Dominant Ethnic Group Research Articles

Integrasi Sosial Masyarakat Multietnik Di Nagari Sitiung Kabupaten Dhamasraya

The transmigration program is one of the causes of the multi-ethnic communities in a place, becausein addition to the presence of different ethnic groups being moved to the area, it also invites the arrival of otherethnic groups from various places as a result of new economic developments in the direction of transmigrationdestinations. In many places in Indonesia there are conflicts between indigenous people and ethnic migrants. Incontrast to Nagari Sitiung, with the village bedol transmigration program since 1976 there are people withvarious ethnicities with dominant ethnic groups Minangkabau and Javanese, creating a harmonious life in thecommunity. So it is interesting to be researched how the functioning of social institutions in the communitycreates a harmonious life. The purpose of this study is 1) to analyze the workings of multi-ethnic communitysocial institutions, so that harmonious social integration takes place, 2) Describe the forms of social integrationof multi-ethnic societies, so as to support harmonious social life. As a knife for analyzing this research, thetheory rational choice was used by James Coleman. This research methodology uses a qualitative approach, whilethe type of research used is descriptive. Selection of informants by using purposive sampling. Data collection isdone by using observation techniques and in-depth interviews. The research results show that social integrationof the community occurs by the work of social institutions in the community that can integrate the community,especially the two dominant ethnic groups (Javanese and Minangkabau). Social institutions that work includemarriage and family institutions, political institutions, educational institutions, religious institutions, economicinstitutions. Forms of cooperation between ethnic groups supporting social integration are collaboration carriedout by the multi-ethnic community, such as in educational activities, the implementation of traditionalceremonies, religious ceremonies, mutual cooperation in various development activities and decision making inNagari Sitiung.

The Role of Social Networks in Economic Decision Making Processes: The Case of Customers in Selected Banks of Shashemene Town, Oromia, Ethiopia

The aim of this research was to assess the role of social networks (circles of friends, family members, close relatives, members of an ethnic group, congregates of a certain religion, etc) in peoples’ economic decision making endeavors, focusing on how these variables influence customers’ choice of banks in Shashemene town, Oromia, Ethiopia. Oromia International Bank and Cooperative Bank of Oromia were purposively selected as case studies with the intention that the nomenclature of the organizations is associated to the largest ethnic group in the study area (oromo). A descriptive survey research design was used in which quantitative data were collected from 237 samples selected based on convenience sampling technique. Data were then inserted in to SPSS version 20 for further analysis and presented using descriptive statistical tools. It was found that 79.3% of customers belong to the dominant ethnic group in the study area (Oromo). Respondents’ decision of becoming customers of the current bank was made because there were employees in the bank with whom they had personal relationships, realizing that they can make transactions using their mother-tongue language, the nomenclature of the bank is associated to their ethnic identity, and due to recommendations from close relatives and friends that have been using the bank (8%, 5.1%, 25.7%, 5.5%, respectively). In addition, social networks also play the role of serving as sources of information for customers during the process of bank selection. Findings suggest that social networks influence individuals’ economic behavior by supplying information, serving as role models, and recommending others to join an economic behavior similar to their own. Above all, people do not always behave after rational calculations of the costs and benefits of an economic action; instead, they also act according to the social setting in which they live, often in an attempt to comply with existing norms. Keywords: - economic behavior, bank selection, social networks, rationality, ethnicity DOI : 10.7176/JCSD/52-02 Publication date :October 31 st 2019

PRESERVATION OF STATUS QUO OR INTER-ETHNICITY RELATION THE DYNAMICS OF MALAY-CHINESE ECONOMIC RELATION IN THE NORTHERN COAST AREA OF WEST KALIMANTAN

The ideal goal of interactions that an ethnic group performs within itself or with other ethnic groups entails more than mere actualization of values; good and bad, proper and improper, right and wrong. The diverse ethnic groups living together in the Northern Coast of West Kalimantan which covers: Bengkayang Regency coasts, Singkawang City, and Sambas Regency have revealed at least three dominant local ethnic groups, i.e. Dayak, Malay, and Chinese. The dynamics of economic relation between Malay and Chinese people in the Northern Coast of West Kalimantan, from Functional Structural perspective and regarding Malay economic actors in Sambas Regency and Chinese economic actors in Singkawang City both were based on ethnic dominance—was deliberately created as an effort to strengthen system stability or status quo for the interest of the dominant group. From non-functional perspective, the analysis began on the concept of society as a complex social system, in which economic competition was a sub-system; both were functionally interdependent. Society could become a means to realize a conflict of power because job and earnings were distributed unfairly and differently

