Divided Nation Research Articles

Tradition and Modernity in South Korea’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs

ABSTRACTSouth Korea’s diplomatic practice was traditionally marked by a distinct lack of transparency. The early struggle for political legitimacy as one-half of a divided nation and ongoing security threats placed a high premium on secrecy. Even today, diplomatic studies remains an undeveloped field. Despite the establishment of the Korea National Diplomatic Academy (KNDA) and the opening of a Centre for Diplomatic History, the amount of scholarship on the foreign ministry itself and its diplomats remains remarkably low.However, South Korea is a society undergoing momentous societal transformation. What commenced with economic development in the 1980s, and continued with political development in the 1990s evolved into societal development in the 2000s. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) has not been immune to these changes. MOFA is undergoing democratization and becoming more representative of broader South Korean society. It is being called on more often to serve the Korean public and to be more accountable for its actions. Finally, there is growing public recognition of the important role that the foreign ministry plays in securing South Korea’s political, economic, and security interests.This article looks at the underlying conditions which suggest the time is ripe for a practice turn in South Korean international relations, and a turn to diplomatic studies. The article highlights important research questions on the foreign ministry, which could contribute to the broader field of diplomatic studies, and justifySouth Korea as an ideal case study to highlight the benefits of studying states’ foreign services.

‘We control the engine, we control the world’: the geopolitics of gender, nation, and labour in hard-to-place transnational films

ABSTRACTWestern academe conceptualizes neoliberalism as a political theory of capitalism’s expansion into all facets of being, homogenizing neoliberalism’s disparate geopolitical operations on gendered subjects. Transnational film studies attempts an intervention, reclaiming questions of production and authorship alongside consumption and desire, accounting for globalization’s shifting landscape. Some scholars call for critical understandings of ‘transnational’, highlightingpower imbalances in transnational exchanges at sites of production, distribution, and exhibition. Neoliberalism efface gendered, racialized, and nationalized power relations at the site of labour, while arguments in transnational film studies efface geopolitical unevenness in transnational filmmaking and theoretical conceptualizations of the transnational. The industrial circumstances of Slumdog Millionaire and Snowpiercer are ripe for illuminating neoliberalism’s uneven gendered effects on divided subjects and nations. Hard to place within clear national borders textually and industrially, these films share precarious positions on global markets geopolitically. A methodology highlighting geopolitical unevenness across industries relationally is necessary for closely attending to sites of reception and stardom beyond the box office, including sites of production, distribution, and text. Examining spatiotemporal formations in these films and their paratexts troubles neoliberalism’s emphasis on spatial division. Reading these films from multiple sites proves useful for tracing geopolitical entanglements and particularities of neoliberalism’s divergent processes and effects.

1979 and all that: a 40-year reassessment of Margaret Thatcher’s legacy on her own terms

AbstractEconomics are the method: The object is to change the soul (Thatcher, 1981)There is a growing disaffection with mainstream politics in the world’s liberal democracies. In particular, the UK has become an increasingly divided nation; as evidenced by, for example, increasing inequality, an emphasis on individualism, the so-called North/South divide and the polarised debate about the UK’s leaving the European Union. Many leading UK politicians claim their inheritance of the “Thatcher legacy” to legitimate their proposed policies, yet it is not clear what is that legacy. Thatcher’s policies, instituted in the 1980s and broadly pursued by subsequent governments, changed the economic and social outlook of the UK. Criticism of her record is taken to indicate one is a left-wing ideologue. Our contribution in the following is that we judge Thatcher’s policies by no standards other than her own. Utilising a holistic approach, we consider whether neo-liberal policies facilitated or undermined the UK’s achieving Thatcher’s stated moral outcomes: the growth of democratic capitalism and the strengthening of the moral economy. We demonstrate, in contrast to contemporary narratives of her “saving the country”, the neo-liberal economic experiment has failed to deliver, even on Thatcher’s own terms. This analysis has contemporary domestic and global implications as generally Thatcherite policies continue to be applied in the UK and in other nations around the world.

