Doctor Of Theology Research Articles

John Capgrave's fifteenth century

Britain of the fifteenth century was rife with social change, religious dissent, and political upheaval. Amid this ferment lived John Capgrave-Austin friar, doctor of theology, leading figure in East Anglian society, and noted author. Nowhere are the tensions and anxieties of this critical period, spanning the close of the medieval and the dawn of early modern eras, more eloquently conveyed than in Capgrave's works. John Capgrave's Fifteenth Century is the first book to explore the major themes of Capgrave's writings and to relate those themes to fifteenth-century political and cultural debates. Focusing on Capgrave's later works, especially those in English and addressed to lay audiences, it teases out thematic threads that are closely interwoven in Capgrave's Middle English oeuvre: piety, intellectualism, gender, and social responsibility. It refutes the still-prevalent view of Capgrave as a religious and political reactionary and shows, rather, that he used traditional genres to promote his own independent viewpoint on some of the most pressing controversies of his day, including debates over vernacular theology, orthodoxy and dissent, lay (and particularly female) spirituality, and the state of the kingdom under Henry VI. The book situates Capgrave as a figure both in the vibrant literary culture of East Anglia and in European intellectual history. John Capgrave's Fifteenth Century offers a fresh view of orthodoxy and dissent in late medieval England and will interest students of hagiography, religious and cultural history, and Lancastrian politics and society.

Innovative Diagnostic and Treatment Options: An Interview with James R. Cowan, Jr., M.D., M.S., and Maryanne Cowan, L.C.S.W., Th.D.

It is not often that a successful psychiatrist and a social worker team up to use innovative diagnostics and treatments to help their patients, but James R. Cowan, M.D., M.S., and Maryanne Cowan, L.C.S.W., Th.D., are doing just that. What began 25 years ago as a professional association at East Orange General Hospital, (East Orange, New Jersey) has evolved into a marriage, a joint clinical practice, and an ongoing exploration of new technologies and therapies that blend allopathic and meridian-based protocols. Today, this team’s work is unique, successful, and quite unlike any other practice in the United States. Dr. James Cowan, a fourth-generation physician, has been a practicing psychiatrist in Northern New Jersey for 32 years. After graduating from Meharry Medical College (Nashville, Tennessee) in 1970, he completed his psychiatric training at Harlem Hospital and Columbia University Medical School (both in New York City). He also obtained a Master’s degree in community psychiatry from Columbia Medical School. As director of psychiatry at East Orange General Hospital for 27 years, he has built a comprehensive psychiatric program there. Dr. Maryanne Cowan received an L.C.S.W. degree from Rutgers (New Brunswick, New Jersey), and is a licensed clinical social worker. After receiving her degree, she was a social worker at East Orange General Hospital, and worked there for 3 years, and then established her own practice. This past March, she received a Doctor of Theology (Th.D. degree) in integrative health care and spiritual healing from the Holos Graduate Seminary in Fair Grove, Missouri. Dr. Maryanne Cowan has long been interested in complementary and alternative medicine (CAM), as well as in therapies that are nontoxic and noninvasive, and that have fewer side effects than allopathic treatments. It was she who sparked her husband’s interest in CAM protocols, and the team began to attend seminars on new diagnostic and treatment options to better serve their patients. This led to their creation of Advanced Dimensions in Healing, a complementary medicine and wellness center in Ridgewood, New Jersey. A variety of allopathic and CAM services are offered at the center, with such recent protocols as Gas Discharge Visualization (GDV) for real-time energy-field analysis; Bioresonance to provide healing at a cellular level; and SottoPelle,™ a form of bioidentical hormone replacement therapy.

Science, Myth and Eastern Souls: J. S. C. Schweigger and the Society for the Spread of Natural Knowledge and Higher Truth

In nineteenth-century Germany, it was rare to find a German Protestant intellectual who had much positive to say about the historical role of the Jesuit order. Branded as anti-scientific, obscurantist and anti-modern, the Jesuits were one of liberal Protestants favorite targets of criticism. When a German Protestant used the word “Jesuit”, it was generally safe to assume the label was meant as an insult. It is surprising, then, to find the chemist J. S. C. Schweigger, the son of a Protestant theologian and himself a doctor of theology, holding forth at the 1837 meeting of the Gesellschaft Deutscher Naturforscher und Aerzte (the yearly annual meeting of German scientists) about the world historical importance of the early modern Jesuit missions to Asia. The birth of modern natural science, Schweigger claimed, was intricately bound up with the accomplishments of the Jesuits in the East; modern science had flourished in the seventheenth-century in no small measure because of the example the Jesuits provided of a successful marriage between theology and natural research.1 Much recent historical work has uncovered the importance of the Jesuit order for early modern science. For a German Protestant in the mid-ninetheenthcentury, however, this opinion was decidedly unusual, and previous research on Schweigger offers limited clues as to why and how he might have developed his idiosyncratic reading of the history of science. J. S. C. Schweigger (1779-1857),

:Unceasing Strife, Unending Fear: Jacques de Thérines and the Freedom of the Church in the Age of the Last Capetians

Jacques de Thérines, Cistercian abbot of Chaalis and Pontigny, learned doctor of theology, was one of those historical characters who should have written his personal memoirs, preferably in the tell-all style favored today, but did not. In his own time he enjoyed somewhat the status of an inside player; he observed great events from the epicenters; he mingled with those who moved and shaped those events directly. What he knew or heard might have enlightened us on many points, had he chosen to tell the story. It has fallen rather to William Chester Jordan to present that story, pieced together faute de mieux from Jacques's official writings: the quodlibets that he produced on questions of the day, his arguments at the Council of Vienne, the records of his abbatial administration. This book gives us a fresh look at the events of a turbulent time through the eyes of a fresh source, but those eyes do not quite penetrate the veil of the sanctums where the great deeds were plotted and decided.

