentre whiteness and as an intentional act of antiracism (see White Homework a podcast series by Tori W. Douglas).** Cisheteropatriarchy describes people with intersecting identities of dominant social groups; cisgender is the gender identity that aligns with the gender you were assigned at birth, hetero means heterosexual, and patriarchy refers to structural systems of power based on maleness where women are often excluded and hold less power.*** With diversity dimensions, we refer to subjective lived experience and material realities of people that exist outside the 'dominant minorities'of white-cisheteropatriarchy, meaning groups of people in society who historically and currently hold more power and through this, structurally dominate the norms and possibilities of living for other people.

Walking the Talk: Employing Culturally Relevant Pedagogy in Teacher Education

Background: Teacher education programs (TEPs) have a mandate to prepare teachers qualified to educate culturally and linguistically diverse student populations. In addition, the demographic imperative compels TEPs to recruit preservice teachers from underrepresented communities; yet, just as youth of color are marginalized in schools, so too are teacher candidates of color (TCCs) marginalized in TEPs. Just as conventional TEP curriculums fail to decenter dominant social groups, so too do many teacher educators fail to enact asset-based pedagogy. A teacher quality gap and culturally rooted disenfranchisement persist. Purpose: I examine how TCCs are prepared to teach critically in demographically pluralistic schools and how one teacher educator of color attempts to close the teacher quality gap with a diverse preservice teacher cohort through the application of culturally relevant pedagogy (CRP). Although asset pedagogies are widely accepted as best practice in P–12 classrooms, there exists a dearth of research on their impact on postsecondary spaces. Moreover, multicultural education scholarship focused on the experiences of TCCs is limited. Research Design: Drawing from a larger critical ethnographic study of two diversity courses in an urban TEP, this article explicates one teacher educator’s application of CRP. I utilize the core tenets of CRP—academic achievement, cultural competence, and sociopolitical consciousness—to bridge the gap between theory and practice through illustrations of intentional critical pedagogy. Data were analyzed from field notes, interviews of students and faculty, course assignments, readings, syllabi, evaluations, and other relevant artifacts. Results: Findings indicate that modeling CRP is paramount to developing culturally relevant pedagogues and that making known the interdependence of CRP’s three fundamental pillars is central to transformative learning experiences for preservice teachers. Although challenging, CRP at the postsecondary level is an achievable endeavor that requires increased faculty innovation, reflexivity, and humility. Conclusion: The project offers practical applications of CRP that are adaptable to most teacher preparation courses. Recommendations include a call for more studies that examine the use of asset-based pedagogies in higher education, especially in TEPs.

The challenge of decolonizing knowledge: the Marielle Franco Favela Dictionary.

Dominant social groups describe favelas based on negative stereotypes, which are increasingly being challenged by various collective actors. Originating from a collaborative effort carried out by academics and favela residents, the Marielle Franco Favela Dictionary is an online platform that aims to spread alternative narratives regarding these territories and their populations through collective knowledge building. This article discusses the common ground and points of contention regarding the different forms of knowledge held by academics, activists, and favela residents. Furthermore, we reconstruct the trajectory of the Dictionary’s creation, and in so doing overcome certain tensions and incorporate other languages and registers able to support the production of memory in favelas.

Rapport Management in Online Racial Humor

The present paper aims to investigate how racial humor, posted on Twitter affects rapport between interlocutors at both the interpersonal and intercommoned levels. Thus, the main problem this thesis attempt to address is English as a Lingua Franca (ELF) users' potential lack of awareness of the racially sensitive issues and how to deal with them in (online) intercultural communication. The paper aims to advance the understanding as to how the social and technological affordances of the medium (Herring, 2007) can shape the contexts in which racial humor is morally perceived and attitudinally assessed (in terms of politeness and impoliteness) by the audience on Twitter. After in-depth reading and a systematic coding process, a dataset totaling (312) racial jokes and (956) responses from various users, racial jokes circulated online were found to orient rapport either towards challenge or enhancement. These two rapport orientations were found to be (im)politeness-implicative on two different levels; the interpersonal level between the account administrator and his/her followers, and the societal level between social groups targeted by racial humor and the dominant social group in the society.