Tourism between politically divided nations: the role of tourist contacts in the transformation of Taiwan-China relations

The article is devoted to the study of the features of the impact of tourism on the interaction of split nations. The focus is on the evolution of mobility regimes between China and Taiwan and their impact on the transformation of bilateral relations. The political processes that preceded the development of tourist contacts in the Taiwan Strait have been highlighted, the influence of tourist interaction on the establishment of peace and political stability in the region as well as the integration of China and Taiwan into a single tourist area have been explored. The main stages of the transformation of the foreign policy component of the tourism policy of China and Taiwan are traced. It is argued that China's tourism policy during the last ten years (2008-2018) has been accompanied by the active use of tourist flows as an instrument of economic, cultural and political integration of Taiwan. This was made possible by establishing direct transport links, visa liberalization, and the possibility of individual tourist trips to Taiwan. Such an activity led to the politicization of economic and tourism cooperation with China in Taiwan society, influenced the electoral process that became implicit in the «Sunflower Movement» in 2014. Freedom of travel for Chinese tourists to Taiwan has become a revolutionary transformation not only in the tourism industry on the island, but also a symbol of the transformation of relations between the two shores of the Taiwan Strait. It is concluded that China's tourism policy to create a spatial mobility regime with Taiwan is oriented towards the use of tourism as a global actor of economic and cultural integration, as well as foreign economic and political pressure.
 Keywords: «divided nations», Taiwan-China relations, tourism, tourism policy.

Recovering Disabled Veterans in Civil War Newspapers: Creating Heroic Disability

ABSTRACTThis article recovers the largely untold story of newspaper coverage of disabled veterans during the American Civil War, through the case of Massachusetts sergeant Thomas Plunkett, who lost both arms in Dec. 1862 at Fredericksburg, Virginia. News clips about him, along with comparative evidence of earlier coverage of people called “armless” or having “lost both arms,” are drawn from 528 relevant articles appearing in the United States between 1830 and 1865, with supplementary information regarding the postbellum years. We argue that Northern newspaper editors’ desire to make Plunkett a symbol of the Union cause led them to create the persona of the Armless Hero, a then-singular construction in the divided nation. In so doing, they forged a new discourse of heroic disability scarcely seen in prior coverage. That new discourse, through its eventual application to similarly disabled veterans, altered newspapers’ representations of disability in the war’s remaining years and afterward.

역사와 기억 : 건국연도와 연호, 그 정치적 함의

The controversy over the national foundation year of the Republic of Korea(ROK), became a political hot potato for over a decade with regards to the “National Foundation Day”, and “government-designated national history textbook”. The controversy seemed to have been resolved when President Moon Jae-in declared that the foundation year of the ROK as “1919” and that “2019 is the 100th anniversary of the national foundation” in 2017. In addition, declaring national foundation in 1919 was evaluated as being patriotic as such action commemorates Kim Koo and the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea.<BR> However, based on this study, Syngman Rhee was the actual founder and a leader of ‘1919 national foundation theory’. This theory is first, a way of recollecting the inheritance of legal tradition for Korea without the participation of Kim Koo and his group. Second, a way of recollecting the ROK as not the divided nation but the only central government of the Korean peninsula. Last but not least, an expression of the desire to be unified by the ROK. Behind the curtain of the founding nation theory of 1919, there also was a selfesteem of Syngman Rhee, the President of the Hansung Provisional Government.<BR> The year 2019 is a historic period that marks the 100th anniversary of the 3·1 movement and an establishment of the provisional government. In addition, the year is a period of transition for the Korean Peninsula to surpass beyond the Division, the War, and the Cold War to more expanded terrains.<BR> In the wider perspective of the entire Korean peninsula, the 3·1 Movement, the establishment of the Provisional Government, and the founding of the ROK are separate issues in different dimensions. It is a monopoly and coercion to commemorate above three events comprehensively as one, which also is incompatible with the historical facts of the time. Now is the period to ponder on how to remember the three events in a wider, open view to communicating with North and South.

