Doctrine Of Nationalism Research Articles

Wars that Make States and Wars that Make Nations: Organised Violence, Nationalism and State Formation in the Balkans

AbstractSince the beginning of the 19th century the Balkans has been a synonym for aggressive nationalism and unbridled violence; the two phenomena traditionally understood to be the key obstacles for its social development. This paper contests such views by arguing that it was the absence of protracted warfare and coherent nationalist doctrines that distinguishes the history of South Eastern Europe from the rest of the continent. Drawing critically on bellicose historical sociology and modernist theories of nationalism - with a spotlight on the work of Charles Tilly and Ernest Gellner. Drawing critically on bellicose historical sociology and modernists theories of nationalism the paper makes a case that it was not the abundance of nationalism and organised violence but rather their historical scarcity that proved decisive for the slow pace of social development in the Balkans.

DOKTRIN NASIONALISME DALAM NOVEL A. HASJMY

This study discusses nationalism that has been portrayed in seven novels written by A. Hasjmy, an Acehnese writer. The novels are Melalui Jalan Raya Dunia (1938), Bermandi Cahaya Bulan (1939), Suara Azan dan Lonceng Gereja (1940), Nona Pressroom (1951), Elly Gadis Nica (1951), Meurah Djohan: Sultan Aceh Pertama (1976), and Tanah Merah: Digul Bumi Pahlawan Kemerdekaan Indonesia (1976). The aim of the study is to analyze doctrine of nationalism in the context of Indonesian politics. The main finding of this study shows that Indonesian nationalism is obviously well represented in the novels. This finding is contrary to the public opinion that most of the Acehnese are supporters of the separatist movement, i.e. Acehnese nationalism. Thus, in portraying the nationalism, A. Hasjmy has exploited certain writing techniques in his novels, such as epistolary, speeches, diary, poems and footnotes to camouflage its doctrines and missions. With these findings, the significance of this study is it could elucidate academically that not every Acehnese agrees with the idea of Aceh separatism.

Classroom Democracy: De-Mystifying the Civic Nation in The Wire

This paper examines The Wire’s use of education and elections in Season Four to de-mystify American civic national identity. The paper begins by making the case for Baltimore as an imagined community which is emblematic of daily life in the United States. It then considers the ways that the series challenges constitutive national myths in its treatment of educational and electoral institutions at the intersection of the drug trade and the state. From the perspective of comparative studies of nationalism, the particular combination of education, elections, and law enforcement is intriguing. Education and elections are quintessential modernizing forces bound up with the articulation of nationalist doctrines and the state’s invention of nations. The failure of each to produce their intended effects also indicts the nationalizing projects that they purportedly serve. The paper concludes that Baltimore presents a familiar picture for those with an eye for comparative politics in its depiction of the often competing logics of nation and institution-building in post-colonial republics.

