Domestic Peace Research Articles

Disempowerment and marginalisation of peace NGOs: exposing peace gaps in Israel and Palestine

This article analyses the enabling and restraining conditions of local peace organisations in Israel and Palestine. It utilises the analytical notion of peace gaps to accentuate the interplay between local and elite levels. It also highlights the discrepancies when it comes to expectations of peace, the ability to communicate peace discourses and the power to influence and build wider domestic peace constituencies. The empirical findings reveal how current vertical and horizontal peace gaps result in the disempowerment and marginalisation of local peace NGOs on both sides. Such a precarious situation hinders broader peace mobilisation and is further exacerbated by widespread political apathy and peace fatigue among Israeli and Palestinian publics. By way of conclusion, the article argues for the need to re-politicise and re-negotiate space for a more agonistic peacebuilding, which allows for differences to co-exist.

Agrarideologie und Sozialreform im Deutschen Kaiserreich: Heinrich Sohnrey und der Deutsche Verein fur landliche Wohlfahrts- und Heimatpflege 1896-1914

The growing depopulation of rural Germany, particularly in the Prussian east, stimulated a great debate at the end of the nineteenth century. The poles in the debate, ‘agrarian state’ (Agrarstaat) and ‘industrial state’ (Industriestaat), related less to the causes of this demographic trend than to its long-term social, cultural and political implications. While the one side accepted rural depopulation as an aspect of the transition to a modern industrial society, the other insisted that the price of this transition was unacceptable, for it would destroy the rural fundaments of Germany’s domestic peace and national power. No proponent of rural Germany enjoyed more contemporary prominence and resonance than Heinrich Sohnrey, the author of popular novels and stories of rural life, the editor of an influential journal, and the founder and driving spirit of an organization that was devoted to improving the quality of rural life, the Deutscher Verein für ländliche Wohlfahrts- und Heimatpflege.

“Happy” Marriages in Early Nineteenth-Century France

[[marriageemotionhappinessFrancebourgeoisie ]] This article uses familial correspondence to examine how bourgeois families conceived of marriage in the early nineteenth-century France. It argues that the companionate model of marriage, which was gaining influence during these years, did not replace the earlier model of the arranged marriage but rather was integrated into it. Marriages continued to be arranged by families but bourgeois couples also sought love and companionship in marriage. Their sense of “happiness” was a very bourgeois kind of happiness, however, based on economic security and domestic peace within the constraints of familial obligations.

The Selectively Expansive UN Security Council: Domestic Threats to Peace and Security

In response to the mass killing in Syria, many observers have been appalled at the failure the UN Security Council to take meaningful action. To many, it recalls the failure to help the victims genocide in Rwanda in 1994, and contrasts badly with the successful effort against Qaddafi in Libya in 2011. Setting aside the question whether international military action is the right solution to the problem, the Syrian situation recalls the distinction between domestic and international matters in the UN Charter. Specifically, I note that there is no international legal category a to domestic peace and which might serve as the counterpart to the idea a to international peace and The Security Council has over its history employed a series devices to overcome this limitation and to discover a legal capacity to intervene in states for problems that are domestic rather than international. While some might condemn these as illegal, I argue they are quite clearly lawful due to the Council's authority to define and redefine the distinction between domestic and international legal matters. However, they may prove to be conceptually problematic since they erase the distinction between domestic and international matters on which the Charter was premised, which then enables us to pretend that international human rights law is what we would hope it could be rather than what it actually is. The United Nations was designed to serve the purpose international peace and security-international, in the sense between states. It was built around the idea that a threat to international peace and security is the concern everyone, but the domestic affairs a state are the concern no one except the state itself. The UN is forbidden by Article 2(7) the Charter from taking any action that deals with matters essentially within the jurisdiction of any member. But it is authorized under Article 42 to take such action ... as may be necessary, including war and invasion, to respond to a threat to international peace and security. The three decades since the end the Cold War are full ad hoc efforts to get around the Charter's protection domestic matters. This has been necessary in order to make the Security Council relevant for the pressing issues the day, which have generally not been the kind inter-state conflicts for which the Charter was written. At each step, the Council has had to find a legal language to frame the problem as one international peace and security: in Rwanda in 1994, it decided that the large number refugees fleeing the killing constituted a threat to international peace and security because they were destabilizing neighboring countries; in Libya in 2011, it decided that the threat mass killing by the government was in itself a threat to international peace and security; in 2001, it decided that certain banking regulations inside countries could constitute a threat to international peace and security because they might hide financing international terrorism; in 2000, it decided that the particular needs women and girls in and after armed conflict were actionable as they constituted a subset its responsibility for international peace and security. There is nothing wrong with these decisions within the parameters international law. The Council has the authority to decide for itself what is or is not a threat to international peace and security, and once it has, its decision is binding on all members the United Nations. This is part its constitutional authority under the Charter, and it is not in any strict sense acting illegally, or even improperly, in these instances. Thus, the Council could decide that the Syrian government is this kind a threat, and then it would be entirely legal for the Council to order any kind intervention it wished. The fact that the line between domestic and international is both blurry and moveable is not in itself a problem, nor is it surprising, and it certainly was not unforeseen by the framers the Charter--it was for precisely this reason that the Council was given the authority to decide the question on a case-by-case basis. …