The Post-Liberation Resurgence of the Livre d'artiste in France: A Quantitative Analysis

The Post-Liberation Resurgence of the Livre d'artiste in FranceA Quantitative Analysis Rodney T. Swan (bio) This paper establishes that the livre d'artiste experienced a hitherto unrecorded resurgence in France in the decades following the Second World War. The reasons for the resurgence are complex, but its overarching driving force was the postwar creative environment fostered by the French government and the cultural authorities, as they sought to generate national unity from a divided nation and to regain France's past artistic leadership. A loose confederation of artists, writers, and publishers responded to this call and generated an unprecedented outpouring of livres d'artistes in the years following the war. The resurgence was fuelled partly by an outpouring of post-liberation publications by the artists who remained in France during the German occupation, together with works produced by artists who voluntarily exiled themselves from France to escape the occupation but who now returned to a conducive nation. There was also the emergence of a number of livres d'artistes that the publisher Ambroise Vollard had commissioned before the war, but which remained unpublished at the time of his accidental death just days before France declared war on Germany. Another was the significant backlog of livres d'artistes that artist Henri Matisse created during the occupation but published afterwards, to which were added the prodigious postwar output by Pablo Picasso. Added to this was publisher Tériade's continuing development of his handwritten manuscrit moderne, conceived and tested during the occupation, which gathered pace as other artists and publishers joined in after the liberation. This paper highlights the central role of the artistic veterans of the prewar years, who left little room for the emerging younger generation to succeed them. The research for this paper is underpinned by quantitative analyses of key bibliographic data of the livre d'artiste. An important challenge here was the absence of an academically robust and experimentally tested definition [End Page 303] of the livre d'artiste, although much has been written on the topic. This paper describes the methodology adopted to design and validate such a definition, which was then applied to identify the livres d'artistes that were published in France, 1874–1975. A wide range of bibliographic data from the nominated livres d'artistes were recorded in a specially created computerised database which then formed the basis of the quantitative analysis. The specific technique used here is "exploratory data analysis" (EDA), which enables information from the data to be extracted from many different perspectives and removes the need to apply complex statistical models. The data used for EDA is usually compiled as a list or group of numbers which, in the first instance, is transformed into a graphical form for analysis. An examination of the sequence of numbers that was used to compile the graph can assist in the analysis of this graphical output of the data. Thus, displaying data such as the numbers of livres d'artistes published in a year as a histogram or graph along a single axis showing different time periods provides sufficient detail to make reasonable observations and conclusions.1 Some of the preconditions for the resurgence of the livre d'artiste were established just days after the liberation of Paris. On 29 August 1944 General Charles de Gaulle called on all the French people, including their cultural leaders, to join in the battle to restore France's economic, political, and cultural foundations.2 To help rebuild the nation's cultural leadership, French artists, writers, and publishers made considerable efforts to publicise the role and longevity of the illustrated book. In what was a period of heightened book activity, publisher Albert Skira reminded the French of the long legacy of their illustrated books with his landmark Anthologie du Livre Illustré par les Peintres et Sculpteurs de l'École de Paris.3 Henri Matisse endorsed Skira's anthology by contributing a composition, "Comment j'ai fait mes Livres", describing how he created his illustrated books and referring to his wartime livres d'artistes, many of which were yet to be published.4 There was also the monumental five-volume set of Léopold Carteret's Le...

The Calculus of Violence: How Americans Fought the Civil War by Aaron Sheehan-Dean