COMING TO TERMS WITH THE PAST: GERMAN ACADEMIA AND HISTORICAL RELATIONS BETWEEN THE ARAB LANDS AND NAZI GERMANY

The books that are the subject of this review essay comprise three new contributions and one revised edition about a topic that has become paradigmatic in defining scholarly and political approaches to key areas of Middle Eastern history. It has shaped studies of the historical and ideological roots of Arab nationalism, the Arab–Israeli conflict, and the emergence and perseverance of authoritarian regimes in the modern Middle East. The ways that politicians, intellectuals, political movements, and the Arab public related to Nazism and Nazi anti-Semitism have been used to contest the legitimacy of 20th-century Arab political movements across the ideological spectrum. Historians have theorized about the involvement of individuals such as Grand Mufti Amin al-Husseini in the crimes of Adolf Hitler, Heinrich Himmler, and Adolf Eichmann; the roots of Arab nationalist doctrine in German Volk ideas; the mimicry of Nazism in organizations such as the Iraqi al-Futuwwa and Antun Saadeh's Syrian Social Nationalist Party; and Arab public sympathies for Nazi anti-Semitism dating from the 1930s or even earlier. Until recently, European and Anglo-American research on these topics—often based on a history of ideas approach—tended to take a natural affinity of Arabs toward Nazism for granted. More recent works have contextualized authoritarian and totalitarian trends in the Arab world within a broad political spectrum, choosing subaltern perspectives and privileging the analysis of local voices in the press over colonial archives and the voices of grand theoreticians. The works of Israel Gershoni have taken the lead in this emerging scholarship of Arab nationalism. This approach was also the common denominator of a research project on “Arab Encounters with National Socialism,” which the Berlin Center for Modern Oriental Studies (Zentrum Moderner Orient) hosted from 2000 to 2003. Its members included the author of this review and the authors of two of the books under review (Nordbruch and Wildangel). The project used indigenous Arabic sources, especially local newspapers, for a close scrutiny of Arab reactions to the challenge of Nazism in a period when Arabs, especially nationalists, perceived that quasicolonial regimes undermined the ostensibly democratic and liberal ethos of the British and French Mandate powers.

Literary Scholarship in Late Imperial Russia: Rituals of Academic Institutionalization by Andy Byford

620 Reviews multiple strands of domestic and world politics and literary and cultural associ ations' (p. 25), and is imagined as representing such categories as 'youth, exile, political disillusionment, anti-autocratic feelings, Decembrism, poetic debut and poetic success, Russia's Imperial power, "foreignness" and potential escape from the confines of the empire' (pp. 144-45). University of Oxford Philip Ross Bullock Literary Scholarship inLate Imperial Russia: Rituals ofAcademic Institutionalization. By Andy Byford. London: Legenda. 2007. 188 pp. ?45. ISBN 978-0 300108-89-7. There is a certain synchronicity about the publication ofAndy Byford's excellent investigation of the history, and vicissitudes, of the (literary) humanities in pre Revolutionary, imperial Russia inour own era of governmental 'tsars',Departments ofBusiness, Innovation, and Skills, and, dare itbe said,piatiletki. Compulsory read ing though this book should be for all involved in university management today, its most significant contribution is of course to thefield ofRussian studies, firstand foremost because Byford's persuasive argumentation and meticulous documenta tion of a neglected field should stimulate vital self-criticism about the heuristic paradigms that have shaped our subject area. In this respect Byford's monograph makes two extremely important systemic contributions. First, it ispart of a process of reassessment of the Russian nineteenth century, whereby cultural historians attempt to step out of the teleological shadow cast by the gargantuan events of the early twentieth century, and indeed, to redress themethodological blindspots that grew from the Soviet era; second, Byford also joins those few (in the UK, largely Bakhtin Circle-oriented Russianists) who strive to contextualize the in sights of early twentieth-century Russian literary theorists. 'Contextualization', as such scholars (and Byford) show us, is not a feeble flap of the hand to clear the haze surrounding a lapidary object of study, but is a methodological imperative by which we might understand the ineluctable, endlessly intricate connectedness of any instance of human endeavour: as such it requires rigour, investigative grit, an ability to synthesize synchronic and diachronic complexity, and even a nose forwhat ismissing from prevailing accounts. It is by such means that Byford for mulates his arguments that the Soviet-era science of literature',which for so long has been explained as the Formalist and Marxist rejection (and by extension, the Bakhtinian refinement and/or refutation) of unreconstructed historical positivism, in fact owed everything to the legacy of science-building and the cult of academic learning (nauka) fostered by literary scholars of tsarist times in their concerted efforts to institutionalize literary studies as a legitimate form of academic practice' (p. 5). Byford's account of this legacy embraces not just the important, empiricist side of 'contextualization'?providing invaluable historical detail of events in the corridors of academia?but also the symbolic significance of rituals, the rhetoric of the texts of academia (the biographies, the inaugural lectures, the teaching manuals, their linkages of 'literary science' with the new discourses of nation and MLR, 105.2, 2010 621 nationhood, and the people), to show how they constructed their own doxa, their own 'belief in the stakes and values of the field [...], in its "natural" order and its "commonsensical" divisions and oppositions' (p. 7). Byford structures his argument in four chapters. The firstexamines the con nections between autocratic nation-building in the nineteenth century and the creation of a network of universities across the territories of the Russian Empire. He gives an interesting account of the ebbs and flows in autonomy and degree of state intervention, from the relatively liberal early days ofAlexander I, to the harnessing of universities toUvarov's Ministry ofEducation and doctrine of official nationalism in 1834 and the 1848 clampdown; thiswas followed byAlexander II's University Charter of 1863, which saw the liberation of the universities from the Ministry, the creation of new departments, and an embrace of Western ideas; in its turn thiswas followed by a second clampdown afterAlexander II's assassination? afterwhich, from themid-1880s through the 1890s theMinistry of Education assumed control of allmatters of staffing,curriculum, and assessment and cut costs by enlisting a large, underpaid, disenfranchised body of contract-based privaty dotsenty to undertake lower-level service classes, the result ofwhich was a Assuring of the academic body and a...