KING ARTHUR AT OXBRIDGE: NICHOLAS CANTELUPE, GEOFFREY OF MONMOUTH, AND CAMBRIDGE'S ARTHURIAN FOUNDATION MYTH

The marvelous logic of the mad ... seems to mock that of the logicians because it resembles it so exactly, or rather because it is exactly the same, and because at the secret heart of madness, at the core of so many of its errors, so many words and gestures without consequence, we discover, finally, the hidden perfection of a language. (Michel Foucault, Madness and Civilization)Nicholas Cantelupe and his 'Historiola'Anyone consulting the official archives of Cambridge University in 1510 or indeed a century later would have encountered, as Cambridge's oldest surviving charter, one granted by that most illustrious of British monarchs, King Arthur.1 The charter, needless to say, is a hoax; and the man responsible for inflicting it on the world was Nicholas Cantelupe, who early in the fifteenth century produced a prodigiously fantastical history of the University of Cambridge, the Historiola de antiquitate et origine almae et immaculatae Universitatis Cantebrigiae.2 The Historiola contains a remarkable Arthurian episode and offers excellent amusement and curiosity value. It deserves to be rescued from the obscurity into which it has sunk.This obscurity is now so great that one would look in vain for Nicholas Cantelupe's name in a number of standard reference works - the Arthurian Encyclopedia and Bibliography, the DNB, Antonia Gransden's Historical Writing in England - and so might suspect that, in the spirit of my subject, 1 have made him up.3 But Nicholas really did exist, which is more than can be said of Arthur's charter. Our main authority for his life and works is the sixteenth-century antiquarian John Bale, who tells us that Nicholas gained a doctorate in theology at Cambridge before becoming a Carmelite prior in Cambridge, Bristol, Gloucester, and finally Northampton, where he died in 1441.4 According to Bale, he was a good friend of Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester (patron of Lydgate, Capgrave, et al.);5 Bale also ascribes to Nicholas, in addition to the Historiola, five further works, fragments of two of which are extant in Bale's own transcripts:6 both deal with the 'history' (equally fantastical) of the Carmelite order, which boasted direct descent from the prophet Elijah. And while Bale is not exactly known for his accuracy, on Nicholas Cantelupe he can be trusted - for two reasons: firstly, Bale had himself been a Carmelite prior and was well informed about the order, the history of which interested him greatly;7 secondly, Bale's information is partly confirmed by a surviving record from the borough of Northampton, in which Nicholas is mentioned as prior of the local Carmelite house in 1423.8 This date gives us a terminus ad quem for the Historiola, which Nicholas presumably wrote in his earlier Cambridge days.The last serious attempt to improve Nicholas's public profile was in 1719, when the only printed text of the Historiola appeared in an appendix to Thomas Hearne's edition of Thomas Sprott's Chronicle. Of course, this edition is not scholarly by today's standards: the Latin has been classicized, perhaps in part because Hearne used a late text for his edition.9 There are, however, at least five fifteenth-century manuscripts,10 which I hope will one day form the basis of a critical edition. That there must once have been more copies is apparent from a letter to Thomas Hearne by a Cambridge scholar:As to your next design, I have nothing material to offer concerning the Historiola, which I have always lookt upon as one entire fable, and the fruitful Invention of a teeming Monkish brain. We have several copies, one at Clare Hall [now Clare College] which by its hand seems to be as old as the Author. Another at Caius College, copied out an[no] 1464 by John Heryson, Doctor in Sacris Medicinis [probably Gonville and Caius, MS 249/277]. Another upon the Black Book entred by Dr Buckingham Vice Chancellor an[no] 1509 or ten.11In his Handlist of Latin Writers, Richard Sharpe lists, in addition to the five medieval codices, four later manuscripts;12 I am able to add yet another. …