Risk aversion and elite‐group ignorance

AbstractCritical race theorists and standpoint epistemologists argue that agents who are members of dominant social groups are often in a state of ignorance about the extent of their social dominance, where this ignorance is explained by these agents' membership in a socially dominant group (e.g., Mills 2007). To illustrate this claim bluntly, it is argued: 1) that many white men do not know the extent of their social dominance, 2) that they remain ignorant as to the extent of their dominant social position even where this information is freely attainable, and 3) that this ignorance is due in part to the fact that they are white men. We argue that on Buchak's (2010, 2013) model of risk averse instrumental rationality, ignorance of one's privileges can be rational. This argument yields a new account of elite‐group ignorance, why it may occur, and how it might be alleviated.

Gender and Human Rights Within UNESCO’s International Heritage Discourse: An Analysis of the World Heritage and Intangible Heritage Conventions

ABSTRACT Human rights discourses have significant relevance to contemporary understandings of heritage and its conservation, particularly in the context of the key international conventions for safeguarding the world’s cultural heritage promulgated by UNESCO. The right to heritage is recognized as a human right falling under the right to culture or cultural identity. However, states are the primary bodies responsible for heritage identification and conservation, and may prefer to preserve the heritage of dominant social groups. Heritage identification and management by states, including the nomination of items for inclusion on the World Heritage List of the Convention Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage and the Representative List of the Convention for Safeguarding the Intangible Cultural Heritage, thus has the potential to compromise the cultural rights of marginalized social groups, including women. Existing research and original research discussed herein reveal a dearth of heritage associated with women on both Lists. However, the problematic gender dynamics of this discourse goes beyond simple representativeness to encompass the ways in which women and their heritage are portrayed. The Representative List typically seeks to maintain existing social relations, including gender relations, with negative implications for women’s human rights set out in the UN Convention to Eliminate all Forms of Discrimination Against Women.

The effect of group membership and individuating information on automatic and deliberate evaluation of well-known people.

People's automatic (unintentional, uncontrollable, and efficient) preference between social groups often determines their automatic preference between unknown individual members of these groups, a prominent example for automatic prejudice. What happens when the person making the judgment has long known the target individuals? Practice might automatize the deliberate judgment of the individuals. Then, if deliberate judgment is nonprejudiced, automatic prejudice might decrease. In 29 studies (total N = 4,907), we compared preferences between a famous member of a dominant social group and a famous member of a stigmatized social group on indirect measures of evaluation that were developed to measure automatic preference and on self-report measures. In most studies, we chose pairs based on prior self-reported preference for the member of the stigmatized group. The measures showed discrepancy, with indirect measures suggesting an automatic preference for the member of the dominant group. We replicated these results with various target individuals, two pairs of social groups (Black/White, old/young), two indirect measures, and in two countries (Studies 1-23). The indirectly measured prodominant preference was stronger when visual characteristics of the group were present rather than absent (Studies 24 and 25), suggesting a stronger effect of group characteristics on automatic than on deliberate preference between the individuals. On self-report and indirect measures, the preferences between individuals were related to the preferences between their groups (Studies 26 and 27) yet also to individuating information (Studies 28 and 29). Our results suggest that group evaluation plays a central role in the automatic evaluation of familiar (and not only novel) members of stigmatized groups. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2021 APA, all rights reserved).