La nación en la España del siglo XXI: un debate inacabable

This article presents an interpretation of the recent evolution of the issue of nationality in contemporary Spain from an historical perspective, beginning with the approval of the 1978 Constitution and the ensuing implementation of the State of the Autonomous Communities at the politico-institutional level. It then goes on to examine the challenges faced by substate and state nationalisms in present-day Spain, which may be summed up in the growing plurality of sentiments of multiple belonging on the part of Spanish citizens, as well as the impact of globalization and foreign immigration. All these phenomena have transformed the conditions in which nationalisms interact, and will require0 political elites to rethink the theoretical frameworks of nationalist doctrines.

The contradictions of late nineteenth-century nationalist doctrines: three keys to the ‘globalism’ of José Martí’s nationalism

AbstractScholarly literature on nineteenth-century nationalism concentrates on its strong exclusionary tendencies, while studies of the Cuban independence leader José Martí (1853–95) focus on his articulation of Cuban nationalism and pan-Latin American regionalism through his political activities and writings. This article identifies the globalism of Martí’s nationalism, moving beyond the national and regional frameworks to which studies of Martí have consigned the Cuban freedom fighter. It argues that the global history narratives that Martí wrote for children constitute critical and innovative components of his programme for national liberation and nation building, and encapsulate his nationalist ideology through three key components: the right to self-determination at the national level, the right to self-determination at the personal level, and a sense of global humanitarianism. The article’s transnational perspective places Martí, through his inclusionary, racially blind, humanitarian form of nationalism, as contradicting late nineteenth-century nationalist doctrines, and begs for ideas about the general intellectual climate of the period to be rethought.

Contingent Nationalist Dominance: Intra-Serb Challenges to the Serb Democratic Party

‘Only unity saves the Serbs’ is the famous call for unity in the Serb nationalist doctrine, but even though this doctrine enjoyed widespread ideological adherence, disunity has been a dominant characteristic of Bosnian Serb politics since the first multiparty elections in 1990. In this context of intra-Serb rivalry, the dominance of the Serb Democratic Party (Sprska demokratska stranka, SDS) has nevertheless been an almost constant feature. The SDS was founded in July 1990, under the leadership of Radovan Karadžić, and in a nationalist landslide in the elections four months later, the party secured around 85% of the Serb vote. Following the marginalisation of the competing non-ethnic parties the SDS enjoyed a largely monolithic status in the Serb community, but after the outbreak of war, and an initial closing of ranks, Serb opposition parties soon emerged. Such competition intensified after the signing of the Dayton Agreement, when the SDS's ability to use repressive powers against competitors was significantly reduced. Despite this persistent competition, the SDS has remained the dominant political force among the Serbs in Bosnia and until 1997 its control was close to being absolute. This dominance was decisive for the development of conflict and war in Bosnia, but analysis of the conditions that allowed the SDS to achieve and maintain its dominance is nevertheless lacking. In this article, the dynamics of intra-Serb party competition in Bosnia will be analysed and the following questions will be sought answered: What was the basis of the SDS's continued dominance? What resources were decisive in the party competition? How did the ethnification of politics affect these dynamics? How did the existence of intra-ethnic challengers affect the SDS's position?