The Supreme Social Concept: The Un-worldliness Of Modern Security

Since Hobbes, the capacity to govern through providing 'security' has been understood as the way of producing and organising political order and subjectivity. Hobbes' claim that the security of domestic peace is founded on fear of violent death meant that modern individuals must be taught to love life. The discourse of 'security' is arguably the most powerful discourse of the modern age since it has largely set the parameters of modern thinking about politics and war. However, contra Schmitt and his followers, this is not because 'security' is the political discourse par excellence, allowing the sovereign to decide the law and exceptions to the law. Modern security is an exemplary instance of the rise of the social, as understood by Hannah Arendt. Modern discourses and practices of security have provided the justification and mechanism for the expansion of what Arendt described as the 'life process' of 'society' and the liberal view that 'life is the highest good'. Arendt's unwieldy and strange concept of 'the social' is eccentric, but defensible, both in terms of its origins in her unique form of philosophical anthropology and her socio-historical analysis of capitalism and the modern bureaucratic state.

Peace Unkempt: How Ambiguities in Public International Law and International Humanitarian Law Contributed to the Failed U.N. Intervention in Somalia

Three interrelated ambiguities in the relations between Somalia, the United Nations, and the United States directly precipitated the collapse of the U.N. mission in Somalia. First, armed U.N. intervention in a failed state presented complex issues regarding the relation between Somalia and the United Nations, functional distinctions between international armed conflict and non-international armed conflict, and the applicability of international humanitarian law to U.N. military forces and belligerents in a failed state. Second, the Security Council’s approval of humanitarian intervention in Somalia provided U.N. forces with a conflicting mandate: to establish a “caretaker” government, effectively overriding Somalia’s sovereignty, while also conducting a “peacekeeping” operation that deferred to the sovereign will of Somalia’s internal, domestic peace process. Finally, limited rules of engagement hampered UNOSOM missions that ostensibly acted under a banner of U.N. neutrality while they attempted to enforce a Security Council-issued “warrant” for the arrest of Aideed.

Is the hidden hand an iron fist? Capitalism and civil peace, 1970-2005

There is surprisingly little empirical scholarship on the spread of capitalistic economic policies under the rubric of ‘globalization’ and domestic peace. While the classical liberals saw free markets leading to social harmony because of self-interest of individuals, who cooperate for profit, Marxists and others viewed markets as anarchical, requiring state intervention for obtaining justice and peace. The authors argue from an opportunity-cost perspective that the payoffs to rebellion are structured by how an economy is governed. Closed economies are likelier than more open ones to accumulate ‘rebellion specific capital’ because of high payoffs to organization in the shadows. Using an index of economic freedom that measures how free people are to transact in an economy, the authors find that countries more favorable to free enterprise have a reduced risk of civil war onsets, a result that is robust to the inclusion of institutional quality, per capita wealth, and sundry controls. The results hold up despite a battery of specification changes, alternative data, and testing methods. The findings do not suggest that states under conditions of capitalism lose their autonomy to provide the public good of peace, as skeptics of globalization claim. Peacemakers will do well to build institutions that reward productive investment over rent-seeking, alongside democratic institutions that ultimately gain their legitimacy on the back of good economic performance and well-functioning markets.