PRESERVATION OF STATUS QUO OR INTER-ETHNICITY RELATION THE DYNAMICS OF MALAY-CHINESE ECONOMIC RELATION IN THE NORTHERN COAST AREA OF WEST KALIMANTAN

The ideal goal of interactions that an ethnic group performs within itself or with other ethnic groups entails more than mere actualization of values; good and bad, proper and improper, right and wrong. The diverse ethnic groups living together in the Northern Coast of West Kalimantan which covers: Bengkayang Regency coasts, Singkawang City, and Sambas Regency have revealed at least three dominant local ethnic groups, i.e. Dayak, Malay, and Chinese. The dynamics of economic relation between Malay and Chinese people in the Northern Coast of West Kalimantan, from Functional Structural perspective and regarding Malay economic actors in Sambas Regency and Chinese economic actors in Singkawang City both were based on ethnic dominance—was deliberately created as an effort to strengthen system stability or status quo for the interest of the dominant group. From non-functional perspective, the analysis began on the concept of society as a complex social system, in which economic competition was a sub-system; both were functionally interdependent. Society could become a means to realize a conflict of power because job and earnings were distributed unfairly and differently

Ethno‐political subordination and patient dissatisfaction: The Kurdish case in Hakkâri during the AKP period in Turkey, 2003–2013

AbstractThis article revolves around a puzzle: the persistence of patient dissatisfaction with the health services as a mass phenomenon in a Kurdish province, Hakkâri, through the 2000s, despite the striking and tangible improvements enacted by the Turkish state. This is, I argue, related to the deeply entrenched conviction on the part of Hakkârians that their lives count for little in the eyes of the Turkish state. Rooted in the history of state‐Kurds relations, this conviction manifests itself in Hakkârians' deep distrust of the very basis of health services received, like the skills and intentions of health staff, causing many Hakkârians to underestimate service improvement. Thus, it is concluded, patient satisfaction among an ethnically subordinated group with health services provided by a dominant ethnic group may be unavoidably informed and perhaps overwhelmingly determined by an awareness of the wider ethno‐power context and its history, irrespective, that is, of material improvements.

A Critical Literary Review of the Melting Pot and Salad Bowl Assimilation and Integration Theories

Immigrant communities have varying degrees of acculturation based on their predispositions for specific cultural norms, and their propensity to exhibit similarities in principles, values, and a common lifestyle with dominant racial and ethnic groups. Food metaphors like the Melting Pot and the Salad Bowl theories have illustrated different approaches to integration by explaining the political and power dynamics between dominant and minority groups. Yet, little consideration is given in either theory to existing local contexts that influence the actions of these groups. By combining ethnic identities into homogenous outcomes, food metaphors empower dominant ethnic groups and sets the tone for discriminatory legislative policies that eliminate programs aimed at helping minorities. For refugees, this obscures their actual socio-political circumstances and erases their historical experiences. This paper aims to review and critique existing literature about metaphorical homogenous assimilation and integration theories, especially with regards to their application in the United States. This paper postulates that using a homogenous common good as the baseline metaphor of assimilation disregards the individual accommodations that need to be made for both dominant and minority communities. These accommodations, although sometimes separate from the collective good, have a significant role in creating conducive environments for diversity and inclusion.