Crooked Timber or Bent Twig? Isaiah Berlin's Nationalism

Isaiah Berlin is often regarded as one of the sources of contemporary liberal nationalism. Yet his own attitude to nationalism, and its relation to his liberalism, remains unexplored. He gave conflicting definitions of nationalism in different places, and although he frequently contrasts more benign with more malign forms of nationalism, the terms in which he draws the contrast also vary. In Berlin's most explicit account, nationalist doctrine is presented as political, unitary, morally unrestricted and particularist, but these four dimensions are separate, and on each of them alternative nationalist positions are available. Berlin's account of the sources of nationalism is also ambiguous: his analysis of the Jewish condition in European societies and his support for Zionism contrasts with his diagnosis of the origins of German nationalism. Comparing Berlin with later liberal nationalists, we see that his liberalism prevented him from presenting a normative political theory in which liberal and nationalist commitments were successfully combined. Such a theory can indeed be developed, but the challenge that emerges from Berlin's writing is to explain how real-world nationalism can be kept within liberal limits.

The Myth of Nations: The Medieval Origins of Europe, and: Who We Are: A History of Popular Nationalism (review)

Reviewed by: The Myth of Nations: The Medieval Origins of Europe, and: Who We Are: A History of Popular Nationalism Ernst Gerhardt The Myth of Nations: The Medieval Origins of Europe. By Patrick J. Geary. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2002. 199 pp. $24.95 (cloth). Who We Are: A History of Popular Nationalism. By Robert H. Wiebe. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2002. 282 pp. $24.95 (cloth). Both Robert H. Wiebe's Who We Are: A History of Popular Nationalism and Patrick J. Geary's The Myth of Nations: The Medieval Origins of Europe present profitable introductory histories of nationalism that are geared toward general audiences. Each author keeps endnotes to a minimum, with extensive citations replaced by recommendations for further reading. Wiebe's recommendations take the form of a forty-page bibliographical essay that will prove a valuable resource for students seeking a quick-and-dirty history not only of general studies of nationalism [End Page 248] from the 1950s on, but also of a wide range of particular nationalisms.While both authors ground their books in contemporary concerns, Geary is especially alarmed by the rise of neonationalism and the attendant threat of racial and ethnic violence in Europe. Wiebe, on the other hand, worrying that the late-twentieth-century prospects of global capitalism's triumph over nationalism "looks more and more like tomorrow's dead end" (p. 215), provocatively concludes that nationalism, along with socialism and democracy, might prove to "live on as resistance movements, channeling aspirations that the current universe of states has frustrated" (p. 220). As these concerns and conclusions imply,Wiebe and Geary take entirely different routes in their discussions of nationalism. Wiebe aims his study squarely at what he identifies as aWestern intellectual demonization of nationalism that avoids dealing not only with the popular appeal of nationalism but also with its capability to resist foreign imperialism. In response to this demonization,Wiebe does two things: he refuses to cast nationalism as an elitist ruse—"Rather than a gigantic fraud perpetrated time and time again on the individual masses, nationalism thrived because it addressed basic human needs" (p. 11)—and he refuses to see global capitalism as an unproblematic, albeit, new, enlightenment—"Economic motivations are not inherently rational and village identities are not inherently backward. Ethnic pride is not the mark of a first-class grudge, a second-class citizen, or a third-class mind" (p. 218). It is this stance that underwritesWiebe's history of nationalism as a response to a nineteenth-century breakdown of social life. Just as nationalism—a "fictive kin composite" (or ethnicity) with a "political objective" (p. 18)—arose as a response to the dissolution of the family under economic pressures, parallel disruptions in working and public life produced socialism and democracy. It is the state, always "ambitious to devour all other loyalties for its own purposes" (p. 47), that Wiebe makes culpable for violence done in the name of a co-opted nationalism (or socialism, or democracy, for that matter). In this view, nineteenth-century Europe was an ideological battle royal in which socialism, democracy, and nationalism vied for survival by combining with the "other great dividers of the nineteenth century: language, race, and religion" (p. 53). Identifying these "great dividers" as accessories added to nationalism rather than characteristic or perhaps even productive of it is a too easy exculpation of nationalist doctrine, and Wiebe's reluctance to discuss these "great dividers" more fully highlights this argument's service to Wiebe's larger thesis that nationalism retains the potential for answering to vital modern political needs. [End Page 249] Wiebe, before discussing the spread of nationalism, turns his attention to the United States, arguing that two factors contributed to the development of democracy in America: its weak central government and its definition of social boundaries along a white-black racial axis. Both factors facilitated the assimilation of European immigrants, at least in the North; the South developed a nationalism that derived from racism. Nevertheless, Wiebe maintains that America functioned as a negative of the picture in Europe, with democracy as its "proxy nationalism," uniting and defining the population. This turn to the United States is...