Reviewed by: The Calculus of Violence: How Americans Fought the Civil War by Aaron Sheehan-Dean Kenneth W. Noe The Calculus of Violence: How Americans Fought the Civil War. Aaron Sheehan-Dean. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2018. ISBN 978-0-674-98422-6. 480 pp., cloth, $35.00. Historiographically at least, the Civil War seems to grow bloodier every year. Recent explorations of soldier and civilian deaths have pushed the war's combined butcher bill upward toward perhaps a million lives lost, in a divided nation of about 31 million people. Yet as bad as it was, it could have been much worse. As Aaron Sheehan-Dean points out in his introduction to The Calculus of Violence, more than 20 million people died in China's roughly contemporary civil war. In Mexico's long Caste War of the Yucatan, 35 percent of the population lost their lives. The American Civil War was somehow simultaneously catastrophic and more controlled. Explaining that apparent paradox is at the heart of Sheehan-Dean's project. Acknowledging the war's shocking lethality, Sheehan-Dean maintains that nineteenth-century American moral culture, military tradition, and wartime ideology nonetheless combined to limit the killing from spiraling even further out of control. The Lincoln administration fought the war on the foundational belief that Confederates were still countrymen, an assertion that demanded some circumspection. For their part, the Confederates were eager to look like a modern nation-state. Millions of soldiers thus enlisted in conventional armies with clear chains of command and accountability. They fought battles according to long-recognized rules and rituals that permitted surrender and that largely prevented the killing of civilians and prisoners. Threats of equal retaliation, Sheehan-Dean agrees, often worked to deescalate flashpoints. Confronted with ugly incidents, generals wrote each other letters and debated the fine points of law. Meanwhile, the fighting produced new debates among the two governments that led to thoughtful if sometimes ineffective augmentations of the rules of war. Often political leaders refused to go as far as their power allowed. Occupation produced violence but not the show trials and mass killings that appeared elsewhere. [End Page 405] Rules mattered, even in the breach. Most important of all, Sheehan-Dean concludes, enslaved African Americans deliberately chose to eschew revenge killings on their way to freedom. A different response might well have produced the racial bloodbath whites on both sides feared. Yet despite those parameters, the war was bloody enough. Rejecting the widely accepted notion of a war that proceeded steadily from a "soft" phase in 1861 to "hard war" or "total war" at its end, Sheehan-Dean posits waxing and waning waves of violence and restraint at national, regional, and local levels. Much of the staggering casualty total had to do with numbers and the nature of mid-nineteenth century firepower and tactics, but other cultural forces were at play as well, threatening to knock over the barricades. The mid-nineteenth century was a period of growing jingoism around the world, and the people of the divided United States were not immune to casting themselves as noble victims of oppression and anarchy. Even previously pacifist abolitionists embraced the sword, and everyone justified their sides' actions while condemning the enemy. The Confederacy's fateful decision to support irregular warfare unleashed wave after wave of poorly regulated brutality, often directed at civilians. The Union high command responded with an equally lethal counterinsurgency that created a tragic crossfire. Both sides concluded that the established laws of war allowed them to take hostages, imprison civilians, mistreat prisoners of war, depopulate entire regions, execute guerrillas, and seek to limit greater violence through tit-for-tat killing. Emancipation meanwhile led to murderous white-on-black attacks, especially when Confederate troops encountered African American soldiers in the heat of battle. Threats of retribution from Washington lessened but could not prevent racial atrocities. Both sides embraced mayhem at times, but Sheehan-Dean concludes that Confederate racism engendered more abandon. Sheehan-Dean's learned and measured narrative is grounded in deep research and a thorough understanding of the international and intellectual context. It successfully complicates the familiar linearity of the war's apparent descent into violence. By placing guerrilla...

ТУРИЗМ І МИР В ПОЛІТИЧНО РОЗКОЛОТИХ НАЦІЯХ: КЕЙС-СТАДІ

The article is devoted to the study of the role and place of tourism in the interaction and reconciliation of divided nations. The focus is on individual cases of Western and Eastern Germany, North and South Korea, the Taiwan-China conflict. Such a research approach enables to take into account international-political features of a particular conflict situation and to figure out general patterns of the influence of tourist contacts on the process of reconciliation. The work reveals the evolution of mobility regimesbetween the conflicting parties and their influence on the transformation of bilateral relations. The political processes that preceded the development of tourist contacts between the two Germanies, on the Korean peninsula and in the Taiwan Strait were highlighted. The influence of tourist interaction on the establishment of peace and political stability in the respective regions, the integration of divided nations into a single tourist-communicative and economic space have been explored. It is argued thatinformal tourist contactsplay at constructive role in reducing tension, establishing trust and creating the environment for future political relations. It is emphasized that tourism cannot be an alternative to traditional diplomacy, the means of preventing direct violence or conflicts, however, it plays a significant role in eliminating "structural violence" – main cultural, social and economic differences that take place in conditions of protracted conflicts and political isolation of the parties. Reducing conflict occurs as the sustainability and openness of tourism between conflicting parties increase. The article states that the current state of rivalry between Washington and Beijing in Northeast Asia complicates the process of reconciliation and reunification of divided nations, but does not reject it. Existing opportunities for expanding mobility regimes between North and South Korea, China and Taiwan open up significant prospects for this. It has been concluded that the transnational character of modern international relations makes it possible to actively use tourism as a neoliberal policy of socio-economic as well as cultural integration and foreign policy impact.