Attitudes Toward Globalization in Ranked Ethnic Societies

In ethnically ranked societies, the gains from trade hold redistributive implications for members of different ethnic groups. In this paper, we argue that trade provides new avenues of economic advancement for individuals belonging to ethnic groups that have historically been excluded from domestic labor markets and compartmentalized into lower-skilled occupations. In developing countries that hold a comparative advantage in producing lower-skilled labor-intensive goods, members of discriminated ethnic groups therefore stand to gain relatively more from an open economy. We present evidence from three large, post-election surveys of Indian voters from the period 1999 to 2009 to show that individuals belonging to disadvantaged caste and religious communities are significantly more likely to support trade liberalization. We then probe the mechanisms underlying this finding by using an original survey experiment on a nationally representative sample of Indian voters. We find that members of dominant ethnic groups focus exclusively on economic considerations while developing trade policy preferences. For members of discriminated groups, by contrast, ethnicity considerations are paramount and reinforce the effects of material self-interest. Our findings point to ethnicity as a key determinant of economic policy preferences regarding globalization for disempowered communities in ethnically segmented societies.

Incorporating emotion into social exchange: considering distinct resident groups’ attitudes towards ethnic neighborhood tourism in Osaka, Japan

While numerous studies have utilized SET to examine the residents’ attitudes towards tourism, relatively scant from the literature is a discussion regarding the influence of emotion generated through SET among residents on their attitudes towards tourism. In addition, past studies mainly explored the social exchange between visitors and locals, while neglecting the social exchange within a local community. The goal of this study is to examine the influence individuals’ emotions toward their ethnic counterparts within a community can have on residents’ (i.e., members of the dominant ethnic group—Japanese and members of the ethnic minority group—Koreans) attitudes toward ethnic neighborhood tourism within the Korean neighborhood of Ikuno, Osaka, Japan. Ikuno has the highest concentration of Korean residents in Japan, and the town has become a destination of cultural tourism centered on Korean culture. Analysis of 640 completed questionnaires revealed while attitudes of Korean residents, who are more likely to perceive economic benefits from tourism have more favorable attitudes towards tourism, Japanese residents form their particular attitudes towards tourism based on the emotional solidarity they experience with their Korean neighbors. These findings indicate both utility of economic approach of social exchange theory and significant role of emotion in social exchange.

Rebo nyunda: Is it decolonising early childhood education in Bandung, Indonesia?

Abstract Since 2012, Indonesia has been obsessed with the notion of melestarikan budaya lokal (preserving local culture) as part of Indonesian Cultures. In West Java, Indonesia, the cultural revitalisation program is called “Rebo Nyunda”. Rebo means Wednesday; nyunda means being Sundanese. Sunda is the dominant ethnic group in West Java and the second largest ethnic group in Indonesia. Childhood often becomes a site for implanting ideologies, including nationalist ideology through the rhetoric of anti-West. Rebo Nyunda is expected to be able to shape future generations with strong cultural roots and unshaken by negative foreign ideas. Using focus group discussions this paper investigates the extent to which teachers understand Rebo Nyunda as a mean of cultural resistance to foreign forces amid the wholesale adoption of early childhood education doctrines from the West, such as the internationalisation of early childhood education, developmentally appropriate practices, neuroscience for young children, child-centred discourse, economic investment and the commercialisation of childhood education. This paper examines the complexity of and contradictions in teachers’ perceptions of Rebo Nyunda in Bandung, a city considered a melting pot of various ethnic groups in Indonesia.

'White Terror and Ghosts of Kenya': Postcolonial, Socio-Political Imagery and Narratives of Kenyan Diasporas

“White Terror” (2013), a BBC documentary details colonial atrocities in Kenya and thereafter state of emergency. I argue, ghosts (memories) of the atrocities still haunt a few remaining colonial survivors. Socio-political colonial structures were inherited in post-independence Kenya. The documentary based on Harvard’s History Professor Caroline Elkins (2005) research was evidenced in a legal suit of five colonial survivors against the British government for torture. Post-2007 ethno-political conflicts in Kenya can be linked to misappropriations in the 1954 Swynerton land tenure reforms. British occupation of native land sparked an insurgency that resulted in a state emergency (1952-1960), and later turned into struggle for independence. To Kenyans, Mau Mau (largely Kikuyus) were freedom fighters, but inhuman savage terrorists to colonial agents. Geographical annexing of land placed the Kikuyu, a dominant ethnic group close to the colonial capital, while the rest of the tribes were disbursed in the peripheries. In postcolonial Kenya, political and economic disparities herald power struggles between dominant ethnicities, in the case of Kenya; Kikuyu, Luo and Kalenjin. Postcolonial theory was a result of colonial experience, “the testimonies of the third world countries and discourses of minorities within geographical and political divisions of “East and West”, “North and South” (Bhabha 1994). First generational Kenyans survived colonialism, but retain narratives of the struggle over colonial domination. Using a postcolonial and discourse theoretic qualitative methodology for documentary and interviews analysis, this paper traces narratives of postcolonial Kenya and impacts on present day social political challenges.