Political and Socio-Economic Aspects of Gender Equality and the Onset of Civil War

Recent empirical studies showed that societies with less gender discrimination are more peaceful. However, the relation ship could be spurious if gender equality captures aspects of good governance, democracy, or the level of development. Empirical results of a sample of 110 countries for the years 1985-2000 indicate that various aspects of gender equality do indeed promote peace even when holding other influences constant. The results of the present study support the notion that improving the situation for women with regard to more political representation but especially more economic participation and better access to health and education improves a society's domestic peace.

MALORY'S "MORTE DARTHUR" AND THE RHETORIC OF WAR

Sir Thomas Malory's rewriting of the Roman war episode has long been a source of debate for Malory scholars.1 In the second tale of his Morte Darthur, Malory departs from his main source, the late fourteenth-century poem the Alliterative Morte Arthure, to offer an account of the success and aftermath of Arthur's Roman campaign that is significandy at odds both with that of his source and with the majority of earlier insular narratives of this campaign. While in the Alliterative Morte Arthure, in a tradition stretching back to Geoffrey of Monmouth's Historia regum Britanniae (c.1138), Arthur never quite achieves the imperial crown and has to return to Britain to face rebellion, Malory not only has Arthur achieve imperial success, but also rewrites the chronology of the Roman war, moving it back to a much earlier point in Arthur's career and disconnecting it altogether from Arthur's downfall.2As previous scholars have noted, the idea of repositioning the Roman war may have been suggested to Malory by his reading of the Old French prose text the Vulgate Suite de Merlin, which was a minor source for both his 'Tale of King Arthur' and 'Tale of Arthur and Lucius'.3 In the Suite de Merlin version also, the Roman war does not lead to Arthur's death, but is presented instead as one in a series of major batdes that takes place in the early years of his reign.4 Yet, although the identification of a possible model for Malory's rewriting and reordering of the Roman war episode has been useful, the wider question of why he chose to follow this version of events still requires discussion. In this article I offer an explanation for why Malory may have found the position of the Roman war in the Suite de Merlin particularly appealing.In earlier insular accounts of the Roman war episode, Arthur's war against the Romans is linked, either temporally or causally, to his downfall. It is Arthur's absence abroad that allows Mordred to stage bis rebellion. That this was a common way of interpreting the connection between Arthur's foreign campaign and his fall is suggested by John Lydgate's Fall of Princes, written between 1431 and 1438-9 for Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester. In the envoy to his account of Arthur's reign, he connects Mordred's rebellion to Arthur's absence abroad, summarizing that 'Long abscence causeth deuisioun'.5 Indeed, all of these narratives of Arthur's reign imply, with varying degrees of emphasis, that prolonged absence abroad may lead to internal division.6 This implication is most fully realized in Malory's main source for his account of the Roman war, the Alliterative Morte Arthure, a text which encourages an explanation of Arthur's fall which is grounded in his military activities on the Continent.7 I shall argue that it was precisely this implication - that outward war created internal division - which Malory wished to avoid. By altering the Alliterative Morte Arthure's tragic ending and by granting Arthur victory in Europe as opposed to rebellion at home, Malory seems to have rejected even the suggestion that successful external war could be responsible for internal division. In the rest of this article, I suggest that Malory rewrote his source material in this way, following the position of the Roman war in the Vulgate Cycle, as a result of the wider discursive context in which he was writing: one in which external war, far from creating internal division, in fact led to domestic peace and which regarded civil war as a product not of external war but rather of its absence.A range of texts produced or circulating in England in the Middle Ages figured lack of outward war as potentiaUy damaging to the realm. For the late Roman writer Vegetius, whose treatise on warfare, De re militari, circulated widely in England, peace was both desirable but also harmful.8 Throughout his treatise, but particularly in his first book, Vegetius referred to the dangers that might attend long periods without external war: 'long tyme of pees hap made vs to chese vnkunnyngliche oure kistes'; 'Bot forsothe longe sikernesse of pees hap made oure werriours to 3iue hem to delices of sloggynes and sloube, and some to gouernayl and office in citees and townes as for more ese', argued the 1408 English translation. …

Orienting natural knowledge: the complex career of Hiraga Gennai

We often think of Tokugawa Japan as a closed society. As represented by Hiraga Gennai - one of the most colourfully inventive figures of his age - we see that domestic and imported knowledge and skill were put to work there in carefully managed ways to achieve domestic peace and prosperity. Gennai's career has much to tell us about how material and knowledge production went hand-in-hand in Tokugawa Japan and the extent to which local interests directed the adoption and adaptation of European knowledge and skills. Tracing his biography reveals that the analytical distinctions so often made between science, technology and commerce do not hold up in practice and should also serve as a warning against histories of the global 'diffusion' or 'influence' of western science.