God and Contemporary Science by Philip Clayton

140 BOOK REVIEWS before Thomas, or of the Christology of St. Albert, Eckhart, and so on. Contrary to the oppositions that our contemporary thought cultivate, the theology of these Dominican masters can be called Christocentric, since it is theocentric in a coherent and unified speculative vision. University ofFribourg Fribourg, Switzerland GILLES EMERY, 0.P. God and Contemporary Science. By PI-IlLIP CLAYTON. Grand Rapids, Mich.: Wm. B. Eerdmans, 1998. Pp. xii + 274. $25.00 (paper). ISBN 0-8028-44607-X. Everyone now agrees that the dialogue between religion and science has become something of a cottage industry within academia, especially in the United States and Great Britain. Presses, both commercial and academic, spurred on by the phenomenal success of Stephen Hawking's A BriefHistory ofTime, pour out books on the topic in such abundance that no one mortal can read them all. Universities, both state supported and religiously affiliated, sponsor conferences on the topic. And foundations, led by the extraordinary generosity ofthe Templeton Foundation, fund these conferences---conferences which are prestigious enough not only to presume to invite, but also magnetic enough to manage to draw, some of the most prominent scientists and theologians in the English-speaking world. Anyone who has attended these conferences, however, or reads the papers that often get published later, cannot help but notice how much the dialogue still is primarily between scientists and theologians. Conspicuously noticeable by their absence are (for the most part) professional philosophers. A typical Templeton conference, for example, will boast scientists from the National Aeronautics andSpaceAdministration, historians of science from the University of Wisconsin, theologians from the Graduate Theological Union in Berkeley, California, etc. But a John Searle or a Hilary Putnam, or even a Colin McGinn or a Richard Rorty? Not if published proceedings of these conferences are anything to go by. This background to the religion-science dialogue might seem at first to be of only sociological interest. But in fact it points to one ofthe central dilemmas in the conversation as it is currently being conducted. The essence of the dialogue centers on issues that are almost all strictly philosophical in nature. Yet rarely does an outside observer of the debate in these conferences see any participant explicitly acknowledge this crucial fact. Indeed, one cannot avoid BOOK REVIEWS 141 the impression that the dialogue has stalled, running more or less on cruise-control, primarily becausethe dialogue-partners often do not realizethat they are slipping, all unawares, into a specifically philosophical analysis. Of course, there is nothing to forbid a scientist or theologian from expressing philosophical views, but conversation never gets very far if one is doing that without realizing it. Perhaps the greatest virtue of Philip Clayton's recent book is his realization that, as he puts it, "productive discussion between theology and the sciences requires finding some third playing field within which the similarities and differences between their two sets of conclusions can be brought to clear expression" (82-83), a playing field that only philosophy can provide. In the vast forest of felled trees that constitutes the religion-science dialogue, what a relief it is to read such a sentence as this: "Before we turn our primary attention to the doctrine of God's activity in the world in the light of contemporary science, then, it behooves us first to explore what kind of contribution philosophical reflection can make to the doctrine of God" (83). Forthis reason, God and Contemporary Science represents that rarity in the field: an advance in the discussion that moves the entire dialogue onto a whole new level. And for this task the author is singularly well equipped: trained in Germany in the theology of Wolfhart Pannenberg and in the United States in philosophical theology, he bringstothe discussion (at least from the theological side) a unique battery of competencies, moving with equal facility from the exegesis of Genesis and the natural theology of post-Newtonian theologians to the philosophical theology of Alvin Platinga and Nicholas Wolterstorff. This means that, although he has no specifically scientific expertise to bring to bear on the discussion (he earned his doctorate in theology), the author can nonetheless spot any philosophical weakness in, say, a physicist...

A Conversation with Reverend Theodore Hesburgh: Building a World Class University

Father Theodore M. Hesburgh, C.S.C. is the President Emeritus of the University of Notre Dame stepping down in 1987, after 35 years at the helm. Father Hesburgh served the University of Notre Dame well, building the academic quality of the university from a modest position to one of a national reputation in scholarship and quality of instruction. At 82 years of age, he still is active throughout the world in striving for world peace and justice. He is also active at Notre Dame in serving as an inspiration providing counsel and religious strength to the community of faculty and students. Father Hesburgh was born in Syracuse, New York on May 25, 1917. He attended the University of Notre Dame from 1934-1937. He then attended Gregorian University in Rome from 1937-1940, where he received a bachelor of philosophy degree. He was ordained a priest in the Congregation of Holy Cross College in 1943. Following his ordination, Father Hesburgh continued his study of scared theology at the Catholic University of America receiving a Doctor of Theology in 1945. Father Hesburgh was an assistant professor of religion at Notre Dame from 1945-1948, and was the chairman of the department from 1948-1949. In 1949, he became the executive vice president of Notre Dame until 1952, when he became the 15th President of the University. He held that position until 1987. He has held 15 presidential appointments over the years most recently for the United States Institute for Peace. At the same time, he remained a national leader in the field of education, serving on many commissions and study groups. As chairman of the International Federation of Catholic Universities from 1963-1970, Father Hesburgh led a movement to redefine the nature and mission of the contemporary Catholic university. His stature as an elder statesman in American higher education is reflected in his 141 honorary degrees, the most ever awarded to a single person. Highlighting a lengthy list of awards to Father Hesburgh is the Medal of Freedom, the nation's highest civilian honor, bestowed on him by President Lyndon Johnson in 1964 and on the 10th of July, 2000, he will receive the Congressional Gold Medal. Father Hesburgh has served as the first Catholic Priest to serve as a director of the Chase Manhattan Bank and a trustee (later chairman) of the Rockefeller Foundation. His appointment as ambassador to the 1979 United Nations Conference on Science and Technology for Development was the first time a priest had served in a formal diplomatic role for the United States government. He was the first priest elected to the Board of Overseers at Harvard University being chosen as President in 1994 and 1995. In 1990-1996, he co-chaired the Knight Commission on Intercollegiate Athletics, studying the need for reform of college sports. I served under Father Hesburgh from 1977-1984 and was very impressed with the quality of leadership he displayed. It is an honor to spend time with a legend and get a better understanding how he worked to improve the academic quality of the University of Notre Dame and worked to promote social justice and world peace. I hope this interview will provide you some insights into a man that has typified quality leadership over four decades. K.T.: Father Hesburgh, how would you describe your leadership philosophy? FATHER HESBURGH: My leadership philosophy is that leadership is more than just management. A person can come to a company or a university and manage it very well for 10 years. And when your 10 years are up, the organization has gone 10 years with no revolutions and no big failures of any kind, but no greatness either. It seems to me that the first thing a leader needs more than anything else is vision. He has to know let's say, where this institution is to go. He wants to know what it is to be. I gave a talk, I remember, at the beginning of being President and I said we had a mediocre faculty, we had a criminal budget given what we were purporting to do (like $7 million a year). …