The dismantling of the White Australia policy: elite conspiracy or will of the Australian people?

The White Australia policy was both an immigration policy and a nationalist doctrine which reflected Australia's desire to maintain itself as a white, British nation. Its abolition in 1973 created the conditions for the multicultural society Australia has become. Nevertheless, sporadic immigration controversies during the past two decades suggest the residual influence of this doctrine. Some commentators even claim that contemporary conflicts are the legacy of a reform process implemented by political leaders without the knowledge and consent of the Australian people. This article examines the factors and processes which compelled the dismantling of White Australia. It shows that assertions of an elite conspiracy to abolish it are exaggerated, failing to take into account the incrementalist nature of the public policy process in Australia and general public acceptance of policy reform.

The ethno‐cultural roots of national art*

AbstractBy examining the period from the late eighteenth to the twentieth centuries, this article shows the development in European art of a new genre, that of national art. The new artistic orientation was taken from the doctrine of nationalism, a philosophy which idealised the nation, the historically‐evolved, ethno‐cultural community. The essay shows, first, that the visual arts have been potent vehicles of the national idea; second, that works of art have been accepted as ‘national’ only to the extent to which they have captured the way of life of the wider, cultural community, rather than that of the elites alone; third, that artists, by engaging with the ‘spirit’ of their cultural community, have contributed to the modernisation of this community–the systematisation or ‘streamlining’ of ethnic identities and solidarities into national identities and solidarities; and fourth, that the creative transformation of the ethno‐cultural experience into art has also transformed this experience into a positive and central, national experience.

Two Conceptions of Black Nationalism

The essay provides both an interpretation and a theoretical reconstruction of the political philosophy of Martin Delany, a mid-nineteenth-century radical abolitionist and one of the founders of the doctrine of black nationalism. It identifies two competing strands in Delany's social thought, “classical” nationalism and “pragmatic” nationalism, where each underwrites a different conception of the analytical and normative underpinnings of black political solidarity. It is argued that the pragmatic variant is the more cogent of the two and the one to which Delany is most committed. It is also suggested that pragmatic nationalism can still serve usefully as a theoretical schema through which African Americans can understand and carry out their current political projects.