Esperanto and the Market State

The nation state is a form of government that merges a dominant ethnic or culture group with a political entity on a shared territory. It dates from the 17th and 18th centuries and it was the dominant state form in the 19th and 20th centuries. In this model, government legitimacy stems from providing services (such as education, infrastructure and social programs) to the citizenry. Esperanto is a product of the nation state period and much of the symbolism and structure of the Esperanto movement is tied to nation state ideas. At present however, according to many social and political analysts, this form of state organization is now in decline and a new state form, often referred to as the market state, is emerging. In the market state the relationship between citizens and governments, as well as governments with each other, undergo profound, far reaching changes. This article examines opportunities and obstacles that this new state form poses for the Esperanto movement.

Not so long ago, and not so far away: Where is there room for oppressed people in fandom?

The word fandom has come to mean a group of people who share the common interest in a thing, and is often associated with comic books, science fiction and fantasy art. For racially minoritized and/or working-class fans, fandom is complicated because their love of the art can only go so far because often they do not see themselves represented in the art itself. Thus, one cannot begin to discuss the nuances of how the lives of people of colour and/or working-class people are represented until they are in the work at all. This article discusses the author’s inability to engage in a fan-based pedagogy in her work both as an educator in the classroom and as an administrator because it would mostly include students from the dominant ethnic and class groups and leave her own groups still ‘othered’ on campus.

Indigenous Peoples in Eritrea, 2019

Eritrea borders the southern Red Sea in the Horn of Africa. It emerged as an Italian colonial construct in the nineteenth century, which was superimposed over indigenous populations. Eritrea’s current population is between 4.4 and 5.9 million inhabitants. There are at least four indigenous peoples: the Afar (between 4 and 12% of the total population), Kunama (2%), Saho (4%) and Nara (>1%). These groups have inhabited their traditional territories for approximately two thousand years. They are distinct from the two dominant ethnic groups by language (four different languages), religion (Islam), economy (agro and nomadic pastoral), law (customary), culture and way of life. All four indigenous groups are marginalized and persecuted. Following a United Nations Resolution of 1950 calling for the federation of Ethiopia with the Eritrean colony that Britain had captured from the Italians, a federation was established in 1952. Tensions rose immediately when Ethiopia interfered with the Eritrean courts and executive. An armed national liberation struggle broke out in the 1960s when Ethiopia abolished Eritrea’s official languages, imposed Ethiopia’s national language, Amharic, dissolved the federation and annexed Eritrea. The ensuing thirty years struggle succeeded in 1991 when the current regime marched into the capital and took power. Following a referendum in 1993 Eritrea seceded from Ethiopia to form a new state. Eritrean nationalism emanates from the two large ethnic groups (80% of total population combined) that control power and resources. This nationalism is based on suppressing sub-state identities, which the elites see as threatening to the nation building process. In particular, the indigenous peoples have been pressured by the government’s policy of eradicating identification along regional and religious lines. The regime expropriates indigenous lands without compensation and has partially cleansed indigenous peoples from their traditional territories by violence. The existence of indigenous peoples as intact communities is under threat by government policies aimed at destroying indigenous cultures, economies, landholdings and, for some, their nomadic and pastoral lifestyles. Eritrea is a party to the CERD, CEDAW and CRC but not to ILO Convention 169 or the UNDRIP. It is the subject of complaints to the UNHRC, the United Nations Commission of Inquiry on Human Rights in Eritrea, the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Eritrea (all of which sustained the allegations) and the Special Rapporteur on Indigenous Peoples. The complaints allege mass murder, ethnic cleansing, displacement of indigenous peoples from their traditional territories and intentional destruction of the indigenous economy.