Bots as online impersonators

Social bots are automated agents programmed to act on social media impersonating human behaviour to influence discussions online. This paper aims to contribute to the discussion of how bots can endanger online communication and alter information flows. We resorted to a mixed-method approach based on grounded theory and observational techniques in order to investigate the bots’ activities online during the 2016 municipal elections in Rio de Janeiro. We collected related content on Twitter in this period and detected 3,101 bots. This sample was classified in three categories based on tweeting content: user-generated bot, media spambot, and political bot. Our findings indicate that, although bots work for different political and social purposes, their computational nature claims into service of dominant social groups and economical elites. We conclude that computational propaganda is building a dangerous scenario of widespread automation in which different kinds of algorithms bias social media conversation.

Invisibility of Social Privilege to Those Who Have It

Dominant social groups often lack awareness of their own privilege, failing to perceive the extent of discrimination experienced by subordinate groups. We unravel an underlying cognitive process: advantaged social groups suffer from hypocognition—the absence of being schematic—of everyday hassles experienced by non-privileged groups. Right-handers generated fewer handedness-related hassles than left-handers (Study 1). Men generated fewer gender discrimination instances than women, recalled fewer precautions against assault, and showed poorer recognition of gender discrimination examples from a TEDx talk (Studies 2a-2c). Whites generated fewer racial discrimination instances than Blacks and recalled fewer such instances (Studies 3a-3b). Whites also generated fewer discrimination examples than Asians and reacted more slowly when classifying examples as discriminatory (Study 4). Hypocognition of privilege persisted whether privilege was framed as the absence of disadvantages or presence of advantages (Study 5). Whites showed hypocognition whether discrimination was made salient or not, suggesting hypocognition is unlikely fueled by motivated denial (Study 6). After watching a transgender woman describe her discrimination experience living as a woman, both men and women showed increased privilege awareness and discrimination perception (Study 7). Findings suggest that the invisibility of one’s privilege need not solely reflect identity-defensive motivations, but may also stem from cognitive deficits in conceptual knowledge about privilege and discrimination.

Workplace Populism? Workforce Diversity and Dominant Group Reactions to Pro-Diversity Claims

Existing research indicates that workers from historically dominant social groups (such as white workers in the United States) tend to view pro-diversity claims with indifference when it comes to choosing between employers. I argue, however, that perceptions of growing workforce diversity shifts this indifference to aversion as these claims come to be seen as undermining the group's now-at-risk status. I test these predictions using a pre-registered survey experiment on a representative sample of non-Hispanic white Americans (n=3,000). I find that information illustrating growing racial diversity in the United States labor market decreases attraction to a company that make a pro-diversity claim, but only among subjects without a bachelor's degree. I show that this information does not affect attraction to a company that makes a non-discrimination claim or makes no mention of diversity. In exploratory analysis, I present evidence that this effect is driven by newfound taste-based aversion to these firms rather than a shift in beliefs regarding unobservable firm characteristics.

Electrification and welfare for the marginalized: Evidence from India

Uneven electrification can be a source of welfare disparity. Given the recent progress of electrification in India, we analyze the differences in access and reliability of electricity, and its impact on household welfare for marginalized and dominant social groups by caste and religion. We carry out longitudinal analysis from a national survey, 2005–2012, using OLS, fixed effects and panel instrumental variable regressions. Our analysis shows that marginalized groups (Hindu SC/ST and Muslims) had higher likelihood of electricity access compared to the dominant groups (Hindu forward castes and OBC). In terms of electricity reliability, in a period when the all households lost electricity hours, marginalized groups lost less electricity hours in a day as compared to domi- nant groups. Results showed that electrification enabled marginalized households to increase their consumption, assets and move out of poverty, but the effect was smaller as compared to dominant groups. Overall, the effects were more pronounced in rural areas. The findings are robust to alternative ways of measuring consumption, and other robustness checks. We posit that electrification increased household welfare of marginalized groups, but did not reduce absolute disparities among social groups.