The Death Penalty. An Historical and Theological Survey by James T. Megivern

BOOK REVIEWS703 Finally, one wonders if Lang's attribution ofthe Lord's Prayer toJohn the Baptist and his movement (pp. 78-80) is more provocation than history. He seems correct in underlining the political nature of this prayer, but offers no convincing evidence that it should have come from the circle of the Baptist rather than from Jesus. This history of Christian worship contains a number of other features that are often lacking in standard liturgical histories. By providing essays on sermon and ecstasy the author draws a fuller picture of the experience of worship than can normally be found in such standard studies. In doing so Lang has written a book that will have to be dealt with by historians for a long time to come. John F. Baldovin, SJ. Jesuit School ofTheology Berkeley, California The Death Penalty. An Historical and Theological Survey. By James T. Megivern. (Mahwah, NewJersey: Paulist Press. 1997. Pp. xiii, 641. $29-95.) Capital punishment, like slavery, was one of those institutions of Roman law that the early Christians accepted as an ordinary mechanism of civil society. Occasionally , Christians (e.g., Lactantius) taught that all killing was wrong. More often,bishops (e.g.,Ambrose and Augustine) rebuked the official authors ofparticular public executions or recommended mercy in particular cases. No established , coherent, fundamental opposition to the institution developed. At the beginning of the fifth century, Innocent I could say, "On this point nothing has been handed down to us."The Christian emperors (Theodosius,Justinian), codifying the law, freely incorporated the death penalty. The Gospel texts on forgiveness and love ofneighbor had not been made a barrier against such law, nor had the example of enormous official error in the execution ofJesus provided a deterrent. The Old Testament, with at least thirteen capital crimes including blasphemy, stood as a ready repository of authority affording divine approbation of the practice. The medieval Church got more deeply into its support as death became the punishment for heretics.Ad abolendam,X.5.7.9, of Lucius III in 1 184 provided that the unrepentant or lapsed heretic was to be "left to the judgment of the secular power to be punished by punishment of death." R. H. Helmholz, The Spirit of Classical Law, says," [N]o one doubted that the punishment being referred to was death" (p. 362). Megivern, relying on Edward Peters' Inquisition, sees the decisive step as Gregory LX's constitution of 1231,Excommunicamus. By this point the fiction that priests did not shed blood in turning heretics over to the secular power had been accepted without cavil by the canonists.Writing against this legal background, Thomas Aquinas's defense of capital punishment in general and of turning the lapsed over to the state to be killed sealed the official position with the prestige of a great theologian. 704BOOK REVIEWS The course was set for centuries. Spectacular examples of error—Jan Hus, Joan ofArc, Girolamo Savonarola—did not shake confidence in this way of fortifying the faith. The outbreak of revolt against the papacy in the sixteenth century only enlarged the number of executions. In the bull Exsurge Domine, Leo X condemned proposition 35 of Martin Luther,"It is against the will of the Spirit to burn heretics."The Roman Catechism and the great Counter-Reformation theologians endorsed the practice. Suarez in Defide Theologica, Disputation 23, asked,"Can the Church justly punish the heretics with the punishment of death?" and confidently answered affirmatively. There was now not even a fiction : it was the Church that punished capitally. In the Papal States, the death penalty was an ordinary part of criminal law enforcement, used against brigands and heretics alike. I draw the foregoing from Megivern's book. The author's method is a judicious use of secondary sources such as Peters supplemented by his own reading of texts such as Bellarmine's. He writes as an avowed critic of the death penalty today. His credentials include a doctorate in theology from the University of Fribourg and a licentiate's degree in Sacred Scripture from the Pontifical Biblical Institute. He currently teaches in the Department ofPhilosophy and Religion at the University of North Carolina. He sets out the horrors...

The Ecclesiological Self-Understanding of the Lutheran World Federation: From “Free Association” to “Communion of Churches”

The Ecumenical ReviewVolume 44, Issue 4 p. 479-490 The Ecclesiological Self-Understanding of the Lutheran World Federation: From “Free Association” to “Communion of Churches” Kjell Nordstokke, Kjell Nordstokke Dr Nordstokke is study director at the School of Theology and Diaconal Ministry, Diaconia College Centre, Oslo, Norway. This paper is a condensed version of a lecture held on a theme chosen by the candidate himself for the degree of doctor of theology at the University of Oslo, 8 February 1991. It was published in 1991 in Norsk Teologisk Tidsskrift.Search for more papers by this author Kjell Nordstokke, Kjell Nordstokke Dr Nordstokke is study director at the School of Theology and Diaconal Ministry, Diaconia College Centre, Oslo, Norway. This paper is a condensed version of a lecture held on a theme chosen by the candidate himself for the degree of doctor of theology at the University of Oslo, 8 February 1991. It was published in 1991 in Norsk Teologisk Tidsskrift.Search for more papers by this author First published: October 1992 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1758-6623.1992.tb02812.x Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinked InRedditWechat Volume44, Issue4October 1992Pages 479-490 RelatedInformation

The Religion of Early Scottish Protestants

In Scotland as elsewhere, Protestant reform began as a clerical revolt within the Established Church. Without exception, the earliest leaders of reform in Scotland were disenchanted ecclesiastics, men whose backgrounds were essentially academic and clerical, men who possessed sufficient technical training and expertise to appreciate, before the sloganizing began, the significance (if not all the implications) of Luther’s academic revolt in 1517, and the relevance of his challenging ideas on salvation and his attack on the ‘treasury of merit’: not even the saints, he believed, had sufficient merit to save themselves. Luther, after all, was an Augustinian friar, priest, university teacher (as, for that matter, were Wyclif and Hus), and doctor of theology before his break with Rome. His thinking merited scrutiny, appraisal, and debate, even if only for refutation; and if nothing else, scholastic methodology had fostered theological speculation and critical discussion within an accepted framework of debate. Besides, Erasmus’s initial reaction to Luther’s Ninety-Five Theses was conciliatory: he considered Luther’s beliefs would be approved by all men, apart from a few points on purgatory; and he was later to observe, in 1519, that Luther’s detractors were intent on ‘condemning passages in the writings of Luther which are deemed orthodox when they occur in the writings of Augustine and Bernard’.