A divided nation? Ethnicity, name-calling and nicknames in cyber Ndebele soccer discourse in Zimbabwe

ABSTRACTIn Zimbabwe, ethnicity has long informed the ways people make sense of their membership to the nation. Sport has since the turn of the century emerged as one of the major sites for the performance of ‘patriotic’ and subversive notions of ‘unity in diversity’. This article explores the significance of nicknaming and name-calling by Highlanders Football Club fans on virtual spaces, in illuminating the ethnic threat to dominant conceptions of nation in post-2000 Zimbabwe. The study argues that as psycho-social and cultural constructs, football team nicknames reveal deeper states of ethnic attitudes which indicate the politics of complex ethnic sentiments that destabilise popular notions of belonging to a nation.

Black Wax(ing): On Gil Scott-Heron and the Walking Interlude

Black Wax(ing): On Gil Scott-Heron and the Walking Interlude

Khoisan Identity: A Contribution towards Reconciliation in Post-Apartheid South Africa

This article seeks to explore the identity of the Khoisan as symbolic for reconciliation in South Africa. What contributions can the narrative of a marginalised people such as the Khoisan make to reconciling a divided nation such as South Africa? The Khoisan have been victims of continuous dispossession since the arrival of Bartholomew Diaz at the Cape in 1488. However, it was the taking of land in 1657 from the Khoisan for the free burgers that marked a significant period for the current discourse on land and for identity and reconciliation within post-apartheid South Africa. Notwithstanding the attempts by the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) to use narratives for healing, restoration, and continuing engagement with the meta-narratives of the past, my own use of narrative is open-ended with space for dialogue through interaction. The past or history does not have fixed boundaries, but rather blurred boundaries that function as spaces of transcendence. The narrative approach has four interactionist variables which are personhood, communication, power as reflected experience, and fluid community. I point out weaknesses of the use of narrative by the TRC as well as the interaction between experience and theory by practical theologians to construct an open-ended narrative of the Khoisan for reconciliation in South Africa. Â

Tribalism: Thorny issue towards reconciliation in South Africa – A practical theological appraisal

The apartheid regime used various strategies to ensure that South Africans formed a divided nation. It was through the differences between ethnic groups and tribes, among other things, that the government of the time managed to manipulate and entrench hatred and a lack of trust among most black South Africans. Tribalism, which existed even before apartheid, became instrumental in inflicting those divisions as perpetuated by the formation of homelands. The various ethnic groups had been turned against one other, and it had become a norm. Nepotism, which is part and parcel of the South African government, is just an extension of tribalism. It is the objective of this article to uncover how tribalism is still rearing its ugly head. From a practical theological perspective, it is important to deal with tribalism as a tool that plays a part in delaying tribal reconciliation, which was orchestrated by apartheid policies in South Africa.

A divided nation: Rethinking and rescaling land tenure in the Korean (re-)unification

In the Korean (re-)unification discourse, limited attention is given to how the highly different systems of land tenure can be unified in a comprehensive land governance framework. Possible reasons include the uncertainty of (re-)unification itself, high sensitivity of the land issue as a territorial matter and limited access to North Korean data about land tenure. Moreover, there are insufficient theoretical foundations regarding the role and the significance of land tenure in the (re-)unification process. This paper identifies what (re-)unification is and describes how, where and when land tenure could be significant in a (re-)unification process. These questions are addressed using the Context-Intervention-Mechanisms-Outcomes-Constraints (CIMOC) framework. This systematic approach takes both the time sequence and a number of aspects based on patterns found in literature into account in order to identify and define what (re-)unification is and how it aligns, adapts or merges to land tenure relations. We find that during transformation processes, discussions on land tenure have both an instrumental and reforming function and land tenure resolution facilitate the peace-building in integration processes. In addition, land tenure institutions play significant role in a territorial development process. The key findings of the research synthesis rationalize the significance of land tenure in (re-)unification process. Amalgamation of (re-)unification and land tenure discourses derive intricate relationships to address the multi-dimensional problems in the Korean peninsula. Yet, the discussion of both concepts have so far focused on monolytical and pragmatic problem-solving rather than the start of a more fundamental discussion: how to re-shape land governance institutions. This study can be a starting point for policy-makers to discuss and comprehend an unsolved quandary of the Korean peninsula.