Discursos de ódio: uma análise à luz da colonialidade: Hate speech: an analysis in the light of coloniality

Hate speech are a form of discrimination and are predominantly directed against social groups in a position of subordination. During modern colonialism, the domination of the colonized took place through derogatory discourses that legitimized their inferiority status. This inferiorization was the result of the disqualification of the characteristics of these peoples distinct from the European pattern of behavior and production of knowledge. In Western democracies, negative representations against these same groups are still frequent even today. They are present, in the same way, in expressions that surpass the offensive and intolerant character and configure hate speech. International guidelines point out that the discriminatory component that configures an expression of hatred is sometimes linked to pre-existing stereotypes about certain collectivities, reinforcing them. Based on these premises, this article investigates whether and to what extent the hate speeches in the western societies can be deemed a colonial phenomenon. It is an exploratory research, with bibliographical e documental review based on the postcolonial and decolonial theoretical perspective. Finally, we verify that: a) hate speech can be considered expressions of coloniality in the Western culture societies; b) hate speech also occurs as a reaction, on the part of dominant social groups, to situations of empowerment and attempts of discriminated social groups to break up their subordinated status.

‘Staying in the Nationalist Bubble’

‘Staying in the Nationalist Bubble’

(Re)organizing the music curriculum as multicultural music education

Cultural hegemony permeates society and is spread through social institutions. These institutions socialize people into the norms, values and beliefs of the dominant social groups. Moreover, cultural hegemony is spread and perpetuated through education in the form of compulsory education, a national curriculum, national assessments, as well as the hidden curriculum. The cultural hegemony of Western Art Music is established as the standard of music making and is institutionalized in education systems, national curricula and national assessment practices because it is inherent in ideologies and decision making. To counter the dominant hegemony, multicultural education philosophies have been adopted in democracies. The purpose of multicultural education is to change the dominant hegemony and bring about transformation in policy, attitudes, curriculum, assessment, the language of instruction, and strategies for learning and teaching. In this article, I discuss and compare music curricula from South Africa and Australia to determine how multiculturalism is manifested in the curriculum content for music in schools. I also suggest possible frameworks for curriculum developers in democracies to consider, which would subvert the status quo and establish a counter-hegemony.

Electrification and Welfare for the Marginalized: Evidence from India

Uneven electrification can be a source of welfare disparity. Given the recent progress of electrification in India, we analyze the differences in access and reliability of electricity, and its impact on household welfare for marginalized and dominant social groups by caste and religion. We carry out longitudinal analysis from a national survey, 2005-2012, using OLS, fixed effects, and panel instrumental variable regressions. Our analysis shows that marginalized groups (Hindu Schedule Caste/Schedule Tribe and Muslims) had higher likelihood of electricity access compared to the dominant groups (Hindu forward castes and Other Backward Caste). In terms of electricity reliability, marginalized groups lost less electricity hours in a day as compared to dominant groups. Results showed that electrification enabled marginalized households to increase their consumption, assets and move out of poverty; the effects were more pronounced in rural areas. The findings are robust to alternative ways of measuring consumption, and use of more recent data set, 2015-2018. We posit that electrification improved the livelihoods of marginalized groups. However, it did not reduce absolute disparities among social groups.