No Way Out? The Question of Unilateral Withdrawals of Referrals to the ICC and Other Human Rights Courts

Growing out of the authors' work for the International Criminal Court, which was sponsored by a grant from the Open Society Institute, No Way Out examines one of the most vexing legal questions facing the International Criminal Court - whether a State that has referred a case to the Court can subsequently withdraw its referral as part of a domestic peace agreement? The issue has arisen with respect to Uganda's interest in withdrawing its self-referral as part of a peace deal with the leaders of the Lord's Resistance Army. This article examines the Rome Statute, the drafting history, and the expert commentaries, together with the statutory and case law of the other major human rights courts and bodies, and the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties, in an effort to provide a comprehensive analysis of whether a State Party can lawfully withdraw a referral from the ICC. The authors concludes that the only situation in which a unilateral withdrawal of a referral should be deemed legitimate is when it occurs during the narrow temporal window between when a referral is made to the Court and when the Court actually exercises its jurisdiction over that case by launching an investigation and providing notice to all interested parties. The research and analysis contained in the article is also relevant to the more general question of whether States can withdraw their referrals to human rights bodies such as the European Court of Human Rights and the Inter-American Court of Human Rights.

Perfect Storms?

What explains variation in domestic political instability in polities imposed by foreign powers? We formulate a framework grounded in four sources of political instability in imposed polities: (1) the initial conditions under which a polity is imposed, (2) policy choices made by the imposer, (3) the prevailing domestic conditions within states hosting the imposed polity, and (4) the international environment within which the host state is embedded. Employing a sample of ninety-four imposed polities during the period 1816—1994 to test expectations from the framework, we find, in part, that ethnoreligious heterogeneity coupled with democratic institutions, preimposition military defeat, colonial experience, dissimilarity of neighboring political institutions, hostility from neighboring states, and the presence of the imposing state each stimulate political instability. The analysis suggests a bleak prognosis for domestic peace in postinvasion Afghanistan and Iraq as the causal factors that militate against domestic stability are manifold and likely reinforcing.

A Painter's Journey 1966–1973 , and: Woman Behind the Painter: The Diaries of Rosalie, Mrs James Clarke Hook (review)

Reviewed by: A Painter's Journey 1966–1973, and: Woman Behind the Painter: The Diaries of Rosalie, Mrs James Clarke Hook Kathryn Carter Caruso, Barbara . A Painter's Journey 1966–1973. Mercury 2005. 260. $19.95 Rosalie Hook . Woman Behind the Painter: The Diaries of Rosalie, Mrs James Clarke Hook. Edited by Juliet McMaster. University of Alberta Press. civ, 246. $49.95 Before me sit two diaries by women artists. One is by Rosalie Hook, a painter in her own right, written when she went to Italy with her new husband, James Hook (who would become a member of the Royal Academy) in the historically significant years 1846–48. This handsome edition with colour illustrations and photographs, carefully prepared by her descendent Juliet McMaster, also includes a less verbose diary covering her years at home in England from 1853 to 1896. The other diary, presented in a fitting minimalist style, is written by Barbara Caruso, an artist connected to the vibrant Toronto literary scene between 1966 and 1973. Both of the diaries cover, in part, trips taken to Italy (over 130 years apart) to see the artistic landmarks. Both diarists get there, thanks to funding. Rosalie Hook travels with her husband when he gets a stipend from the Royal Academy; Caruso travels with her partner – beginning in England, then through Holland, Germany, [End Page 297] and France, before reaching Italy – when they both get funding from the Canada Council. She writes on 12 April 1971, 'It still seems unreal. We will receive travel funds – I will see Europe at last – in the fall.' Even with the great span of years separating the two, similarities resonate. Here are two women wondering how to reconcile their artistic ambitions with those of their artist partners. Caruso writes of carving out physical space in a shared apartment so that she and her partner can have the room they need for their work; Hook, however, increasingly sees her role as chief organizer of domestic peace so that her husband can pursue his career. So there are differences too. Caruso's art is the predominant theme of her diary, and she received support in this work from her partner. Examples of her art survive, circulate, and provoke critical responses. Not all of Hook's sketches survive. Many were in the original version of these diaries that were lost over the years, leaving only a transcript made by her son, Allan J. Hook, when he prepared a memoir of his famous father. The central theme of her Silverbeck diary in particular, the second diary in the volume, is family. Art persists as a preoccupation in both diaries, but the women develop very different relationships to art and artists. The differences led me to imagine that these are diaries could have been written by Mrs Ramsay and Lily Briscoe, those characters from To The Lighthouse. It is perhaps unfair to thrust Rosalie Hook into the role of Mrs Ramsay, but the editor does frame the text in such a way as to lead us to that conclusion. McMaster begins by saying, '[M]others like cold cabbage,' as a way to explain or perhaps contextualize women's eagerness to serve others before themselves. She ends the introduction by concluding that Mrs Hook embraced the role of family anchor, and that may be entirely true. The diaries show how that role was put into effect daily. This central concern, then, is not to be ignored in favour of discerning some proto-feminist kernel in the diary. It must be acknowledged and accounted for, and the lengthy introduction shows to good effect Juliet McMaster's energetic and direct writing style, ideal for explaining complicated truths. McMaster's introduction is crucial for understanding the significance of the diary and its writer. The diary of Barbara Caruso is an unusual work, capturing in writing a certain tone that echoes her minimalist print work. Caruso is known in literary circles for her affiliation with Canadian poets like bpNichol, Nelson Ball, bill bissett, and Michael Ondaatje. Caruso and the writers were a closely aligned bunch, with many of the poets working on visual poetry at small presses like Coach House and Seripress (where Caruso was...