On the Psychological Function of Nationalistic “Whitelash”

A noticeable feature of the political discourse accompanying the rise of nationalism in white‐majority countries is that white people fare worse than other ethnic groups in their societies. However, it is unclear based on the extant literature why group‐based relative deprivation (GRD) would correlate with majority‐group nationalism. Here, we propose that the psychological function of nationalism for majority‐group members lies in its ability to assuage the negative feelings arising from GRD. Accordingly, in a New Zealand national probability sample (N = 15,607), we found that GRD among whites was negatively associated with well‐being. However, we also found an opposing indirect association mediated by nationalism. GRD was associated with higher nationalism, which was in turn associated with higher well‐being. These findings suggest that endorsing beliefs about national superiority is one way a nation’s dominant ethnic group can cope with the negative psychological consequences of perceiving that their group is deprived.

Melting pot or tribe? Country-level ethnic diversity and its effect on subsidiaries

The purpose of our study is to explore the effect of country-level ethnic diversity on subsidiary-level ownership strategy and employee productivity. We examine two characteristics of ethnic diversity in society, the level of diversity and degree of inclusion. Using a multi-source and multi-year (2004–2010) sample of 30,007 subsidiaries from 79 home-countries operating in 63 host-countries, we find that high levels of diversity are not a de facto form of country risk as some have argued. Rather, it is the ability of a dominant ethnic group to exclude others from full economic and political participation. As societies become more fragmented, and one or few groups become more dominant and prevents other groups from fully participating in the political process or economic opportunities, this may increase business risk and lower labor productivity. The broader policy implications are that policymakers should have engagement policies toward disfranchised ethnic groups. Policymakers should develop polices aimed at leveraging the benefits of diversity. MNCs have an interest in promoting such policies and fostering greater economic and political inclusion in countries where they operate.

Economic nationalism amid ethnic disharmony in postcolonial Zimbabwe (1980-2013): A case of Matabeleland Provinces

The colonial legacy of uneven economic development in Zimbabwe and the use of such constructs as ‘Mashonaland’, ‘Matabeleland’ and ‘Manicaland’ have remained substantially unaltered under the post-colonial government. Those regions and peoples with privileged access to national economic resources after independence have implemented policies to ensure that this advantage has continued. The unintended resultant effect is the stimulation of ethnic consciousness on the part of those social groups that believe that they are economically marginalized because of their ethnicity. This article focuses on the distributive concerns that have arisen since independence in Zimbabwe in terms of which the lack of economic development parity in the colonially conceived provinces of Zimbabwe has given rise to ethnically motivated political contestation and national economic stagnation. It argues that the economic disparity and the concomitant ‘diaspora’ phenomenon in Zimbabwe can be dealt with if policies based on ethnic considerations and favouritism give way to merit-oriented ones. This article argues that distributive concerns are situated at the heart of Zimbabwe’s economic and political challenges which inevitably feed into each other to concoct an economic dispensation that rewards the dominant ethnic group in the echelons of power. This is based on an observational or ethnographic qualitative research methodology that was used to collect data through in-depth interviews. Document analysis of the diverse works on Matabeleland complemented the interview data. The research found that uneven economic development and patron-client ties contributed to the politicization of ethnicity, thus relegating groups that are not represented in the higher echelons of power to the fringes of the national economy. It concludes by suggesting that the reconciliation process must be ongoing and genuinely supported by transparent mechanisms to get rid of the “victims” mentality amongst the people of Matabeleland for lasting peace and unity to prevail.

Challenges of Ethnic Representation in Ethiopia and the Need for Reform

Although the Ethiopian federal dispensation legitimizes political participation based on ethnic identity, the arrangement, both through design and political practice, has led to the skewed representation of ethnic groups. The article examines these challenges and argues that in addition to the existing electoral system, difficulties pertaining to the holding of free and fair elections, ethnic voting, the role of political parties and majoritarian decision-making procedures have severely undermined the effective political participation of ethnic communities. Moreover, the manner in which electoral constituencies are formed largely benefit the politically and numerically dominant ethnic group thereby undermining the representation of ethnic minorities. Yet, in some cases, notwithstanding the existence of ethnic groups with numerical ascendancy within an electoral constituency, the political practice ensures that a ‘favored’ ethnic group, despite being a numerical minority, is made the political majority. In the veil of these obstacles, it is contended that a mere change in the electoral system alone, without due consideration to the aforementioned factors, cannot bring a full-fledged solution to the underlying problems the political system is facing. Key terms Ethnic representation · Ethno-federalism · Electoral constituencies · Ethnic minorities · Ethiopia