Response to Sophia Senyk, 'The Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church Today: Universal Values versus Nationalist Doctrines'

Response to Sophia Senyk, 'The Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church Today: Universal Values versus Nationalist Doctrines'

The Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church Today: Universal Values versus Nationalist Doctrines

To the glory of the holy, consubstantial and lifegiving Trinity, Father and Son and Holy Spirit. Amen. To the most reverend bishops, reverend fathers, venerable men and women religious, and faithful of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church. By the grace of God and the blessing of the Roman Apostolic See + Liubomyr, Auxiliary Bishop of the Head of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church, by the authority delegated to me I proclaim and make public the resolutions of the Synod of Bishops of the Particular [Pomisna equivalent to 'Local' used of Orthodox Churches] Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church which took place in Buchach, Temopil' oblast', in the monastery of the Holy Cross ofthe Basilian Fathers from 16 to 20 July 2000. The Synod of Bishops of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church resolves:

Thousands of Roads: A Memoir of a Young Woman's Life in the Ukrainian Underground during and after World War II by Maria Savchyn Pyskir Ania Savage (review)

REVIEWS 369 Pyskir,Maria Savchyn. Thousands ofRoads.A Memoir ofa Young Woman's Lifein theUkrainian Underground During andAfterWorld WarII. Translatedby Ania Savage. McFarland & Company, Jefferson, NC, and London, 200I. 235 pp. Index. $29.95 (paperback). THIS dramaticand fascinatingmemoir introducesthe reader to a little-known aspect of the historyof Ukrainian nationalism women's experiences in the guerillamovement duringthe I940s and early 'sos. Beginningwith the classic works of John A. Armstrong, who wrote a helpful introduction to this book, the scholarlyliteratureon the Ukrainian nationalist movement now boasts a considerablelist of monographs, articles,and documentarypublications.The existingscholarship,however,provideshardlyany discussionofthe nationalist resistance's gender dimension. (Jeffrey Burds of Northeastern University is currently working on a study which discusses, among other aspects of the conflictbetween the nationalistsand the NKVD troops,women's role in both the Ukrainianundergroundand Soviet counter-nationalistoperations.) Any scholarly study of gender roles in the Ukrainian nationalist underground will inevitably prompt questions of whether or not present-day historians are simply reading back their own concerns, rather than reconstructing their protagonists' visions and practices. Pyskir's memoir gives modern historians a formidable evidence of the gender-awareness of the women Ukrainianguerrillasby showing that they themselvescould conceptualize the tension resulting from power invariablybeing in the hands of their male comrades, as well as question the gender roles in the underground.But the memoir deliversmuch more. Expertly translated by Ania Savage, the book takes the reader into the world of interwarEasternGalicia, an ethnic Ukrainianland within the newlycreated Polish state where a mass Ukrainian nationalistmovement had been developing since the nineteenth century,when the region had been partof the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Faced with the Polish assimilationist drive, Ukrainians developed a doctrine of integral nationalism, with its cult of the nation, easy recourse to violence, and an ideal of a strong-willedpersonality. In this atmosphere,Pyskir,then aged fourteen,joined a youth auxiliaryof the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN), but the dreamed-of collapse of Poland in 1939 did not fulfil the aspirationsof young nationalists.As first theSovietregimein 1939-4I and,then,theGermanoccupation in 194I-44 made abundantlyclear, the expansionistprojectsof the two greatpowers had no place in them for the Ukrainiannational cause. The Ukrainiananswerwas armed resistanceto both the Germans and the Soviets, primarilyin the form of the UkrainianInsurgentArmy (UPA),which the Banderawing of the OUN establishedin 1942. An OUN member since I942, Pyskirinitiallyworkedas a courierdelivering correspondenceand propagandaliteratureandjoined the UPA only inAugust I944. Firsta nurse and intelligence agent with the UPA unit stationed on the Polish side of the new Soviet-Polish border, she soon became head of the Ukrainian (underground)Red Crossin the region. In May 1945, she married a prominent nationalist leader, Vasyl Halasa, whose nom de guerre was Orlan. Pyskirbore him a son, but the Polishauthoritiessoon capturedher and 370 SEER, 8o, 2, 2002 her child, and she chose to escape by abandoning her baby, whom she never saw again and whom a high Polishofficialadopted. By the time Pyskirjoined her husband in the woods in the summerof I947 on the Soviet side of the border, the NKVD troops had driven the Ukrainian resistance literally underground, into bunkers and hideouts. During several years in hiding, the observant young woman identified several prominent gender issuesinfluencingthepartisanlife. First,thewomen were usuallybetter educated than the male guerrillas, and the men 'often could not bear the thought that a woman could be regardedas superiorto them, even in the area of formal education' (p. 89). Accordingly, the male majority de-emphasized the value of 'feminine' education and stressed the 'masculine' combat experience instead. A woman who proved herself as a partisan could win acceptance and 'could and would be consulted [on important issues], but the men did the deciding' (p. 89). Initially, Pyskir'ssmall guerrilla unit, in which she was the only woman, expected her to do all the cooking, but eventually, all the partisans in her group came to sharethis responsibility.Also, she began giving them lessons in history, literature, geography, and mathematics in addition to typing propaganda literature and intelligence reports. When in October I948 she gave birth to her second son, the guerrillasplaced the child with a family of sympathizers,and Pyskirreturnedto thewoods. With armedresistancelargely abandoned by then, the partisans concentrated on propaganda and intelligence -gathering, but...