The Dead March: A History of the Mexican-American War by Peter Guardino

Reviewed by: The Dead March: A History of the Mexican-American War by Peter Guardino Maria Angela Diaz (bio) The Dead March: A History of the Mexican-American War. By Peter Guardino. ( Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2017. Pp. 512. Cloth, $39.95.) Like other historians who tackle the subject of the Mexican War, Peter Guardino begins his work by noting that both the United States and Mexico have a historical blind spot when it comes to the war. The Dead March is a masterful telling of the Mexican-American War that blends together the stories of the United States and Mexico as they went to war from 1846 to 1848. It provides a cultural and social history of the war that focuses primarily on what Guardino refers to as the "experiences and motivations of Mexicans and Americans of relatively modest social status, the men and women who did the hardest work and faced the greatest risks not only in Mexican and American armies but also in Mexican and American societies" (4). The Dead March is an example of the "new military history" that incorporates elements of cultural and social history to add context to the experience of war. Through the experiences of men and women in Mexico and the United States, the book takes aim at the reasons behind the outcome of the war, addressing the question of why one side lost and one side won. Guardino sets out to address the theory that Mexico lost the war because it was not as strong of a nation and had less of a sense of itself as a nation than the United States. He focuses on the United States and Mexico not as many nationalist boosters wanted to see them, but "as they were" in the nineteenth century (7). Guardino notes that even historians often fall into the [End Page 526] habit of comparison when it comes to the two countries during this period. Such comparisons often imply one's fitness as a nation and the other's lack of nationalism. The reality, according to Guardino, is that the United States was not nearly as cohesive a nation as its proponents made it out to be, a truth that would become evident once it experienced the Civil War. Mexico was a heavily divided nation, but still Mexicans possessed a national identity before the war that helped them sustain their fight. Mexicans at all levels of society invested time and energy into fighting the war. Guardino notes that President James K. Polk and his supporters hoped for a short war, yet the national fealty of Mexicans sustained the army and the war for two long years. Their interpretation of the nation was based on much more local concerns, such as protecting their homes, families, and the Catholic religion. For Guardino, the reason that Mexico lost the war was its lack of resources, which is a much more plausible argument than one emphasizing a lack of nationalism. The American economy in the 1840s was far larger than that of Mexico, and the U.S. government was propped up by the enormous resources at its disposal as a result of the market revolution that began decades before the war. Mexicans' national commitment to the war, however, consistently thwarted Americans' preconceived notions of them and their own ability to bring the war to a swift and tidy end. Their notions were grounded in ideas about gender, race, and religion. This conception of American racism toward Mexicans has been discussed in other works considering U.S. Mexican relations, yet Guardino complicates them by noting that Mexicans responded to accusations of effeminate men, criminality, and Catholicism. Mexicans articulated counterarguments that denounced American religious diversity, immigrant populations, and territorial greed. The Dead March follows several other studies of the Mexican-American War, such as Amy Greenberg's A Wicked War: Polk, Clay, Lincoln, and the 1846 U.S. Invasion of Mexico (2012) and Brian DeLay's War of a Thousand Deserts: Indian Raids and the U.S.-Mexican War (2008). These studies address specific aspects of the Mexican-American War and are primarily focused on the United States or Southwest Borderlands. Guardino draws on these studies and...

Going beyond the term ‘ally’ to contribute to a culture of change

SAN FRANCISCO — According to a 2016 report released by the Federal Bureau of Investigation, hate crimes are on the rise, and more hate crimes were perpetrated in 2016 than in any recent year, with the exception of 2002, directly following the 9/11 attacks. In the wake of a more divided nation, David Leonard, professor of critical culture, gender, and race studies at Washington State University, in collaboration with Project Kaleidoscope, shared strategies to facilitate conversations about race and integrate action. They could help you move from paying lip service to diversity to making your campus a home for your diverse student body.

Economic Building and Peace Settlement through North and South Korea CEPA

Divided nations, Germany and China have shown very adequate cases on intra-trade between two parties. However, the two Koreas are still division status and inter-Korea trade is completely stopped since 2016. North and South Korea have been agreed by various statements and declaration through two summit meeting between the two Koreas but it became just written and verbal agreement. In this respect, this paper is suggesting on North and South Korea CEPA. Division countries have been got benefit like zero or lower tariff system under intra-trade system, but it is getting the disputable condition because zero and lower tariff applied under agreement of free trade agreement. So, Germany had been received from GATT and surrounding nations on their intra-Germany trade and China has been agreed with Taiwan, Hong Kong and Macau under FTA regulation. So, these divided nations could get stable intra-trade condition and recognition from international organizations. So, both Koreas also need to change their preexisting intra-Korea trade system. Through this CEPA, North and South Korea need to follow to international and FTA rule. Lastly, North and South Korea need to make economic integration through CEPA.