Using Spolsky’ Model in Examining Malaysia’s National Language Policy

Malaysia gained its independence on 31 August 1957 after the British Empire have fully relinquished its colonisation on the land. As with any newly independent polity, one of the ways for Malaysia, a multi-ethnic country, tries to establish its national identity is by establishing a language policy. This paper will examine Malaysia’s language policy planning using Bernard Spolsky’s (2004) model proposed in his book ‘Language Policy’ published by Cambridge University Press in 2004. In the book, Spolsky (2004) theorised that there are four major motivations that influences the decision of a country’s language policy planning. These four major motivations are, the sociolinguistic situation of a country, a country’s national identity or ideology, the effects of English as the language of a wider communication, and minority linguistic rights. In the case of Malaysia, each of Spolsky’s (2004) four forces does seem to have an impact on Malaysia’s language policy planning and the forces are very intertwined with each other. Malay as the dominant ethnic group in a sense has influenced the language chosen as the national language. However, being a diverse country, this decision does pose an issue at creating a national identity among its people. At the same time, English being the past colonial language and at present, the language for wider communication has caused Malaysia’s medium of instruction in public education policy to be seen as oscillating back and forth between Malay and English. On the other hand, minority linguistic rights in Malaysia has a long way to go since only certain indigenous languages are taught as elective subjects in schools.

The Role of the Russian Language in the Historic and Cultural Development of the Arctic Region of the Russian Federation (as Exemplified by the Murmansk Region)

The article aims to analyze the functioning of the Russian language within the ethnic space of the Murmansk Region. The analysis of the state statistical and archive documents for the Murmansk Region has shown that the Russian language has dominated within the region since at least the 18th century, and this had its obvious economic and communicative advantages, in particular, in education. The Saami, the indigenous small-numbered people of the Murmansk Region, understood and mastered the conversational Russian language since the 18th century. The Russian language dominates within the current polyethnic linguistic environment of the Murmansk Region due to the numerical superiority of the Russians in the region, as well as due to its position as the language of the dominant ethnic group.

Bilingual adolescent vowel production in the Parisian suburbs

Aims and objectives:The study examines how bilingualism and adolescent identity interact to influence acoustic vowel patterns. This is examined in students at a secondary school in the socially and economically disadvantaged working-class Parisian suburbs.Design:The front, round vowels /y/, /ø/, and /œ/ were analyzed in the speech of ( N = 22) adolescents. Three student groups were juxtaposed: monolingual Franco-French ( N = 9) and two simultaneous bilingual groups, Arabic-French ( N = 6), and Bantu-French ( N = 7). Crucially, unlike French, these contact languages do not have phonemically round front vowels.Data and analysis:To elicit naturalistic speech, sociolinguistic interviews were conducted with students speaking in dyads or small groups. Vowel roundedness, derived from acoustic measurements of the third formant and the difference between the third and second formants, was compared across speaker groups.Findings:Results show an effect of bilingual status for male speakers – monolingual speakers pattern differently from both bilingual groups. Still, bilingual Bantu-French and Arabic-French speakers show some distinct patterning. This suggests influences beyond first-language phonology on bilingual speakers’ production of French.Originality:This is one of the first studies to look beyond Arabic substrate influence in emerging Hexagonal urban youth vernaculars. It contributes naturalistic data from those most prone to language change, adolescents, for the study of French in contact. Finally, the study proposes a type of ‘laboratory in the field’: because none of the contact languages contrast vowels by roundedness, first-language influence is controlled for and the effect of social stigmatization upon speech can be isolated.Implications:The findings suggest that the social and ethnic divisions between dominant ethnic groups and minorities of immigrant descent may even be reflected in their phonetic patterning. Because these patterns are present in adolescents, who are the source of much language change, a connection between segregation and language change is drawn.