Nationalism, Liberalism, and Democracy

Liberal nationalism is an important recent development in political theory that challenges liberals to acknowledge the significance of nationality in people's lives, and its role in the justification and implementation of liberal policies. If liberal nationalists are correct, national identity serves basic human needs and is not only compatible with liberal ideals of equality and individuality, but must be fostered for these ideals to flourish and for the liberal-democratic state to function. In this article I analyze the doctrine of liberal nationalism and argue that it actually points to the significance of democratic action, not national sentiment, for liberal states. Civic ties between citizens engaged in the public domain, such as those articulated by contemporary democratic theorists, have more relevance for addressing the functional requirements of liberal states than the bonds of national identity.

Liberal nationalism and cosmopolitan justice

Many liberals have argued that a cosmopolitan perspective on global justice follows from the basic liberal principles of justice. Yet, increasingly, it is also said that intrinsic to liberalism is a doctrine of nationalism. This raises a potential problem for the liberal defense of cosmopolitan justice as it is commonly believed that nationalism and cosmopolitanism are conflicting ideals. If this is correct, there appears to be a serious tension within liberal philosophy itself, between its cosmopolitan aspiration on the one hand, and its nationalist agenda on the other. I argue, however, that this alleged conflict between liberal nationalism and cosmopolitan liberalism disappears once we get clear on the scope and goals of cosmopolitan justice and the parameters of liberal nationalism. Liberal nationalism and cosmopolitan global justice, properly understood, are mutually compatible ideals.

Islam, institutions and insurgency: territorial and network jihad

Contemporary research and policies often reduce Islamic insurgency to a simpli?ed notion of jihad, and, simultaneously, the religious doctrine of jihad to pure militancy. Such an approach fails to consider the complexities that de?ne and di?erentiate Islamic insurgents, and hinders further understanding of when, how and if they implement jihad. This paper attempts to address these shortcomings by considering how the ideological histories in?uencing territorially-based movements yield either an adherence to a modern jihad doctrine or a secular nationalist doctrine. Hezbollah in Lebanon and Hamas in the Palestinian Territories provide the case studies wherein this distinction is manifest in their respective popular bases, institutions and military relations. Responding to assumptions of an emergent ‘third form’ of jihad—the network—this study applies the inverse model of the territorial doctrines to the Arab-Afghans and al-Qaeda (the network headed by Osama bin Laden) in order to elucidate its potential explanatory limitations, as well asto o?er some insights.