State repression and the domestic democratic peace

State repression and the domestic democratic peace

The unanimity rule and religious fractionalisation in the Polish-Lithuanian Republic

This paper analyses the role of the unanimity rule—known as liberum veto—in medieval Poland. We argue that the primary effect of the liberum veto was that it secured religious freedom and established domestic peace in an otherwise deeply divided and fractionalised country. What is more, this institution succeeded in doing so during an era which was characterised by violent religious conflicts and rise of absolutist monarchies throughout the European continent. Even after 1652, when the liberum veto seemed to have practically paralysed the decision-making of Polish-Lithuanian parliament, there were still reasons—related to religious issues—why its use could have been preferable to less inclusive voting rules. It can be argued, however, that the use of unanimity was not warranted in questions related to defence, especially in situations of national emergency, although it is questionable to which extent the sole presence of the liberum veto was susceptible to bring about the demise of the Polish-Lithuanian Republic.

Will the Right Islam Stand Up?1

Few issues that are examined by social scientists have a greater policy importance than the question of whether Islam is compatible with a liberal political regime, one that is based on a democratic form of government and respects human rights. Indeed, there is an academic cottage industry that studies whether democratic nations ever do war against other democracies. The implied point is that if Muslim regimes could be changed to become democratic, global security?and especially that of the United States and its allies?would be much enhanced. Moreover, democratization is assumed to be essential for domestic peace; it provides institutional outlets for resolving inevitable differences of interests and values; it allows people to trade bullets for ballots. I focus here on one part of this important issue: How hospitable are Muslim nations currently to Western types of regimes? The reason this question covers only part of the issue at hand is that Muslim nations that are now effectively opposed to democratization may come to embrace it in the future, as conditions change or as the efforts of the United States and its allies are recast. Nevertheless, given that a major objective of U.S. foreign policy (long before the Bush Administration) has been to promote liberal democratic regimes in Muslim as well as other (especially com munist) nations, the question stands: How receptive are these nations to these efforts at this stage of history? Those who study this question by drawing on public opinion polls are coming to startlingly different conclusions from those of many other observers, including anthropologists, area specialists, and seasoned report ers. In the following passages I briefly review these two contrasting sets of observations, and then suggest possible reasons such different conclusions

The Rhetoric of Inequality: Nordic Women and Men Argue against Sharing House‐work