Hume's Philosophy of Religion

I shall be dealing with not only Sections X and XI but also Part II of Section VIII and Part III of Section XII. Of all this material we have, anywhere in the originally anonymous and later emphatically disowned Treatise of Human Nature, Hume's first book, nothing more than at most hints. But in a surviving letter, written while he was still working on the manuscript of that Treatise, Hume wrote: ‘I am at present castrating my work, that is, cutting off its nobler parts; that is, endeavouring it shall give as little offence as possible, before which I would not pretend to put it in the Doctor's hands’. Enclosed with this letter were some ‘Reasonings concerning Miracles’, which must have anticipated what became Section X of our Enquiry. Presumably there were other excised anticipations also. The ‘Doctor’ mentioned was a Doctor of Theology, Joseph Butler, soon to be appointed Bishop of Durham; an office open in that period only to believing Christians.

Hume's Philosophy of Religion

I shall be dealing with not only Sections X and XI but also Part II of Section VIII and Part III of Section XII. Of all this material we have, anywhere in the originally anonymous and later emphatically disowned Treatise of Human Nature, Hume's first book, nothing more than at most hints. But in a surviving letter, written while he was still working on the manuscript of that Treatise, Hume wrote: ‘I am at present castrating my work, that is, cutting off its nobler parts; that is, endeavouring it shall give as little offence as possible, before which I would not pretend to put it in the Doctor's hands’. Enclosed with this letter were some ‘Reasonings concerning Miracles’, which must have anticipated what became Section X of our Enquiry. Presumably there were other excised anticipations also. The ‘Doctor’ mentioned was a Doctor of Theology, Joseph Butler, soon to be appointed Bishop of Durham; an office open in that period only to believing Christians.

John Walsham, O.F.M., on the Existence of God

JOHN WALSHAM, O.F.M., ON THE EXISTENCE OF GOD If it is true of England that the philosophy taught there in the mid-fourteenth century has not been very much studied, it is especially true of Cambridge and Norwich. Some preliminary work has been done to identify the Franciscan lectors there, and John of Walsham in particular.1 John was born in Walsham, near Norwich. He was the seventy-second Franciscan Lector at Cambridge, and later Lector at the Franciscan Studium at Norwich, about 1350. He obtained his doctorate in theology at Cambridge. Only one manuscript of John's works survives.2 It contains nine disputed questions, the first three disputed in Cambridge and the last six, later, in Norwich. The titles of the questions are: i. Utrum sola via fidei certificet viatorem naturam divinam esse summe et infinite perfectam. 2.Utrum de summa et infinita perfeccione prime essencie sit prescientia futurorum. 3.Utrum potencia productiva ad intra sit de summa perfeccione nature prime. 4.Utrum naturali documento possit viator certificari tantum unum Deum esse. 5.Utrum prima essencia sit universaliter privacionum, negacionum, et impossibilitatum causa prima. 1 A. G. Little, "The Friars and the Foundation of the Faculty of Theology in the University of Cambridge," Mélanges Mandonnet, II (Paris, 1930) 389-401; A. G. Little, "Theological Schools in Medieval England," English Historical Review, 55 (1940) 624-630; F. Pelster, "Die Quästionem des Johannes von Walsham , O.F.M." Franziskanische Studien, 34 (1952) 129-146; A. B. Emden, A Biographical Register of the University of Cambridge to 1500 (Cambridge, 1963) 613; V. Doucet, "Le Studium Franciscan de Norwich en 1337," Archivum Franciscanum Historicum, 46 (1953) 85-98. 2 Oxford, Corpus Christi College, 182, ff. 65-82. For a description of it, see Pelster, pp. 137-139. Il6LEONARD A. KENNEDY 6.Utrum prima essencia sit summe simplex. 7.Utrum naturali doctrina possimus certificare quodlibet esse immutabile secundum substanciam prêter primum. •8. Utrum a Deo presciti ad penam eternam necessario finaliter dampnabuntur. 9. Utrum Deus sit summe immaterialis. Since the works of these Cambridge and Norwich philosophers have not been analyzed, it would be of value to study John's disputed questions. The first of these is of special importance because in it John affirms that it is possible to prove a posteriori the existence of a creating God. It is rare to find a philosopher asserting this in the decades after the publication of Ockham's Commentary on the Sentences . Accordingly this first question will be analyzed here. It was disputed between 1344 and 1349, as it refers to the De Causa Dei of Thomas Bradwardine and refers to Thomas as Chancellor. The De Causa Dei was published in 1344, and in 1349 Thomas left the chancellorship of St. Paul's Cathedral, London, to become Archbishop of Canterbury. It is clear from the text that John is quite familiar with the works of Aristotle, Averroes, Avicenna, St. Augustine, Dionysius the PseudoAreopagite , St. John Damascene, Peter Lombard, Richard of St. Victor, St. Anselm, St. Thomas Aquinas, Henry of Ghent, and Thomas Bradwardine. The omission of references to Scotus and Ockham is striking, but Pelster has shown that John's other questions mention Scotus and that this first question could well be directed against Ockham. John thinks that it is easier to prove the existence of a first being than to prove the existence of a being supremely and infinitely perfect , the creator of the universe (Bi a).3 John first lists arguments for God's existence given, in particular, by Peter Lombard, St. Anselm, and Augustine (A), and adds arguments from Richard of St. Victor, St. Augustine again, and St. Thomas Aquinas (C). He does not doubt that these establish the existence of a supreme and most perfect being (C, at the beginning), but a further step is required to estabUsh the existence of a supremely and infinitely perfect being (D, at the beginning). Aristotle and Averroes achieved the first step but not the 8 Rather than quote from John's text, reference is made to the transcription of it given at the end of this article. John Walsham, O.F.M., on the Existence of God117 second...