Online Deliberation in the Wake of the Colombian Peace Process

This paper reports the design and implementation of an online platform aimed at depolarizing Colombian citizens in the wake of the 2016 peace agreement. The platform, called Atrevete (‘dare to try’), based on deliberative democracy, was created to allow citizens to discuss issues in groups. It exploits Colombia’s high online connectivity to provide a safe, anonymous environment for expressing opinions related to the government and the guerrillas. The need for virtual platforms is particularly pressing, since the peace process continues to divide Colombians. While Colombians have historically supported negotiations with the guerrillas over military solutions, the people still voted against the October 2016 peace referendum by a narrow margin. Preliminary findings suggest that Atrevete could aid bridge building among citizens and the project could be replicated in other divided nations.

Anticommunism in Korea and Germany in times of cold War

Besides several themes related to burning issues on the surface of the current discourses in South Korea, this special issue of the AJGES pays attention to the fundamental problems, which are essential to understand the unique character of South Korean society as a divided nation. The in-depth analysis of some fundamental mechanisms is indispensable to develop a long-term strategy dealing with the roots of various problems. A comparison with the history of Germany as a formerly divided country is deemed helpful in order to see the problems from different perspectives and broaden the horizon. The contributions of this Thematic Series were first published in Korean by Dolgebae, Paju in 2015.Neben vielen anderen brennenden Problemen an der Oberfläche derzeitiger Debatten in Südkorea, widmet sich der Schwerpunkt dieser Ausgabe der AJGES einemgrundlegenden Problem, i.e. der einzigartige Charakter der südkoreanischen Gesellschaft als einer geteilten Nation. Die Tiefenanalyse einiger der Mechanismen ist Voraussetzung, um eine langfristige Strategie zur Überwindung der Ursachen der verschiedenen Probleme zu entwickeln. Dabei ist der Vergleich mit einer früher geteilten Nation wie Deutschland zweifelsohne hilfreich, um die Probleme aus einer anderen Perspektive zu sehen und den Horizont zu erweitern. Die Beiträge in dieser thematischen Sektion wurden zuerst auf koreanisch vom Verlag Dolgebae 2015 veröffentlicht.

ОСОБЕННОСТИ БОРЬБЫ С ТЕРРОРИЗМОМ В ТУРЕЦКОЙ РЕСПУБЛИКЕ НА СОВРЕМЕННОМ ЭТАПЕ

The subject of this study concentrates on the problematic of confronting modern Turkey with a terrorist threat. The nature of the subversive activities of combat groups in Turkey, the factors influ-encing the external environment and the internal political orientation, which have an impact on the counter-terrorism struggle in various regions of the Republic of Turkey, are considered in detail. In this work the author also touches upon the problem of transformation of the national protest counterculture in the context of the political course of the Justice and Development Party. The purpose of this study is to analyze the mechanisms and measures used by the entire institu-tional complex of the governmental bodies of the Turkish state at the present stage, whose functional, directly or indirectly, is focused around the task of combating terrorist threat. The use of institutional and system approaches promoted the achievement of the stated goal of the study and the successful resolution of the tasks assigned. As research methods, general and applied po-litical science principles were used, including content analysis of documents and synthesis of extracted information. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of the range of measures and mechanisms used by the Turkish authorities to combat the terrorist and extremist element. A separate contribution to the development of the problems is presented by the structure of the profile law enforcement agencies responsible for the implementation of state tasks in this area and the classification of their functional responsibilities. This aspect of the research forms the basis for further development of the subject, for example, writing a comparative analysis of the work of Russian, American, European and Turkish approaches (at the institutional level) in the context of counter-terrorism activities. In addition, the focus of the study is the problem of using the mobilization of the Turkish population against the backdrop of combating the terrorist threat of the R.T. Erdogan regime to achieve their own narrowly focused interests, which can not always be called completely identical with the national ones. For example, the misuse of the “divided nation” factor (provoked by a false discourse about the associa-tion of a terrorist threat with the Kurdish problem in Turkey) as a mechanism for influencing the elec-torate in some election campaigns.