"Outside In: Power, Identity, and the Han Lineage of Jizhou," by Pamela Crossley

Reviewed by: "Outside In: Power, Identity, and the Han Lineage of Jizhou," by Pamela Crossley Shao-yun Yang and Ruth Dunnell Pamela Crossley, "Outside In: Power, Identity, and the Han Lineage of Jizhou," JSYS 43 (2013): 51–89. This article originated as a graduate seminar paper in 1981. While Crossley's research refocused on the Qing, she retained a strong interest in the Liao and presented a reconstructed and updated version of the paper at the conference "Perspectives on the Liao" in 2010, which was finally published in JSYS 43 (2013). "Outside In" is based on prosopographical analysis of the descendants of Han Zhigu 韓知古, who was taken as a teenager from the Tang prefecture of Jizhou 薊州 by Kitan raiders. Zhigu became a leading official in the Liao empire, entered the Kitan aristocracy via marriage, and fathered eleven sons, all of whom served in government or the military. Using excavated epitaphs of his male descendants, Crossley argues that despite their ancestry, they did not identify as Chinese or han 漢 and therefore were not "Kitanized" Chinese. Nor did they represent a "third culture," neither Kitan nor Chinese, as Wittfogel and Feng suggested in 1946. Rather, they were Kitan aristocrats pure and simple, members of a bicultural and bilingual elite that was not divided into discrete "cultural identities" based on ancestry.1 [End Page 230] The article's last section advances a provocative thesis, further elaborated in an essay published in 2016.1 In sum: in the Liao, han identity existed only at the level of dependent farmers, soldiers, laborers, and functionaries. The same could be said of other non-Kitan identities like Bohai/Parhae. Though Kitan identity straddled the elite/dependent divide, "[i]n practice, aristocracy was its own identity under the Liao," overriding Kitan identity. Because Liao aristocrats did not feel a strong sense of affinity for dependent Kitan subjects, Han Zhigu and his progeny did not undergo "Kitanization" so much as "aristocratization," acculturation into the dominant social status group.2 To our knowledge, Crossley's thesis has not had significant influence on studies of the "conquest dynasties" and the Chinese Middle Period more broadly. Yet it has important implications for ongoing debates over what identities now routinely (if imprecisely) translated as "Chinese" actually meant in premodern periods. Crossley's argument about han identity could be supplemented by evidence suggesting that Liao elites did appropriate other identities from classical Chinese discourse: namely, Zhongguo 中國 and Hua 華.3 Even the salience of han identity among the Song elite needs further investigation. Close reading of Song sources suggests that the elite preferred the prestigious classical identities Zhongguo, Hua, and Xia 夏, and used Han only to refer to non-elite registered subjects on the frontier or "Chinese" populations under Liao, Xia, and Jin rule. The key difference between the Liao and Song elites may not be the absence of han identity in the former but the absence of aristocratic and bicultural identities in the latter. Rather than assume an increasingly coherent "Han" identity as the norm in premodern Chinese history, we should view Hanren as a fluid category whose meaning and scope varied across political and geographical contexts before becoming "fixed," post-1911, as an official identity for all citizens of the Zhongguo state who did not identify with an ethnonym denoting "barbarian" origins. [End Page 231] Shao-yun Yang Denison University Ruth Dunnell Kenyon College (Emerita) Footnotes 1. Pamela Kyle Crossley, "Bohai/Parhae Identity and the Coherence of Dan gur under the Kitan/Liao Empire," International Journal of Korean History 21.1 (2016): 11–45. 2. Crossley, "Bohai/Parhae Identity," 14. 3. Pace certain colleagues in China who work on Liao history, we would argue that this is better understood as a case of ideological competition rather than cultural "Sinicization." Copyright © 2021 Society for Song, Yuan, and Conquest Dynasties Studies

EXPRESSION OF THE OPPRESSED: USING CRITICAL PEDAGOGY IN ARTS EDUCATION TO DISRUPT SYSTEMS OF OPPRESSION

In 1970, Paulo Freire introduced critical pedagogy in Pedagogy of the Oppressed. Since that time, critical pedagogy has been widely applied in general education and has slowly integrated into music, theatre, dance, and visual arts education. Rooted in the critical examination of power, critical pedagogy is a way of critically examining how we conceptualize, navigate, and reimagine the relationship between teacher, student, and the established knowledge being taught in the classroom. Critical pedagogues argue that selectively teaching knowledge representing certain viewpoints while omitting other viewpoints fosters hegemony – dominance of one group over another – in the classroom. Such educational inequities and exclusion are tied to disaffection, social fragmentation and conflicts. Arts education is not exempt from curricular hegemony. The longstanding practice of grounding arts education in definitions of ‘artistic value’ as determined by dominant social groups makes the field resistant to critical pedagogy. By applying critical pedagogy, arts educators can break the cycle of hegemony and instead foster the principles of equity, recognition, and inclusion.