Notes on Richard Lavenham's So-Called "Summulae Logicales," with a Partial Edition of the Text

NOTES ON RICHARD LAVENHAM'S SO-CALLED "SUMMULAE LOGICALES," WITH A PARTIAL EDITION OF THE TEXT In his Bibliotheca Brittanica-Hibernica,1 Thomas Tanner attributes to the fourteenth century writer Richard Lavenham2 a work in one book caUed Summulae Logicales. He cites no manuscript, but gives the incipit "Juxta processum Aristotelis." There is a text with that incipit at the beginning of the collection of Lavenham's writings contained in Venice, San Marco, MS Z 300 (1872).3 Although the MS does not attribute this or any other individual work explicitly to Lavenham,4 there is little reason to doubt his authorship. First, 1 London: G. Bowyer, 1748, p. 471. (Not p. 741 as reported in my "Notes on Some Manuscripts of Logical and Physical Works by Richard Lavenham," Manuscripta, 19 (1975), 139-146, at p. 139, n. 5). · 2 On Lavenham, see my papers "The Treatises On Modal Propositions and On Hypothetical Propositions by Richard Lavenham," Mediaeval Studies, 35 (!973J. 49-59; "Five Logical Tracts by Richard Lavenham," in J. Reginald O'Donnell, ed., Essays in Honour of Anton Charles Pegis, (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1974), pp. 70-124; "Richard Lavenham's ObIigationes : Edition and Comments," Rivista critica di storia della filosofía 33 (1978), 225-242; and "Notes on Some Manuscripts...," cited in ?. 1 above. Only a few details of Lavenham's life are known. He was born at Lavenham in Suffolk (the date is unknown), entered the Carmelites at Ipswich, and later studied at Oxford. There is some evidence that he received the doctorate in theology there. He was prior of Bristol Convent, confessor to Richard II and a friend of the Archbishop of Canterbury, Simon Sudbury. He was alive as late as September, 1399. See C. L. Kingsford, "Lavenham, or Lavyngham, Richard," Dictionary of National Biography , XI, 652-653; and A. B. Emden, A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford to a.d. 1500, 3 vols., (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1957-1959), II, 11091 1 10. Lavenham's philosophical writing probably comes from the 1370's or 1380's. • For a description of the contents of this MS, see "Notes on Some Manuscripts..." 4 On fol. 78va, following Lavenham's Tractatus de Incipit et Desinit, there appear the words "Explicit. Incipit Heytesbury." But the attribution is probably misplaced; it should probably go with Heytesbury's Tractatus Consequentiarum, Notes on Richard Lavenham's Summulae Logicales37 r there is a general colophon on fol. o,iva, at the end of the entire MS: "ExpUciunt logicae et philosophiae utiUssime compilati tractatus Magistri Ricardi Lavinham angUci ordinis Sanctissimae genetricis dei Mariae de monte Carmelo, deo gratias." Second, in partial confirmation of that colophon, many of the works in the MS are also contained in London, British Library, MS Sloane 3899, where they are explicitly attributed to Lavenham.5 Third, if I have properly located the end of the text beginning "Juxta processum Aristotelis" (see below), it contains at least two references to other works explicitly attributed to Lavenham in the Sloane MS, the first6 to his Tractatus de Terminis Modalibus et Propositionibus Modalibus7 and the second* to his Tractatus de Decern Generibus.9 But while the authenticity of the work is not seriously in doubt, it is impossible to determine with confidence just how much it comprises . There is no manuscript authority whatever for the title "Summulae Logicales," which seems to have been Tanner's invention. The text begins on fol. ira of the Venice MS with a discussion of the three kinds of terms (written, spoken and mental),10 of the noun11 and the verb,12 and of expressions (orationes),13 and then a long discussion of sentences (propositiones), including the laws of opposition and conversion.14 This much of the text loosely follows Aristotle's De Interpretatione. There foUows a list of the ten categories and a brief discussion of transcendental and analogous terms,15 and a which does appear on fols. 79rb-9iva. On this matter, see "Notes on Some Manuscripts...," pp. 144 t. 6 For an analysis of the contents of this MS, see the article "The Treatises...," cite in n. 2 above. • Par. 75 of the edition below. 7 Venice, fols. igrb-22ra...

Grundtvigs udfordring til moderne theologi

Grundtvigs udfordring til moderne theologi

Moral and Ethical Implications of Human Organ Transplants.

Morals and ethics of transplantation have received so much attention in the past few years that one wonders whether anything new can be said about them. One finds that very little can, or more properly, has. Yet this little volume has all the appurtenances of a more ambitious work—a foreword (by Dwight E. Harken, MD), preface, introduction, table of contents, reference notes at the end of each chapter, epilogue, bibliography, index, and even a few illustrations. The author is senior chaplain at the Baptist Hospital of Miami, Fla. Thus, it is no surprise that religiosity and biblical quotations stand out large. There is some factual material. The book springs from a dissertation written as a requirement for a doctorate in theology. The research involved not only a review of the literature (mostly journals, magazines, and newspapers) but also the solicitation of opinions and attitudes from hospital administrators and chaplains, ministers,

Der Begriff religio bei Thomas von Aquin. Seine Bedeutung für unser heutiges Verständnis von Religion by Erich Heck