From Voting to Violence: Democratization and Nationalist Conflict by Jack Snyder (review)

Рецензии 304 щимся во времени (от одного но- мера к другому) метатекстом. По- этому окончательные итоги в этой рецензии подвести не удастся. Не имея возможности подробно оста- навливаться на втором номере “Диаспор” (сдвоенном № 2-3), по- священным проблеме русских, об- ратим внимание на новые черты метатекста “Диаспор”, проявивши- еся в этом номере. Очевидно, что журнал стал более “управляемым”, ровным по составу отобранных ма- териалов. Но от этого ничуть не менее интересным... Arkady TORITSYN Jack Snyder. From Voting to Violence : Democratization and Nationalist Conflict. New York, London: W. W. Norton & Company, 2000. The international system has undergone dramatic transformations since the early 1990s. The collapse of the Soviet Empire and the demise of the Cold War system have brought about a new strategic landscape: rivalry between superpowers no longer dictates the fate of international politics . The importance of geo-strategy and military security has receded in significance, while economic, ecological , communal, and societal security issues have become increasingly important . War is no longer an instrument of policy and a method of resolving disputes — in most cases it has become a means of creating nationalism, mobilizing the masses for supporting the existing regime or opposition, and sparking social revolution. Although there have been conventional wars, a majority of wars have had nationbuilding , social-revolutionary, statecreation , or other purely domestic objectives .3 Jack Snyder in his brilliant book challenges the simplistic approach, which claims that democratization would be an effective antidote to international war and ethnic strife. Snyder explains why in some instances democratization may cause nationalist conflicts, whereas in other instances the process of democratization may be relatively smooth and peaceful. He builds the book on his previous research4 and openly criti3 See, for instance, Edward Azar and C. Moon, (Eds.), National Security in the Third World. Hants, England: Edward Elgar Publishing, 1988; Donald M. Snow. Distant Thunder: Third World Conflict and the New International Order . New York: St.Martin’s Press, 1993; Mohammed Ayoob. The Security Problematic of the Third World // World Politics. No. 43. January 1991. Pp. 257-83. 4 Edward D. Mansfield and Jack Snyder. Democratization and the Danger of War // International Security. Vol. 20. No. 1. Summer 1995. Pp. 5-38; Edward D. Mansfield and Jack Snyder. Democratization and War // Foreign Affairs. Vol. 74. No. 3. May/June 1995. Pp.7997 ; Jack Snyder and Karen Ballentine. Nation- Ab Imperio, 2/2000 305 cizes a “take it easy” approach of some Western politicians who advocate limited involvement in unseemly struggles because they are caused by ancient hatreds and therefore hopelessly intractable. A key theme in Snyder’s research is that conflict or growth of nationalist feelings cannot generally be explained as an inevitable resurgence of ethnic tensions. Ideas about ethnicity and ethnic differences are essentially political and they are routinely reworked by various political actors. In his view, the process of democratization creates conditions that allow for nationalism and ethnic conflict. Snyder starts his book by defining nationalism and democratization. He defines nationalism as the doctrine according to which a people that treats itself as distinct from others in its culture , history or institutions should govern itself through a political system that reflects and protects such distinctiveness . Nationalist conflict is organized violence that emerges on the grounds of such a nationalist doctrine . Defining democracy and democratization , Snyder rejects the minimalist view of democracy, which emphasizes the absolute sovereignty of the majority, expressed through elections. Democracy, in his view, is a more complex phenomenon and includes such aspects as freedom in civic , economic, political, cultural and social dimensions, freedom to organalism and the Marketplace of Ideas // International Security. Vol. 21. No. 2. Fall 1996. Pp. 540 . ize groups to contest elections as well as free press. Then the author examines with great precision the link between democratization and nationalist conflict. He presents two major contending views, as he labels them, the “popular -rivalries”, when democratization opens a window of opportunity for long-held aspirations of an alreadyformed nation, and the “elitepersuasion ” argument, according to which nationalism is weak or absent prior to democratization processes. Snyder favors the second approach which basically states that the elites in the process of democratization exploit nationalism to prevent surrendering real political authority to common people. Since the elites are concerned about their own survival, they are usually reluctant to allow full democratization because this could challenge their economic interests as well as political position of power. Since nationalism is the doctrine of rule in the name of people but not necessarily by people, it allows the elites to be popular and not necessarily democratic. In Snyder’s view, the intensity of democratizing...