This article analyses anti‐equality talk in heterosexual couples who participated in a Nordic study of daily life in families with children. A substantial proportion of the interviewees—women as well as men—argued against “more equality” in their relationship and in society in general. Their arguments show several similarities to sexist attitudes expressed in all‐male conversations. Using the analytical tools of feminist discursive psychology, the article considers in the first place the cultural resources that these couples recruited to support their arguments. Seven interpretative repertoires were identified and illustrated, including “practical considerations”, gendered and gender‐neutral individualism, individual differences and sex differences, motherhood, and the primacy of domestic peace. Secondly, inspired by conversation analysis, the article details common rhetorical techniques of “fact construction” that speakers use in their narratives to gain credibility for anti‐equality sentiment. The focus is on how the speakers used descriptions and explanations in ways that construct anti‐equality opinions as “facts” based on seemingly objective observations, thus serving to further de‐legitimate equality arguments.

Power or Justice? Rule and Law in the Palestinian Authority

Rule of law is usually analyzed exclusively in reference to domestic peace within the political entity. Yet, establishing a powerful independent legal system can have a major impact on peaceful relations between political entities. This article evaluates the Palestinian Authority's performance in creating democratic and legal institutions from its inception in the summer of 1994 until the outbreak of the armed conflict between Israel and the Palestinians in September 2000. Three potential explanations drawn from the literature on state formation are evaluated in explaining the outcome: the foreign intervention thesis blames the failure on the asymmetry of power between Israel and the PLO; the domestic structural claim is that the weakness of the legal system stems from the unwillingness of the ruler to limit his power; and the cultural argument claims that only Anglo-Saxon and European states are truly liberal and democratic. The findings show that the quest for power led to centralization of authority in the executive, despite valiant attempts by politicians and civil society to avert such an outcome, and the article identifies the types of obstacles that need to be overcome to transform the Palestinian entity into a democratic reality that would promote peaceful coexistence with its neighbors.

The Kantian Liberal Peace (Revisited)

Democratic peace studies have traditionally identified Kantian “republicanism” with procedural democracy and largely ignored liberalism and constitutionalism, which are even more fundamental for Kant's reasoning behind the liberal peace. A closer look into his major political works reveals that peaceful relations are expected from states with the protection of individual freedoms (liberalism), the rule of law and legal equality (constitutionalism), and representative government (democracy). Only when all three constitutive elements are jointly considered can we uncover the multifaceted nature of Kant's approach to the domestic sources of international peace. In this way, we not only find that monadic and dyadic expectations are consistent with Kant's theory, but also that both normative and interest‐based explanations for international peace can equally draw on Kant as their theoretical precursor. We further demonstrate that it is plausible to infer that the Kantian legacy is related to civil peace as well. The propositions we derive from our theoretical reexamination of the Kantian legacy are strongly supported in our quantitative empirical test. Moreover, constitutional liberalism, rather than democracy, shows to be both more central for Kant's theory and empirically more robustly related to international as well as domestic peace.

ETIENNE DUMONT, THE BRITISH CONSTITUTION, AND THE FRENCH REVOLUTION

Etienne Dumont became famous in the early nineteenth century for taking Jeremy Bentham's incoherent manuscripts and editing them into readable books which he translated into French. This article focuses on Dumont's earlier life, and specifically his Genevan background, to explain his work for Mirabeau in the first years of the French Revolution and his ultimate sense of the importance of Bentham's system of legislation. The article explains why Dumont's Genevan origins caused him to promote reforms in France intended to establish domestic stability and international peace. Dumont believed that states across Europe needed to combine free government with moral reform, in order to stifle the growth of democracy. The extent of the danger posed by popular government to modern societies was, in Dumont's view, the major lesson of the French Revolution. An alternative reform project to democracy was necessary, but one that did not entail a return to monarchical or aristocratic despotism. The characteristics of Dumont's planned reform became clear by adopting a comparative perspective on events in France. In developing a comparative perspective, Dumont argued that the history of Britain since 1688 needed to be in the foreground. He was perplexed by the French rejection of Britain's political and constitutional model, and explained many major developments at Paris in 1789 by reference to what he considered to be this peculiar fact. After the Terror, Dumont lost his faith in experiments in constitution building as a means of securing the independence of free states like Geneva. Bentham's great achievement was to have provided an alternative system of legislation that would transform national character gradually, making reform politics compatible with domestic and international peace. For Dumont, Bentham established a bulwark against the enthusiasm and democratic excess, and this was the key to utilitarianism as a moral reform project.