BOOK REVIEWS 8~5 Thomas's treatment of grace in the systematic works, he overlooks one of the main reasons for this. He fails to locate the systematic works in their Sitz im Leben in the pedagogical system of the times, which gave the primary place to the commentaries on Scripture. When one realizes that all of St. Thomas's teaching as a doctor of theology was devoted to lectures on the Scripture and that the Summa, for example, was only " outside reading," then one will realize that the one-sidedness of the treatment in the Summa was being balanced by the treatment of the same themes in the lectures on the Scripture, in a less systematic but more biblical fashion. We are in basic agreement with the conclusion of the author where he suggests that the Thomistic and the contemporary approaches can be mutually helpful. This is a valuable suggestion, though there will not be very many in practice who have the patience and intellectual sympathy to get to the depth and relevance of St. Thomas's treatment that lie beneath his thought categories which sound so foreign to many today. The author does not attempt to show how this bridge can be built. He has, however, put us a step closer to the realization of such a project by his organization of the textual material of St. Thomas. Marquette University Milwaukee, Wiscomin J. R. SHEETS, s. J. Der Begriff religio bei Thomas von Aquin. Seine Bedeutung fur unser heutiges Verstiindnis von Religion. By ERICH HEcK. Miinchen-Paderborn -Wien: Verlag Ferdinand Schoningh, 1971. Pp. 336. DM 32. The subject of religion is one of great theological actuality and importance . However, it is the subject of study not so much for theologians as for historians, sociologists, psychologists, and perhaps philosophers. The theological examination of the religious phenomenon's structure and origin has to a very great extent been neglected in modern theology whether Catholic or non-Catholic. With a view to meeting in some way this need, and in order to help somewhat towards an authentically theological interpretation of the mass of facts offered by modern historical study, by sociology and psychology, E. Heck has set himself the task of expounding the essential lines of St. Thomas's thought on the subject, whilst at the same time taking care to point out how the teaching of Aquinas may well be completed and at times modified by the results of modern scientific investigation into the origin and structure of the religious phenomena. St. Thomas's treatise on religio is one of the most extensive in the Summa Theologiae, taking up 20 full questions divided into 109 distinct articles 3~6 BOOK REVIEWS (II-II, qq. 81-100). It is rather unfortunate that it has not received the attention it most certainly deserves from commentators and students of Aquinas. The treatise is built into his formidable and ingenious moral theological synthesis: for, as distinct from most modern investigators, he conceived of religio as that quality or disposition of soul that is called forth by man's realization and conviction of his creaturehood, and of the CreatorGod 's claims, based on the metaphysical fact of creation. Faith is obviously presupposed and one might say even included (in-formatively) in all religious experience and life, as also is the ultimate possibility of demonstrating the existing reality of a Creator-God (See I Cont. Gent., c. 9, n° 58; also his frequent reference to the ius and beneficium of creation as the source of all religious experience and disposition; III Sent., d. 9, q. 1, a. 1, qcla. 1, n° 20; III Cont. Gent., c. 120, n° 2924; I-II, q. 100, a. 5 ad 2). Now, Heck, in order to achieve his end of expounding the essential thought of Aquinas and of pointing up its true relevance in modern theological discussion (and perhaps in a special way in ecumenical discussion), bases his work on a detailed examination of 14 articles of the thomatic treatise, viz., on the 8 articles of II-II, q. 81, and on the following six: II-II, q. 82, a. 2; q. 83, a. 3; q. 84, a. 1; q...

A Medieval Objection to “Ptolemy”

In 364 the German Schoolman, Henry Hembuche of Langenstein, or as he is more frequently called, Henry of Hesse, wrote an extremely odd treatise entitledOn the Reprobation of Eccentrics and Epicycles (De reprobatione ecentricorum et epiciclorum) in which he attempted to refute Ptolemaic astronomy. We can be confident of the date, 1364, since Henry himself tells us that he is writing in that year. At that time Langenstein had been an M.A. at Paris for about a year, and was teaching in the arts faculty while pursuing the studies which were ultimately to bring him a doctorate in theology.

The De Anima of John Sharpe

THE DE ANIMA OF JOHN SHARPE We are fortunate that bibliographers in late-medieval England have left detailed records of works written in that country. Yet, if one searches for these works today, one discovers only a small fraction extant. Not many of them were printed, and many manuscripts containing them were lost through carelessness or wanton destruction. There is one writer, however, whose works have survived in some number: John Sharpe, whose writings have not yet been studied. Since there is such a scarcity of material available for studying the philosophy taught in late-medieval England, this study proposes to give an account of Sharpe's De Anima, perhaps his most interesting work, and probably the only extant De Anima written in England from the death of John Wycliffe (1384) until long after the Reformation. Life and Works Not a great deal is known of John Sharpe's life. He is not mentioned in the Dictionary of National Biography. Most of the information about him comes from Dr. Emden's A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford to A.D. 1500.1 Sharpe was of the diocese of Münster in Westphalia , and came from Hannonia, in present-day Belgium. He received his B. A. from the University of Prague in 1379.2 It is known that he was a fellow at Queen's College, Oxford, at least from 1391 to 1403, that he became a Master of Arts, and that he held various posts at the College, including that of provost. His admission to Queen's may well have been due to a recommendation by the College's patron, Anne of Bohemia, who was consort of King Richard II from 1382 to her death in 1394.3 John was ordained a secular priest in 1393 and admitted as a bachelor of theology in 1396—97. Though Dr. Emden does not mention that Sharpe obtained his doctorate in theology, there is evidence that he 1 (Oxford, 1957—59), III, 1680. 2 Monumenta Historiae Universitatis Carola-Ferdinandeae Pragensis, ed. Dittrich and Spirk (Prague, 1830—48), 1, 190—191. 1 am indebted to Dr. John M. Fletcher and Dr. Emden for this reference. 8 I am again indebted to Dr. Emden for this suggestion. 250LEONARD A. KENNEDY, C. S. B. did so. Two writers4 call him doctor, one of these being Thomas Gascoigne of Oxford, who was in a position to know about such a matter. Sharpe is also called a doctor of theology in two other manuscripts.5 The date of his death is not known. It would seem that in his day he was considered an important person. Thomas Gascoigne calls him doctor famosus* and a scribe refers to him as doctor eximius.1 Leland, Bale, Pits, and Tanner, the chief bibliographers of fifteenth-century England, all indicate that he established a reputation as a writer. His importance is also attested by the large number of extant manuscripts containing his works. None of his works has been printed. The certainly authentic ones include : (a)Questio de anima, in eight manuscripts.8 (b)Commentary on Aristotle's Physics, in seven manuscripts. ß (c)Questio super universalia, in four manuscripts.10 (d)Six anti-Wyclifite tractates in a Merton College manuscript at Oxford.11 The titles are : De orationibus sanctorum, De suffragiis viatorum, De pluralitate beneficiorum, De potestate sacerdotii, De adoratione imaginum , De peregrinationibus. G. F. Warner and J. G. Gilson think that the last two may be found in a revised version in another manuscript,12 but the initial words of these works in this manuscript are the same as those listed by Tanner among the works of the Franciscan William Woodford (d. c. 1399),13 and probably belong to Woodford. 4 Cambridge University Library, Ms. Ff. 3. 27, f. 45 ?; Balliol College, Oxford, Ms. 192, f. 2 v. 6 Bodleian Library, Oxford, Ms. Rawl. C. 677; Vatican Library, Codices Reginenses Latini, codex 392, f. 99 v. ß R. A. B. Mynors, Catalogue of the Manuscripts of Balliol College, Oxford (Oxford, 1963), p. 193. 7 Vatican Library, Codices Reginenses Latini, codex 392, f. 99V. 8 Balliol College, Oxford, Ms. 93; Merton College, Oxford, Ms. CI. 13; All Souls College, Oxford, Ms...

The Nature and Efficacy of Preaching according to St. Bernardine of Siena

THE NATURE AND EFFICACY OF PREACHING ACCORDING TO ST. BERNARDINE OF SIENA* The understanding which Bernardine of Siena (1380—1444) had of the important role of preaching in the life of the Church depended in large measure on a late medieval view of history. It is not easy for our minds, stamped with the thought-patterns of the modern era and dominated by the ideal of uninterrupted progress, to sympathize with and understand the late medieval mentality, saturated with and even haunted by the sentiment of the imminent end of the world.1 This feeling was focussed on the imminent advent of the Antichrist nearly everywhere in western Europe by the end of the fourteenth century.2 The all-pervasive anxiety about the Antichrist, so strange to our modern way of thinking, became especially acute during the Great Schism with its continual strife and political turmoil, with famine and pestilence following on the devastation of whole countrysides. Following a line of apocalyptic expectation influenced in large measure by the theories of Joachim of Flora (1202), the late medieval tendency was to identify the Antichrist with a particular historical personage.3 This led to wild speculations regarding his birth and possible whereabouts. * This article, based on the first part of doctoral dissertation "A Theology of Preaching according to St. Bernardine of Siena", is published as a partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Theology at the Alphonsian Institute Of Moral Theology, Lateran University, Rome. Abbreviations used are as follows: Opera for S. Bernardini Senensis Opera Omnia, 9 vols., Quaracchi-Florence, 1950—-1965; Seraphim for 5. Bernardini Senensis Quadragesimale Séraphin nuncupatum, Opera Omnia, Venice, 1591, vol. IV, parts 1—2 ; Sabatelli for La Fonte della Vita. Prediche scelte, ed. by G. Sabatelli, Florence, 1964; Banchi for Le Prediche volgari di S. Bernardino da Siena, dette della Piazza del Campo di Siena, l'anno 142J, 3 vols., Siena, 1880—1888. 1 Cf. M.-D. Chenu, "La fin du monde dans la spiritualité médiévale" in Lumière et Vie 11 (1953), I01—·??-62 E. Delaruelle, "L'Antéchrist chez S. Vincent Ferrer, S. Bernardin de Sienne et autour de Jeanne d'Arc" in L'Attesa dell'età nuova nella spiritualità alla fine del Medioevo (Todi, 1962), 37. 3 Joachim had identified six Antichrists during the history of Christianity : Herod, Nero, Constantius, Mahommed, Masmudi and Saladin, thus giving rise to the expectation of the seventh "qui proprie dicitur Antichristus ." The eight would come at the conclusion of the seventh age. Cf. H. de Lubac, Exégèse Médiévale, II, t. 2, (Paris, 1962), 546. 222LOMAN McAODHA O. F. M. The preachers of the period were not above using this popular anxiety and agation to further their missionary aims. This is evident in the case of St. Vincent Ferrer (f 1419)4 and more particularly in the crusade of his Italian confrère and follower, Manfred of Vercelli, who drew the fire of Bernardine during the latter's missionary tour of Lombardy around 1420.5 What Bernardine objected to most of all was the gross presumption which pretended to know more than God had revealed in Jesus Christ and which could only disillusion those who believed in these predictions.6 Although Bernardine's own ideas on the history of the Church do not figure prominently in either of his two great Lenten courses, De Christiana Religione and De Evangelio Aeterno, they are very much in evidence in the earlier Itinerarium Anni and in certain unfinished sermons which probably date from the same early period of his preaching viz., 1418—1425. 7 Following the traditional division of history into seven periods, Bernardine believed that his own era was placed towards the end of the sixth, and therefore penultimate, period of Church history. He did not profess to know, however, how long this sixth period would last and rejected all speculations about times or dates.8 On the contrary, it was his firm conviction that "grace or the presence of the Holy Spirit was more important for the disciples of Christ than any knowledge of future events."9 The beginning of the last age might be fast approaching but...